“I Have Never Liked to Confront the Wounded Opponents”
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The Russia You Never Met
The Russia You Never Met MATT BIVENS AND JONAS BERNSTEIN fter staggering to reelection in summer 1996, President Boris Yeltsin A announced what had long been obvious: that he had a bad heart and needed surgery. Then he disappeared from view, leaving his prime minister, Viktor Cher- nomyrdin, and his chief of staff, Anatoly Chubais, to mind the Kremlin. For the next few months, Russians would tune in the morning news to learn if the presi- dent was still alive. Evenings they would tune in Chubais and Chernomyrdin to hear about a national emergency—no one was paying their taxes. Summer turned to autumn, but as Yeltsin’s by-pass operation approached, strange things began to happen. Chubais and Chernomyrdin suddenly announced the creation of a new body, the Cheka, to help the government collect taxes. In Lenin’s day, the Cheka was the secret police force—the forerunner of the KGB— that, among other things, forcibly wrested food and money from the peasantry and drove some of them into collective farms or concentration camps. Chubais made no apologies, saying that he had chosen such a historically weighted name to communicate the seriousness of the tax emergency.1 Western governments nod- ded their collective heads in solemn agreement. The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank both confirmed that Russia was experiencing a tax collec- tion emergency and insisted that serious steps be taken.2 Never mind that the Russian government had been granting enormous tax breaks to the politically connected, including billions to Chernomyrdin’s favorite, Gazprom, the natural gas monopoly,3 and around $1 billion to Chubais’s favorite, Uneximbank,4 never mind the horrendous corruption that had been bleeding the treasury dry for years, or the nihilistic and pointless (and expensive) destruction of Chechnya. -
Notes on Moscow Exchange Index Review
Notes on Moscow Exchange index review Moscow Exchange approves the updated list of index components and free float ratios effective from 16 March 2018. X5 Retail Group N.V. (DRs) will be added to Moscow Exchange indices with the expected weight of 1.13 per cent. As these securities were offered initially, they were added without being in the waiting list under consideration. Thus, from 16 March the indices will comprise 46 (component stocks. The MOEX Russia and RTS Index moved to a floating number of component stocks in December 2017. En+ Group plc (DRs) will be in the waiting list to be added to Moscow Exchange indices, as their liquidity rose notably over recent three months. NCSP Group (ords) with low liquidity, ROSSETI (ords) and RosAgro PLC with their weights now below the minimum permissible level (0.2 per cent) will be under consideration to be excluded from the MOEX Russia Index and RTS Index. The Blue Chip Index constituents remain unaltered. X5 Retail Group (DRs), GAZ (ords), Obuvrus LLC (ords) and TNS energo (ords) will be added to the Broad Market Index, while Common of DIXY Group and Uralkali will be removed due to delisting expected. TransContainer (ords), as its free float sank below the minimum threshold of 5 per cent, and Southern Urals Nickel Plant (ords), as its liquidity ratio declined, will be also excluded. LSR Group (ords) will be incuded into SMID Index, while SOLLERS and DIXY Group (ords) will be excluded due to low liquidity ratio. X5 Retail Group (DRs) and Obuvrus LLC (ords) will be added to the Consumer & Retail Index, while DIXY Group (ords) will be removed from the Index. -
An Overview of Boards of Directors at Russia's Largest Public Companies
An Overview Of Boards Of Directors At Russia’s Largest Public Companies Andrei Rakitin Milena Barsukova Arina Mazunova Translated from Russian August 2020 Key Results According to information disclosed by 109 of Russia’s largest public companies: “Classic” board compositions of 11, nine, and seven seats prevail The total number of persons on Boards of the companies under study is not as low as it might seem: 89% of all Directors were elected to only one such Board Female Directors account for 12% and are more often elected to the audit, nomination, and remuneration committees than to the strategy committee Among Directors, there are more “humanitarians” than “techies,” while the share of “techies” among chairs is greater than across the whole sample The average age for Directors is 53, 56 for Chairmen, and 58 for Independent Directors Generation X is the most visible on Boards, and Generation Y Directors will likely quickly increase their presence if the impetuous development of digital technologies continues The share of Independent Directors barely reaches 30%, and there is an obvious lack of independence on key committees such as audit Senior Independent Directors were elected at 17% of the companies, while 89% of Chairs are not independent The average total remuneration paid to the Board of Directors is RUR 69 million, with the difference between the maximum and minimum being 18 times Twenty-four percent of the companies disclosed information on individual payments made to their Directors. According to this, the average total remuneration is approximately RUR 9 million per annum for a Director, RUR 17 million for a Chair, and RUR 11 million for an Independent Director The comparison of 2020 findings with results of a similar study published in 2012 paints an interesting dynamic picture. -
PRESS RELEASE JSC ALROSA Announces Purchase of a 25
PRESS RELEASE JSC ALROSA Announces Purchase of a 25 Percent Interest in OJSC Polyus Gold August, 2007, Moscow. Joint-Stock Company ALROSA signed an agreement with ONEXIM Group to buy a 25 percent stake in the Open Joint-Stock Company Polyus Gold (RTS, MICEX, and LSE – PLZL), Russia’s largest gold producer. “This deal was implemented as part of the development strategy approved by the Supervisory Board of JSC ALROSA. Among other things, ALROSA focuses on diversifying into other sectors. The purchase of a significant stake in Polyus Gold, which pursues an effective production strategy, will enable ALROSA to access a market with considerable long-term prospects and will further boost the development and economic growth of regions in Central and Eastern Siberia,” said President of ALROSA Sergei Vybornov. Open Joint-Stock Company Polyus Gold (RTS, MICEX, and LSE – PLZL) – is the leading gold producer in Russia and one of the biggest players in gold mining in the world in terms of deposits and production. The asset portfolio of Polyus Gold includes ore and alluvial gold deposits in the Krasnoyarsk Territory, the Irkutsk, Magadan, and Amur regions, and in the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia), where the company operates gold exploration and mining projects. As of January 1, 2007, the mineral resource base of OJSC Polyus Gold comprises 3,000.7 tons of gold in B+C1+C2 reserves, including 2,149 tons of B+C1 reserves. Joint-Stock Company ALROSA – is a global leader in diamond exploration, mining and sales of rough diamonds, and in cut diamond manufacture. ALROSA accounts for 97 percent of Russia’s rough diamond production and for 25 percent of the global output of rough diamonds. -
Treisman Silovarchs 9 10 06
Putin’s Silovarchs Daniel Treisman October 2006, Forthcoming in Orbis, Winter 2007 In the late 1990s, many Russians believed their government had been captured by a small group of business magnates known as “the oligarchs”. The most flamboyant, Boris Berezovsky, claimed in 1996 that seven bankers controlled fifty percent of the Russian economy. Having acquired massive oil and metals enterprises in rigged privatizations, these tycoons exploited Yeltsin’s ill-health to meddle in politics and lobby their interests. Two served briefly in government. Another, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, summed up the conventional wisdom of the time in a 1997 interview: “Politics is the most lucrative field of business in Russia. And it will be that way forever.”1 A decade later, most of the original oligarchs have been tripping over each other in their haste to leave the political stage, jettisoning properties as they go. From exile in London, Berezovsky announced in February he was liquidating his last Russian assets. A 1 Quoted in Andrei Piontkovsky, “Modern-Day Rasputin,” The Moscow Times, 12 November, 1997. fellow media magnate, Vladimir Gusinsky, long ago surrendered his television station to the state-controlled gas company Gazprom and now divides his time between Israel and the US. Khodorkovsky is in a Siberian jail, serving an eight-year sentence for fraud and tax evasion. Roman Abramovich, Berezovsky’s former partner, spends much of his time in London, where he bought the Chelsea soccer club in 2003. Rather than exile him to Siberia, the Kremlin merely insists he serve as governor of the depressed Arctic outpost of Chukotka—a sign Russia’s leaders have a sense of humor, albeit of a dark kind. -
Templeton Eastern Europe Fund Equity LU0078277505 31 August 2021
Franklin Templeton Investment Funds Emerging Markets Templeton Eastern Europe Fund Equity LU0078277505 31 August 2021 Fund Fact Sheet For professional use only. Not for distribution to the public. Fund Overview Performance Base Currency for Fund EUR Performance over 5 Years in Share Class Currency (%) Templeton Eastern Europe Fund A (acc) EUR MSCI EM Europe Index-NR Total Net Assets (EUR) 231 million Fund Inception Date 10.11.1997 160 Number of Issuers 45 Benchmark MSCI EM Europe 140 Index-NR Investment Style Blend Morningstar Category™ Emerging Europe Equity 120 Summary of Investment Objective 100 The Fund aims to achieve long-term capital appreciation by investing primarily in listed equity securities of issuers organised under the laws of or having their principal activities within the countries of Eastern Europe, as well as 80 08/16 02/17 08/17 02/18 08/18 02/19 08/19 02/20 08/20 02/21 08/21 the New Independent States, i.e. the countries in Europe and Asia that were formerly part of or under the influence of Performance in Share Class Currency (%) the Soviet Union. Cumulative Annualised Since Since Fund Management 1 Mth 3 Mths 6 Mths YTD 1 Yr 3 Yrs 5 Yrs 10 Yrs Incept Incept A (acc) EUR 6.42 11.11 26.64 33.63 51.24 53.18 56.89 34.32 260.58 5.54 Krzysztof Musialik, CFA: Poland A (acc) USD 5.94 7.30 23.95 29.16 49.67 55.85 66.03 10.37 25.43 1.44 Ratings - A (acc) EUR B (acc) USD 5.87 6.92 23.29 28.09 47.85 50.20 56.08 -2.95 -24.30 -1.84 Benchmark in EUR 5.12 10.50 24.75 24.42 37.82 37.48 54.51 30.76 271.45 5.67 Overall Morningstar Rating™: Calendar Year Performance in Share Class Currency (%) Asset Allocation 2020 2019 2018 2017 2016 2015 2014 2013 2012 2011 A (acc) EUR -15.33 36.67 -21.23 17.61 20.37 4.84 -19.49 -3.97 17.37 -40.02 A (acc) USD -7.78 33.81 -24.78 34.11 16.61 -5.88 -29.18 0.07 19.63 -41.94 B (acc) USD -8.80 31.98 -25.72 32.46 14.98 -7.07 -30.09 -1.33 18.15 -42.70 Benchmark in EUR -19.73 34.75 -7.46 5.88 29.27 -5.03 -20.28 -8.61 22.37 -21.10 % Past performance is not an indicator or a guarantee of future performance. -
William R. Spiegelberger the Foreign Policy Research Institute Thanks the Carnegie Corporation for Its Support of the Russia Political Economy Project
Russia Political Economy Project William R. Spiegelberger The Foreign Policy Research Institute thanks the Carnegie Corporation for its support of the Russia Political Economy Project. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Author: William R. Spiegelberger Eurasia Program Leadership Director: Chris Miller Deputy Director: Maia Otarashvili Edited by: Thomas J. Shattuck Designed by: Natalia Kopytnik © 2019 by the Foreign Policy Research Institute April 2019 COVER: Designed by Natalia Kopytnik. Photography: Oleg Deripaska (World Economic Forum); St. Basil’s Cathedral (Adob Stock); Ruble (Adobe Stock); Vladimir Putin (kremlin.ru); Rusal logo (rusal.ru); United States Capitol (Adobe Stock; Viktor Vekselberg (Aleshru/Wikimedia Commons); Alumnium rolls (Adobe Stock); Trade War (Adobe Stock). Our Mission The Foreign Policy Research Institute is dedicated to bringing the insights of scholarship to bear on the foreign policy and national security challenges facing the United States. It seeks to educate the public, teach teachers, train students, and offer ideas to advance U.S. national interests based on a nonpartisan, geopolitical perspective that illuminates contemporary international affairs through the lens of history, geography, and culture. Offering Ideas In an increasingly polarized world, we pride ourselves on our tradition of nonpartisan scholarship. We count among our ranks over 100 affiliated scholars located throughout the nation and the world who appear regularly in national and international media, testify on Capitol Hill, and are consulted by U.S. -
The Impact of Western Sanctions on Russia and How They Can Be Made Even More Effective
The impact of Western sanctions on Russia and how they can be made even more effective REPORT By Anders Åslund and Maria Snegovaya While Western sanctions have not succeeded in forcing the Kremlin to fully reverse its actions and end aggression in Ukraine, the economic impact of financial sanctions on Russia has been greater than previously understood. Dr. Anders Åslund is a resident senior fellow in the Eurasia Center at the Atlantic Council. He also teaches at Georgetown University. He is a leading specialist on economic policy in Russia, Ukraine, and East Europe. Dr. Maria Snegovaya is a non-resident fellow at the Eurasia Center, a visiting scholar with the Institute for European, Russian, and Eurasian Studies at the George Washington University; and a postdoctoral scholar with the Kellogg Center for Philosophy, Politics, and Economics at the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University. THE IMPACT OF WESTERN SANCTIONS ON RUSSIA AND HOW MAY 2021 THEY CAN BE MADE EVEN MORE EFFECTIVE Key points While Western sanctions have not succeeded in forcing the Kremlin to fully reverse its actions and end aggression in Ukraine, the economic impact of financial sanctions on Russia has been greater than previously understood. Western sanctions on Russia have been quite effective in two regards. First, they stopped Vladimir Putin’s preannounced military offensive into Ukraine in the summer of 2014. Second, sanctions have hit the Russian economy badly. Since 2014, it has grown by an average of 0.3 percent per year, while the global average was 2.3 percent per year. They have slashed foreign credits and foreign direct investment, and may have reduced Russia’s economic growth by 2.5–3 percent a year; that is, about $50 billion per year. -
Transparency and Disclosure by Russian State-Owned Enterprises
Transparency And Disclosure By Russian State-Owned Enterprises Standard & Poor’s Governance Services Prepared for the Roundtable on Corporate Governance organized by the OECD in Moscow on June 3, 2005 Julia Kochetygova Nick Popivshchy Oleg Shvyrkov Vladimir Todres Christine Liadskaya June 2005 Transparency & Disclosure by Russian State-Owned Enterprises Transparency and Disclosure by Russian State-Owned Enterprises Executive Summary This survey of transparency and disclosure (T&D) by Russian state-owned companies by Standard & Poor’s Governance Services was prepared at the request of the OECD Roundtable on Corporate Governance. According to the OECD Guidelines on Corporate Governance of SOEs, “the state should act as an informed and active owner and establish a clear and consistent ownership policy, ensuring that the governance of state-owned enterprises is carried out in a transparent and accountable manner” (Chapter III). Further, “large or listed SOEs should disclose financial and non financial information according to international best practices” (Chapter V). In stark contrast with these principles, the study revealed consistent differences in disclosure standards between the state-controlled and similarly sized public Russian companies. This is in line with the notion that transparency of state-controlled enterprises is hampered by the tendency of the Russian government and individual officials to use their influence on such companies to promote political or individual goals that often diverge from commercial motives and investor interests. High standards of transparency and disclosure, on the other hand, are a cornerstone in the foundation of good governance. They provide legitimate stakeholders--whether creditors, minority shareholders, taxpayers, or the general public--with the information they need to be able to begin to hold government decision-makers accountable for their actions. -
Yakutia) “…The Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) Is the Largest Region in the Russian Federation and One of the Richest in Natural Resources
Investor's Guide to the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) “…The Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) is the largest region in the Russian Federation and one of the richest in natural resources. Needless to say, the stable and dynamic development of Yakutia is of key importance to both the Far Eastern Federal District and all of Russia…” President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin “One of the fundamental priorities of the Government of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) is to develop comfortable conditions for business and investment activities to ensure dynamic economic growth” Head of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) Egor Borisov 2 Contents Welcome from Egor Borisov, Head of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) 5 Overview of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) 6 Interesting facts about the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) 7 Strategic priorities of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) investment policy 8 Seven reasons to start a business in the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) 10 1. Rich reserves of natural resources 10 2. Significant business development potential for the extraction and processing of mineral and fossil resources 12 3. Unique geographical location 15 4. Stable credit rating 16 5. Convenient conditions for investment activity 18 6. Developed infrastructure for the support of small and medium-sized enterprises 19 7. High level of social and economic development 20 Investment infrastructure 22 Interaction with large businesses 24 Interaction with small and medium-sized enterprises 25 Other organisations and institutions 26 Practical information on doing business in the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) 27 Public-Private Partnership 29 Information for small and medium-sized enterprises 31 Appendix 1. -
RUSSIA WATCH No.2, August 2000 Graham T
RUSSIA WATCH No.2, August 2000 Graham T. Allison, Director Editor: Ben Dunlap Strengthening Democratic Institutions Project Production Director: Melissa C..Carr John F. Kennedy School of Government Researcher: Emily Van Buskirk Harvard University Production Assistant: Emily Goodhue SPOTLIGHT ON RUSSIA’S OLIGARCHS On July 28 Russian President Vladimir Putin met with 21 of Russia’s most influ- ential businessmen to “redefine the relationship between the state and big busi- ness.” At that meeting, Putin assured the tycoons that privatization results would remained unchallenged, but stopped far short of offering a general amnesty for crimes committed in that process. He opened the meeting by saying: “I only want to draw your attention straightaway to the fact that you have yourselves formed this very state, to a large extent through political and quasi-political structures under your control.” Putin assured the oligarchs that recent investi- The Kremlin roundtable comes at a crucial time for the oligarchs. In the last gations were not part of a policy of attacking big business, but said he would not try to restrict two months, many of them have found themselves subjects of investigations prosecutors who launch such cases. by the General Prosecutor’s Office, Tax Police, and Federal Security Serv- ice. After years of cozying up to the government, buying up the state’s most valuable resources in noncompetitive bidding, receiving state-guaranteed loans with little accountability, and flouting the country’s tax laws with imp u- nity, the heads of some of Russia’s leading financial-industrial groups have been thrust under the spotlight. -
US Sanctions on Russia
U.S. Sanctions on Russia Updated January 17, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R45415 SUMMARY R45415 U.S. Sanctions on Russia January 17, 2020 Sanctions are a central element of U.S. policy to counter and deter malign Russian behavior. The United States has imposed sanctions on Russia mainly in response to Russia’s 2014 invasion of Cory Welt, Coordinator Ukraine, to reverse and deter further Russian aggression in Ukraine, and to deter Russian Specialist in European aggression against other countries. The United States also has imposed sanctions on Russia in Affairs response to (and to deter) election interference and other malicious cyber-enabled activities, human rights abuses, the use of a chemical weapon, weapons proliferation, illicit trade with North Korea, and support to Syria and Venezuela. Most Members of Congress support a robust Kristin Archick Specialist in European use of sanctions amid concerns about Russia’s international behavior and geostrategic intentions. Affairs Sanctions related to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine are based mainly on four executive orders (EOs) that President Obama issued in 2014. That year, Congress also passed and President Rebecca M. Nelson Obama signed into law two acts establishing sanctions in response to Russia’s invasion of Specialist in International Ukraine: the Support for the Sovereignty, Integrity, Democracy, and Economic Stability of Trade and Finance Ukraine Act of 2014 (SSIDES; P.L. 113-95/H.R. 4152) and the Ukraine Freedom Support Act of 2014 (UFSA; P.L. 113-272/H.R. 5859). Dianne E. Rennack Specialist in Foreign Policy In 2017, Congress passed and President Trump signed into law the Countering Russian Influence Legislation in Europe and Eurasia Act of 2017 (CRIEEA; P.L.