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BACKBENCHERS So in Election Here’S to You, Mr
Twitter matters American political satirist Stephen Colbert, host of his and even more SPEAKER smash show The Colbert Report, BACKBENCHERS so in Election Here’s to you, Mr. Milliken. poked fun at Canadian House Speaker Peter politics last week. p. 2 Former NDP MP Wendy Lill Campaign 2011. p. 2 Milliken left the House of is the writer behind CBC Commons with a little Radio’s Backbenchers. more dignity. p. 8 COLBERT Heard on the Hill p. 2 TWITTER TWENTY-SECOND YEAR, NO. 1082 CANADA’S POLITICS AND GOVERNMENT NEWSWEEKLY MONDAY, APRIL 4, 2011 $4.00 Tories running ELECTION CAMPAIGN 2011 Lobbyists ‘pissed’ leaner war room, Prime Minister Stephen Harper on the hustings they can’t work on focused on election campaign, winning majority This campaign’s say it’s against their This election campaign’s war room Charter rights has 75 to 90 staffers, with the vast majority handling logistics of about one man Lobbying Commissioner Karen the Prime Minister’s tour. Shepherd tells lobbyists that working on a political By KRISTEN SHANE and how he’s run campaign advances private The Conservatives are running interests of public office holder. a leaner war room and a national campaign made up mostly of cam- the government By BEA VONGDOUANGCHANH paign veterans, some in new roles, whose goal is to persuade Canadi- Lobbyists are “frustrated” they ans to re-elect a “solid, stable Con- can’t work on the federal elec- servative government” to continue It’s a Harperendum, a tion campaign but vow to speak Canada’s economic recovery or risk out against a regulation that they a coalition government headed by national verdict on this think could be an unconstitutional Liberal Leader Michael Ignatieff. -
BANC Issue35 1..104
First Session Première session de la Forty-first Parliament, 2011-12-13 quarante et unième législature, 2011-2012-2013 Proceedings of the Standing Délibérations du Comité Senate Committee on sénatorial permanent des Banking, Trade and Banques et Commerce du commerce Chair: Président : The Honourable IRVING GERSTEIN L'honorable IRVING GERSTEIN Wednesday, May 29, 2013 Le mercredi 29 mai 2013 Thursday, May 30, 2013 Le jeudi 30 mai 2013 Issue No. 35 Fascicule no 35 Third and fourth meetings on: Troisième et quatrième réunions concernant : Bill C-377, An Act to amend Le projet de loi C-377, Loi modifiant la the Income Tax Act Loi de l'impôt sur le revenu (requirements for labour organizations) (exigences applicables aux organisations ouvrières) WITNESSES: TÉMOINS : (See back cover) (Voir à l'endos) 50179-50186 STANDING SENATE COMMITTEE ON COMITÉ SÉNATORIAL PERMANENT DES BANKING, TRADE AND COMMERCE BANQUES ET DU COMMERCE The Honourable Irving Gerstein, Chair Président : L'honorable Irving Gerstein The Honourable Céline Hervieux-Payette, P.C., Deputy Chair Vice-présidente : L'honorable Céline Hervieux-Payette, C.P. and et The Honourable Senators: Les honorables sénateurs : Black Maltais Black Maltais Campbell Massicotte Campbell Massicotte * Cowan Moore * Cowan Moore (or Tardif) Oliver (ou Tardif) Oliver Greene Ringuette Greene Ringuette * LeBreton, P.C. Segal * LeBreton, C.P. Segal (or Carignan) Tkachuk (ou Carignan) Tkachuk * Ex officio members * Membres d'office (Quorum 4) (Quorum 4) Changes in membership of the committee: Modifications de la composition du comité : Pursuant to rule 12-5, membership of the committee was Conformément à l'article 12-5 du Règlement, la liste des membres amended as follows: du comité est modifiée, ainsi qu'il suit : The Honourable Senator Segal replaced the Honourable Senator L'honorable sénateur Segal a remplacé l'honorable sénatrice Nancy Ruth (May 30, 2013). -
Pink Crude Tar Sands Supporters Criticized for Using Gay Rights to Mask Environmental Disaster
Pink Crude: Tar sands supporters criticized for using gay rights to mask... http://www.dominionpaper.ca/articles/4205 ISSUE: 79 SECTION: Canadian News GEOGRAPHY: Canada TOPICS: ethical oil , pink-washing , tar sands OCTOBER 21, 2011 Pink Crude Tar sands supporters criticized for using gay rights to mask environmental disaster by JESSE GRASS The Dominion - http://www.dominionpaper.ca MONTREAL—As the negative environmental and health impacts of the Alberta tar sands grow, defenders of the huge oil extraction project continue to try to green-wash the endeavour by leaning on arguments that make it appear more environmentally friendly than it truly is. Recently, industry backers have added "pink-washing"—brandishing queer rights to promote Alberta's oil as an ethical choice. This past September, former Conservative government aide Alykhan Velshi launched a media blitz to build on right-wing pundit Ezra Levant's push to re-brand the tar sands as “Ethical Oil.” The centrepiece of Velshi's campaign is a series of seven ads, presenting two images each: on the left, a frightening scene from PHOTO: KERRI FLANNIGAN a state in which conflict oil is produced; on the right, a polished image of a happy white DEL.ICIO SHARE Canadian worker or pristine landscape. "While working in Afghanistan I have “[Canadians] have a choice to rarely seen any reports in the mainstream make: Ethical Oil from press that truly reflect the situation here. Canada...and other liberal For journalists keen on spreading the truth, democracies, or Conflict Oil from newspapers like the Dominion are politically oppressive...regimes,” essential. They give us hope." --Chris Sands, explains Velshi in a blog entry on freelance journalist living in Afghanistan The Huffington Post. -
2013 FC 1283 Ottawa, Ontario, December 23, 2013 PRESENT
Date: 20131223 Docket: T-447-09 Citation: 2013 FC 1283 Ottawa, Ontario, December 23, 2013 PRESENT: The Honourable Mr. Justice Zinn BETWEEN: 2013 FC 1283 (CanLII) CANADIAN ARAB FEDERATION (CAF) Applicant and THE MINISTER OF CITIZENSHIP AND IMMIGRATION Respondent REASONS FOR JUDGMENT AND JUDGMENT [1] This is an application for judicial review by the Canadian Arab Federation [CAF] of a decision by The Minister of Citizenship and Immigration, then Jason Kenney [the Minister], not to enter into a funding agreement under the Language Instruction for Newcomers to Canada [LINC] program for the year 2009-2010. This decision was made by the Minister despite the fact that Citizenship and Immigration Canada [CIC] had previously entered into similar funding arrangements with CAF for many years; the most recent of which expired March 30, 2009, just days after the decision under review was made. Page: 2 [2] The reasons for the Minister’s decision are set out in a letter to CAF dated March 18, 2009, from the Associate Assistant Deputy Minister of CIC to Khaled Mouammar, President of CAF at that time: As you are also aware, serious concerns have arisen with respect to certain public statements that have been made by yourself or other officials of the CAF. These statements have included the promotion of hatred, anti-semitism [sic] and support for the banned terrorist organizations Hamas and Hezbollah. 2013 FC 1283 (CanLII) The objectionable nature of these public statements – in that they appear to reflect the CAF’s evident support for terrorist organizations and positions on its part which are arguably anti-Semitic – raises serious questions about the integrity of your organization and has undermined the Government’s confidence in the CAF as an appropriate partner for the delivery of settlement services to newcomers. -
SFU Thesis Template Files
The Right to Authentic Political Communication by Ann Elizabeth Rees M.A., Simon Fraser University, 2005 B.A., Simon Fraser University, 1980 Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the School of Communication Faculty of Arts and Social Science Ann Elizabeth Rees 2016 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Spring 2016 Approval Name: Ann Elizabeth Rees Degree: Doctor of Philosophy Title: The Right to Authentic Political Communication Examining Committee: Chair: Katherine Reilly, Assistant Professor Peter Anderson Senior Supervisor Associate Professor Catherine Murray Supervisor Professor Alison Beale Supervisor Professor Andrew Heard Internal Examiner Associate Professor Political Science Department Paul Thomas External Examiner Professor Emeritus Department of Political Studies University of Manitoba Date Defended/Approved: January 22, 2016 ii Abstract Increasingly, governments communicate strategically with the public for political advantage, seeking as Christopher Hood describes it to “avoid blame” and “claim credit” for the actions and decisions of governance. In particular, Strategic Political Communication (SPC) is becoming the dominant form of political communication between Canada’s executive branch of government and the public, both during elections and as part of a “permanent campaign” to gain and maintain public support as means to political power. This dissertation argues that SPC techniques interfere with the public’s ability to know how they are governed, and therefore undermines the central right of citizens in a democracy to legitimate elected representation by scrutinizing government and holding it to account. Realization of that right depends on an authentic political communication process that provides citizens with an understanding of government. By seeking to hide or downplay blameworthy actions, SPC undermines the legitimation role public discourse plays in a democracy. -
The Case Against National Security Courts
WLR45-3_VLADECK_EIC_FINAL_SAC_3_20_09 3/31/2009 5:14:21 PM THE CASE AGAINST NATIONAL SECURITY COURTS STEPHEN I. VLADECK∗ I. INTRODUCTION Calls for a special judicial forum to resolve questions arising out of the detention and incapacitation of suspected terrorists are nothing new. Even before the attacks of September 11, 2001, suggestions within the United States that certain terrorism-related legal questions should be resolved before hybrid tribunals operating under different rules had received a fair amount of attention. Thus, in 1996, for example, Congress created the specialized Alien Terrorist Removal Court (ATRC) to process—behind closed doors—the deportation of non-citizens suspected of involvement in international terrorism.1 Indeed, the Supreme Court itself had hinted that the relevant constitutional considerations might vary where terrorism was concerned. In its last decision before September 11, the Court held that the potentially indefinite detention of a non-citizen pending deportation violated the Due Process Clause, but was equally clear that its decision did not “consider terrorism or other special circumstances where special arguments might be made for forms of preventive detention and for heightened deference to the judgments of 2 the political branches with respect to matters of national security.” * Associate Professor, American University Washington College of Law. This paper was prepared for (and presented at) the Willamette University College of Law’s 125th Anniversary Symposium on “Presidential Power in the 21st Century,” for my participation in which I owe thanks to Norman Williams. Thanks also to Sara Cassidey, Lee Ann Donaldson, Dorothy Ryan, and the staff of the Willamette Law Review for their editorial guidance and their patience, and to Maureen Roach for invaluable research assistance. -
The Utility of Predicting Dangerousness in the War on Terror
LAWSON EIC4 MACRO - TO PO(DO NOT DELETE) 5/21/2012 8:56 PM THE UTILITY OF PREDICTING DANGEROUSNESS IN THE WAR ON TERROR CATHERINE R. L. LAWSON* INTRODUCTION In the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 attacks, questions surrounding the use of power in many contexts confronted the United States in the new context of a War on Terror. These fresh inquiries centered primarily on the definitions and distinctions between “war” and armed conflict, the treatment of prisoners captured in the course of hostilities abroad, and the murky outer limits of executive authority in this new historical context. Nowhere did these pressing questions emerge more explicitly than in the cases brought by detainees held in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. The line of habeas corpus cases emerging from Guantanamo has trended towards a gradual expansion of the habeas doctrine, a doctrine still not fully developed in its application to non-state actors suspected or convicted of terrorism. From Rasul to Boumediene, the Supreme Court has progressively clarified that the writ of habeas does indeed apply to certain foreign individuals in some international contexts.1 However, as the preceding qualifying language suggests, the way in which the writ manifests on behalf of those individuals remains a murkier question. Since Boumediene, the United States Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit has been the principal court to address this question, as the circuit charged with maintaining jurisdiction over the Guantanamo habeas appeals. In its attempts to formulate an appropriate habeas process that both respects the government’s interests in both security and secrecy while also * Duke University School of Law, J.D. -
Solidarity and the Silencing of Palestinian Narratives I I
1'"' Outside the Mi.ilticultural: Solidarity and the Silencing of Palestinian Narratives I I RAFEEF ZIADAH ·I A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO : THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL°FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY GRADUATE PROGRAM IN POLITICAL SCIENCE YORK UNIVERSITY TORONTO, ONTARIO October, 2013 © Rafeef Ziadah, 2013 Abstract This dissertation examines a series of efforts by the Canadian state to silence and censor the Palestine Solidarity Movement (PSM), particularly activism engaged in the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions campaign, in the years following the second Palestinian uprising (Intifada) of 2000. Following a delineation of the broad contours of Canada's official multicultural policy, the dissertation seeks to interrogate multicultural policy's inability to·accommodate Palestinian narratives relating to the struggle for Palestinian self-det~rmination. The analysis explores the central contradiction between the multicultural st*e's self-construction as accommodating and even celebrating cultural difference, and Canada's adoption and deployment of the discourse of clash of civilizations and the War on Terror. Rooted in a critique of liberal theories of the state and an understanding of Canada as a racial state embedded in neoliberal global hierarchies as a second tier imperialist state, this study reveals the ways in which notions of "tolerance" may be used to establish boundaries and markers of belonging. Moments of erasure and silencing are analyzed as racializing moments, whereby the state reveals its class and racial character in both domestic and international spheres. Specifically, the manifestations of anti-Arab, anti Muslim racism in Canada are interrogated. The silencing campaign against the Palestine Solidarity Movement demonstrates the role official multicultural policy has played in obfuscating this racism. -
“Why Am I Still Here?”
“Why Am I Still Here?” The 2007 Horn of Africa Renditions and the Fate of Those Still Missing Copyright © 2008 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-380-3 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor New York, NY 10118-3299 USA Tel: +1 212 290 4700, Fax: +1 212 736 1300 [email protected] Poststraße 4-5 10178 Berlin, Germany Tel: +49 30 2593 06-10, Fax: +49 30 2593 0629 [email protected] Avenue des Gaulois, 7 1040 Brussels, Belgium Tel: + 32 (2) 732 2009, Fax: + 32 (2) 732 0471 [email protected] 64-66 Rue de Lausanne 1202 Geneva, Switzerland Tel: +41 22 738 0481, Fax: +41 22 738 1791 [email protected] 2-12 Pentonville Road, 2nd Floor London N1 9HF, UK Tel: +44 20 7713 1995, Fax: +44 20 7713 1800 [email protected] 27 Rue de Lisbonne 75008 Paris, France Tel: +33 (1)43 59 55 35, Fax: +33 (1) 43 59 55 22 [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 500 Washington, DC 20009 USA Tel: +1 202 612 4321, Fax: +1 202 612 4333 [email protected] Web Site Address: http://www.hrw.org October 2008 1-56432-380-3 “Why Am I Still Here?” The 2007 Horn of Africa Renditions and the Fate of Those Still Missing Map of Ethiopia, Kenya, and Somalia.................................................................................. 1 Summary ...........................................................................................................................2 Recommendations..............................................................................................................6 To -
Archived .Pdf
Yves Côté Commissioner of Canada Elections c/o Elections Canada 30 Victoria Street Gatineau, Quebec K1A 0M6 RE: Questions about the relationship between Ethical Oil and the Conservative Party of Canada that we believe merit investigation April 7, 2014 Dear M. Côté, I am writing with regards to the activities of the Ethical Oil Institute (Ethical Oil) and the Conservative Party of Canada (Conservative Party). A. Summary of questions we believe merit investigation Ethical Oil states on its website that it receives donations from businesses, and possibly also donations in excess of $1,200 annually from individuals. Given the many ties between Ethical Oil and the Conservative Party, I believe that this situation raises questions that merit investigation to determine if Ethical Oil is colluding with the Conservative Party to violate the measures in the Canada Elections Act (S.C. 2000, c. 9 -- CEA) that prohibit donations to federal political parties from businesses, and possibly also violating the measure in the CEA that prohibits donations to parties in excess of $1,200 annually from individuals. B. Evidence that Ethical Oil Institute receives donations from businesses The Ethical Oil Institute does not publicly disclose its funding sources, but its website states that it does “accept donations from Canadian individuals and companies, including those working to produce Ethical Oil.” This indicates clearly that the organization receives corporate contributions. C. Evidence of ties between Ethical Oil and the Conservative Party There is compelling evidence of a direct relationship and a coordinated communications strategy between the Ethical Oil Institute and the CPC, including mirrored messaging from the Ethical Oil Institute and Conservative Cabinet Ministers, and crossover between the Ethical Oil Institute staff and Ministerial staff. -
The Use and Abuse of Anti-Terrorism Law, the Case of Ethiopia
European Scientific Journal May 2017 edition Vol.13, No.13 ISSN: 1857 – 7881 (Print) e - ISSN 1857- 7431 The Terrorism of ‘Counterterrorism’: The Use and Abuse of Anti-Terrorism Law, the Case of Ethiopia Zelalem Kibret, (LL.B, LL.M) Scholar-in-Residence at the Center for Human Rights and Global Justice, New York University, School of Law doi: 10.19044/esj.2017.v13n13p504 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2017.v13n13p504 Abstract Since its enactment on July 2009, Ethiopia’s anti-terrorism proclamation is at the very center of almost every political discourse in the nation. Many dissidents fall into its trap and by day its effect is becoming more far-reaching and resonating. The widely written provisions of the law make it susceptible to misapplication and prone to abuse. Whilst the state is staunchly firing back to the detractors of the law and its mis(application) alike, however, simultaneously it doubled down utilizing it, by every new day. This paper, after examining one hundred twenty three terrorism charges pressed against nearly one thousand individuals―in a sixty-six months period of time―concludes that: Ethiopia’s anti-terrorism law is a colossal failure for counterterrorism, which only exemplifies how not to counter terrorism. Keywords: Anti-terrorism law, Counterterrorism, Dissidents, Ethiopia, Terrorism, War on terror Introduction ‘Terrorism’ and ‘the global war on terror’, alias Overseas Contingency Operations—defined and crafted the zeitgeist of the first two decades of the 21st century. Terrorism is becoming a must-have ingredient of foreign policy, criminal justice administrations, and daily news stories— around the globe. -
Free-Makhtal Working Coalition Town Hall Meeting Contact Information
Free-Makhtal Working coalition Town Hall Meeting FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE: Contact information Said Maktal [email protected] Edmonton, AB (May 10, 2009) Free Makhtal-Working Coalition, a coalition of citizens, Human right, Civic Organization and residents of Canada, holding a town hall meeting to raise awareness about the plight of Bashir Makhtal, a Canadian Citizen who has been held in an Ethiopian prison for almost three years. Under the guise of the war on terror, Mr. Bashir Makhtal of Toronto, was illegally detained by the Kenyan Government in 2006 and without any court proceeding, was transferred to a military prison in Ethiopia. Much of that time, Mr. Makhtal has not had access to legal representation nor have the charges against him ever been placed in front of a judge until early 2009. Canadian citizens and government must come to the aid of their fellow Canadian. As Honourable Minister John Baird has noted, "the government of Prime Minister Stephen Harper has been very involved in Bashir's case. Three consecutive Foreign Ministers, Peter Mackay, David Emerson, and Lawrence Cannon, have pressured Ethiopian officials on this matter", however unfortunately, Bashir is still behind bars, and the Ethiopian governments process is dragging on It is evident that the Canadian government needs to exert more pressure and find new avenues to help bring Bashir home. This type of extraordinary renditions where any country can imprison anyone at anytime with out any legal protection is against the laws and conventions of the international community. During his imprisonment in Ethiopia, Mr. Makthal has informed us that he was repeatedly subjected to torture and cruel treatment from Ethiopian security personnel.