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Theodosiadis, Michail. 2021. Republican Perspectives on Populism and Hope (Beyond Christopher Lasch)

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Theodosiadis, Michail. 2021. Republican Perspectives on Populism and Hope (Beyond Christopher Lasch) Theodosiadis, Michail. 2021. Republican perspectives on populism and hope (Beyond Christopher Lasch). Doctoral thesis, Goldsmiths, University of London [Thesis] https://research.gold.ac.uk/id/eprint/30431/ The version presented here may differ from the published, performed or presented work. Please go to the persistent GRO record above for more information. If you believe that any material held in the repository infringes copyright law, please contact the Repository Team at Goldsmiths, University of London via the following email address: [email protected]. The item will be removed from the repository while any claim is being investigated. For more information, please contact the GRO team: [email protected] Republican perspectives on populism and hope (Beyond Christopher Lasch) Name: Michail Theodosiadis Abstract This dissertation begins by contrasting hope with optimism and pessimism, the two ‘principal categories of public debate’ that have allowed a particular political ‘culture of critical discourse’ to settle into place (Lasch 1990: 13). It brings together a great variety of perspectives (classical republicanism, liberalism, conservatism and religion) and reflects on the works of Hannah Arendt, Simone Adolphine Weil, William James, John Milton, et al. In agreement with Lasch, the present study claims that only populism can satisfy the criteria of hope, conceived as a probability for justice, truth and beauty. This populism (henceforth it will be called the ‘vita civile’) advocates self-government. It opposes the centralisation of power and the arbitrary imposition of rule, which political pessimists consider the only safe remedies for lawlessness and aggression, from the consequences of the (potentially) inherent human hubris (see the glossary). At the same time, the vita civile questions the quasi optimistic assertions of modern liberalism, which project the impersonal market pattern as the sole arbiter of all human affairs, seeing history as a steady trajectory towards a destination of assured happiness. However, the vita civile does not consider active participation in government a recipe for perfect happiness. Instead, it seeks to adjust the classical republican/democratic view of popular sovereignty to James’ idea of meliorism and pragmatism. It questions the rosy view of human nature but instead of surrendering to the fatalism of pessimism, meliorism (or hope) sees justice and common decency as open possibilities and shares the unshakable conviction that hubris and conflict could be more effectively tackled through active citizenship, when (in other words) the ‘common people’ concentrate power as close to home as possible, and instead of being locked out from the political structures and hierarchies, can access and reshape them. Through this process an ethos of political experience and virtue is acquired. Furthermore, this populist synthesis, following Arendt’s insights, is centered in logos—implying speech, dialogue, open public debate and persuasion—as a means of political action and participation. In addition, the vita civile shares a high respect for tradition, religion and heritage. Common memories and lore shape a popular identity that unify heterogeneous crowds, allowing them to function as political agents. Transcendent archetypes and religious insights can on certain occasions inspire prudence over aggression. Finally, several historical events are examined as case-studies: these include the American 2 Revolution, the agrarian revolt in the American South and West (in the late nineteenth century), and certain aspects of the American Civil Rights Movement. 3 Index Chapter 1: Introduction Chapter 2: Populism and the Vita Civile: Theoretical foundations and Classical Arguments Chapter 3: Pessimism, Optimism, Economic Liberalism and Ethical Memory Chapter 4: The ‘Death of God’: From Optimism to Right-Wing Populism Chapter 5: From Logos and Deliberative Democracy to Civil Disobedience Chapter 6: Meliorism, Eucosmia and Leadership Chapter 7: Does Tradition Deserve to Survive? Chapter 8: Conclusion 4 Glossary Action, agonal and narrative: According to Hannah Arendt (1990; 1998), the term action confers political action. Together with work and labour, action constitutes the third element of the vita activa (see Chapter 2). To a degree Arendt’s political action, also called agonal action, is synonymous with direct democracy, with open participation within a political realm, like the ancient Athenian polis. The term narrative action belongs to Seyla Benhabib (2000), referring to political discussions and open conversations that take place not within a political realm but in public spaces not designed specifically for political purposes, such as churches, pubs, theaters, et al. These discussions gradually alter public perceptions. Anthropocentrism: This term is widely used by the Hellenist scholar Georges Contogeorgis. It has nothing to do with the anthropocentrism of ‘evolutionary biologists’ which ‘neglect species more removed from us’ (Breithaupt 2019: 21). For Contogeorgis (Κοντογιώργης 2006; 2014; 2020) the term anthropocentrism points to political and economic freedom. In my view, it has to do with the ability of every human being to contribute to common decency. It does not, however, imply that human ability is boundless. Common decency: This points to a set of moral rules and obligations that have to be followed by everyone, inasmuch as economic and political justice, transparency, mutual understanding and the right to life are effectively protected. Common decency also refers to the Platonic triad of beauty, truth and justice. Chain of equivalence: this term belongs to Ernesto Laclau (2005). An equivalential chain is a bridging discourse, a political discourse, more precisely, which attempts to unify heterogeneous groups for a specific common purpose. Cosmosystem: According to Georges Contogeorgis (Γιώργος Κοντογιώργης 2014; 2012: 133-5), the term cosmosystem to refers to social and political models with a) common mechanisms that safeguard their self-sufficiency and coherence (governance, structure, 5 economy, communication, et al.), and b) common values and ideological or cultural worldviews. Contogeorgis identifies two cosmosystems: the anthropocentric (which emerged during the Greek antiquity, the Hellenistic and the Byzantine age) and the despotic cosmosystem. According to Contogeorgis (Κοντογιώργης 2006; 2014; 2020), the despotic cosmosystem, as opposed to the anthropocentric, points to the organisation of political and social systems of the non-Hellenic ancient world. It also refers to the political organisation of absolutist Western European and Asian empires, princedoms and kingdoms (the Roman empire, during the pagan and Christian age is included).. Cultural decomposition: inspired by Friedrich Wilhelm Nietzsche’s (2001: 120; 2006) view on nihilism, and by Simone Weil’s (1987a) notion of ‘uprootedness’, cultural decomposition stands for the destruction of one’s culture, the eradication of old folkways and traditions. Deep emotions: This points to cases of intense sentimentalism which obstruct our capacity for rational thinking, making our mind unable to pass good judgment. Deep emotions (as opposed to our serene emotions) are not dialectic. They are acute and chimerical; they cannot be easily put under the surveillance of the empirical mind, which has the capacity to erect moral fences against selfishness and/or against rampant anger (else called mēnis). Martha Craven Nussbaum (2013) uses the term ‘emotional foundationalism’ to describe the process whereby deep emotions obstruct judgment. Democratic or classical republicanism: The term ‘democratic republicanism’ (or classical republicanism) has to do with the political thought of Aristotle and Cicero (Nelson 2006: 196). Drawing on the polis (or the res publica), it proposes a polity consisting of representative and participatory institutions at the same time. Often authors associate classical republicanism with modern republicanism and liberalism. This has been the case of Margeret Canovan, see The People (2005). Modern republicanism refers to representative systems of government tout court (Gustafson 2011: 41-70). Unless emphasis is required, the adjective ‘classical’ or ‘democratic’ could be omitted, making the text easier to read. 6 Eucosmia: This term has a twofold meaning. First, it refers to the obligation of every human being to recognise the worth and value of others, id est., their ability to overcome their natural inclination towards sin and error through speech, memory and spiritual enlightenment. At the same time, it stands for cosmopolitanism: it points to the ability of every member of a nation to recognise members of other nations as equal, capable of contributing to humanity as a whole. Eucosmia is a profound enunciation of anthropocentrism. Fido amor: Types of friendship that rely on deep emotions (emotional foundationalism) are enunciations of the fido amor, as opposed to the friendship of eucosmia, which brings emotions and reason together, without allowing excessive sentimentalism to hijack rational thinking. Homo Hellenicus: the type of being that corresponds to ancient Greece (particularly of ancient Athens), the Hellenistic and the Byzantine age. The homo hellenicus is a mixture of the anthropocentric elements that sprung from these three different historical periods (according to Contogeorgis [Κοντογιώργης 2006; 2014; 2020]). These elements are: a) democracy and political participation, which characterises ancient Athens (Arendt
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