Foa'*Ffiq% 2018 Contents

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Foa'*Ffiq% 2018 Contents Goa: A Post-Colonial Society Between Cultures Edited by Rochelle Almeida foa'*ffiq% 2018 Contents Goa: A Post-Coloniøl Society Between Cultures Edited by Rochelle Almeida Published in 2018 by Acknowledgements 5 øoav+æg Kenneth David Jackson 7 Goa: Between Occident and Orient Goa,7556, Saligão 403511 Goa, lndia. http:/,/goa1556.in Rochelle Almeida 36 go a1 5 5 6 @ gmail. com + 9 1 - 83 2 - 2409 49 0 or + 9 1 - 9 B 2 2 1 2 243 6 in qssociation with Imaginary Goas: Diaspora Novelists Reclaim a Lost ColonY .2.¿¿¿ø *ean¿ (4 a Eøaen¿o<'t+ Robert S. Newman 53 Celluloid Subalterns The Mørgao (Rua Abade Faria) bookshop with a difference 109876s4s21 G. Festino 73 Typeset with L1X, http:,/,/www.lyx.org. Text: Palatino 9.5,t13 pt. Cielo Teaching Literature: In Between Multilingualism and Plurilingualism. The Case of Goa, India Victor Rangel Ribeiro 93 How Goan ldentity and India's Independence Put Britain in a Diplomatic Dilemma 103 Project co-ordinated by Frederick Noronha Paul Melo e Castro Cover design by Binø Nayak binanayak@ gmail'com Atitudes que o Vento Levou: The Stories of Eduardo de Printed ín India by Britliant Printers Pvt. Ltd, Bengaluru http://www.brilliantprinters.com Sousa and the post-1961 Vision of a Goan Elite in Decline Typeset with L1X, http://www.lyx.org. Text: Bitstream Chørter; 9.5,/13.0 rsBN 978-81 -934236-8-4 Kristen Chartier, Basilio Monteiro, Andrew Towers 125 Education and the Dilemma of the Medium of Instruction: A Perennial and Universal Challenge 3 CoNTENTS Anthony Gomes L45 From Post-Colonial to Neo-Colonial: Perils and Prospects ACTNOWI,SDGEMENTS Facing Goan Culture Today Duarte Drumond Braga 157 Portuguese and other Lusophone discourses on Goa rrr sls book is the outcome of a conference conducted at Yale Uni- from 1953 to 7975 I versiry in New Haven, Connecticut, in April 2013 with support from the council on Latin American and Iberian studies, the South Jonathan Graham 169 Asian studies council and the Kempf Fund of the Macmillan cen- Pepper, Padroado and Prester John: ter for International and Area studies. The conference welcomed an Portuguese-Thomas Christian Relations and interdisciplinary group of scholars to a two-day program whose ob- the Creation of an Imperial Patron Saint jective was the placement of the former Portuguese empire in the context of cgntemporary debates on post-coloniality. In addition to Tara Menoù 195 international academics and Yale scholars, the conference showcased as Translation in Francisco Luís Gomes' Conversion the work of creative writers from Goa and the Goan diaspora' Had Os Brâmanes the conference not taken place, this book would never have been published. Margaret Mascarenhas 205 the organization of the conference was Kenneth Partition Spearheading David Jackson, Professor in the Department of Spanish and Por- writ- Anthony Gomes 213 tuguese, who invited me to present a paper on post-colonial meetins, Saudades ers in English from the Goan diaspora. Thanks to that first our association has grown into a productive professional partnership Ashley D'Mello 215 for which I feel very grateful. Neither the conference nor this vol- Politics in Goa: The Role of the Catholic Church ume would have been possible without David's enormous efforts in providing funding, inspiration, enthusiasm, guidance and, above all, Lowndes Vicente 230 Filipa scholarly expertise. I am honored that he offered me the opportunity Many Frontiers José Gerson da Cunha's Writing From - to edit this volume and I am profoundly grateful to him for bringing and Journalistic Approaches to Past and Historical this project to fruition. Present Colonialisms in India 1870-1900 The conference also brought to Yale the Bombay-based journalist Ashley D'Mello, a long-time friend, to deliver the Poynter Lecture on Notes on Contributors 257 the topic, "Portuguese Colonial History and Contemporary Goan Elec- Index 263 tions: Impact of the catholic church on the Electorate". It was Ash- ley's idea to publish the many provocative papers that were presented as well as his keynote speech. Indeed, it was Ashley who brought Frederick Noronha, publisher of Goa,1556, on board to produce this volume. Ashley also provided early editorial assistance on some of the essays and much advice on Goa's volatile political situation. I am 4 5 José Gerson da Cunha I Filipa Lowndes Vicente the choice ofhistorical subjects he chose to research and write on. By 15 belonging to different spheres, and constantly trespassing-literally and historically-the frontiers between Portuguese India and British India, Gerson da Cunha was able to make comparisons and connec- tions between different histories and different historiographies. And, Writing From Many Frontiers: as we shail analyze in this text, this kaleidoscopic position allowed him to write different things to different audiences. In-between these tvvo traditions-the Portuguese and the José Gerson da Cunha's Historical and Journalistic Approaches British-he was never fully acknowledged by either one of them. In a to Past and Present Colonialisms in India (1870-1900) historical period-the second half of the nineteenth-century-where India was under different colonial governments, with the obvious pre- dominance of the British, there were also different national traditions Filipa Lowndes Vicente in the same territory that tended to concentrate on different periods, different subjects, which were written in different languages, which worked in different archives and which quoted different historians. Introduction Paradoxically, as we will suggest, it was this being in many places and being in none-the fact that he somehow always occupied the tt his book on Portuguese men who achieved some prominence 1 frontiers of different worlds-that contributed to his invisibility as a published 1870s, I abroad, at the end of the decade of the historian, and as a producer of knowledge on the history of India. Bernardes Branco confessed he was not sure if Gerson da Cunha was Firstly, I will explore Gerson da Cunha's relationship with the Goa Portuguese or English and commented that he had to contact Cunha of his times, in one of the few texts in which he refers to it. Sec- Rivara, the Portuguese secretary of the Governor in Goa and also a ondly, I will analyze how his criticism of Portuguese colonial prac- scholar, to address his doubts: "Mr. Gerson da Cunha is a Portuguese tices was mainly projected in the past, and therefore more historical, subject, born in Goa, of indigenous race and of the Brahman caste. while his criticism of British India involved a much more contempo- He is established in Bombay as a doctor" was Cunha Rivara's answer rary approach, mainly expressed through journalistic writing and pri- (Branco 448).ln fact, Gerson da Cunha studied medicine in Bomba¡ vate correspondence. His audiences determined what he wrote on the Edinburgh and London, before making it his profession on returning present or the past. His was conscious of their specificity and adapted to Bombay in the 1870s. Howeve4 his historical, archaeological and his discourse, politics and criticism accordingly. numismatic interests, mainly on themes related to the Portuguese in India, occupied a great part of his time and resulted in numerous ar- ticles and books published in the last three decades ofthe nineteenth The Politics of Language: Konkani and Portuguese century The only text we could find where there is a clearer criticism of Por- Gerson da Cunha's social and intellectual world was clearly con- tuguese colonialism of the present and not only of the past, even if centrated in the diverse world of Bombay, a heterogeneous and fast done in an indirect way, was in his book Konkoni Lønguøge qnd Líter- moving world, made up of people of different ethnicities, religions cture published in 1881 (Cunha).2 Here, Gerson da Cunha revealed and origins.l But the fact that he was Goan and could read Por- some of his ideas on the relationship between language and national- tuguese, apart from other European and Indian languages, influenced ism which late4 in 1893, he went back to in his articie on the teaching 237 Goe: A Posr-ColowrAL SocrnTy B¡rwnpru CulruRns José Gerson da Cunha I Filipa Lowndes Vicente of the Portuguese language at the University of Bombay. and stereotyping the forms inherited from a former age, Inevitably, language and its usages were affected by the establish_ that it is no wonder that Konkani, an idiom of a small ment of the Portuguese from the 16th century onwards. Gerson da country ruled by a foreign race, and without, at present cunha condemned the destruction perpetrated by the first missionar- at least, any aspiration to no'tional independence fitalics ies which in their "mistaken zear to propagate christianity" did not minel, should within only a couple of centuries have as- understand how the preservation of the ancient Indian manuscripts sumed a form so entirely different from the old one. (The could have been useful for the conversion of ,,natives',. That which Konkani Language 34) the Spanish had done in Granada, he continued, by destroyingArabic Gerson da Cunha finished his historical itinerary of Konkani with a manuscripts, the Portuguese did in Goa with Indian manuscripts. The pessimistic evaluation of the present, where language and literature fanaticism that "blinded these missionaries" (only justified, accord- were inseparable from colonial rule, and where there was an implicit ing to him, by the historical context) prevented the transmission of criticism of foreign governments: "Goa has for centuries been swayed christianity through the vernacular languages. According to Gerson by foreign rulers, who have insisted on making their own da Cunha, a global vision ofhistory helped to understand the violence the offi- cial language, or the language of the court, withdrawing at the of that behavior at the time: "The history of mankind is already full of same time all encouragement for the cultivation of the native tongue" and examples of how sectarian differences, bigotry and superstition have only a free and autonomous nation could preserve its language.
Recommended publications
  • OVERVIEW of the ATLANTIC HUMPBACK DOLPHIN (Sousa
    SC/62/SM1 Initial evidence of dolphin takes in the Niger Delta region and a review of Nigerian cetaceans Michael Uwagbae 1 and Koen Van Waerebeek2 1 Niger Delta Wetlands Centre, Yenagoa, Bayelsa State, Nigeria. Email: [email protected] 2 Conservation and Research of West African Aquatic Mammals, COREWAM-Ghana, P.O. Box LG99, EcoLab, University of Ghana, Legon, Ghana; and CEPEC, Museo de Delfines, Pucusana, Peru. Abstract An interview survey among artisanal fishermen from Brass Island, Niger Delta, in 2008-2009 revealed, for the first time, regular takes of delphinids in Nigerian coastal waters. Three fishermen at Imbikiri, Brass Island, were identified as dedicated ©dolphin hunters©. Evidence is difficult to obtain but one video footage authenticated the landing of a live common bottlenose dolphin. Fraser©s dolphin is suggested to occur offshore (probable sighting) but no other documented sightings of odontocetes are published, despite the massive exploration effort for hydrocarbons. A cow- neonate pair of humpback whales was sighted in western Nigeria, at the Togo border, on 9 September 2001 during a survey of the austral population that breeds in the Bight of Benin. In view of the abysmal state of knowledge, as to add to the inventory and zoogeography of Nigeria©s cetaceans even baseline coastal surveys could yield significant insights. Particularly pressing is an in-depth assessment of the contemporary and historical presence (or absence), of the vulnerable Atlantic humpback dolphin Sousa teuszii and an estimate of the extent and composition of dolphin takes. Keywords: dolphin captures, Nigeria, Brass Island, common bottlenose dolphin Arguably the best documented cetacean from Nigeria may be Pappocetus lugardi Andrews, 1920 (Archaeoceti: Protocetidae) from the late Lutetian or middle Eocene of Port Harcourt, comprising a mandible type specimen (BMNH M11414) and a second fossil collected from Ameki, Nigeria (Halstead and Middleton, 1974).
    [Show full text]
  • Article Reference
    Article Decolonisation, Improvised: A Social History of the Transfer of Power in Cabo Verde, 1974–1976 KEESE, Alexander Abstract Cet article discute la mobilisation ambivalente sur les deux îles principales de la colonie portugaise de Cabo Verde (Iles de Cap-Vert), Santiago avec la capitale, Praia, et São Vicente avec le centre urbain de Mindelo, pendant la décolonisation. S'agissant d'une analyse en histoire sociale, la discussion inclut l'activité des mouvements de masse, la réaction aux nouvelles politiques d'infrastructure et sociales, et les problèmes écologiques et de marginalisation sociale. Reference KEESE, Alexander. Decolonisation, Improvised: A Social History of the Transfer of Power in Cabo Verde, 1974–1976. Portuguese Studies Review, 2017, vol. 25, no. 1, p. 291-312 Available at: http://archive-ouverte.unige.ch/unige:104259 Disclaimer: layout of this document may differ from the published version. 1 / 1 VOLUME 25 • NUMBER 1 • 2017 PORTUGUESE STUDIES REVIEW Chief Editor: IVANA ELBL Associate Editors: TIMOTHY COATES ANTÓNIO COSTA PINTO JOSÉ C. CURTO MARIA JOÃO DODMAN MARTIN M. ELBL EDITOR EMERITUS: DOUGLAS L. WHEELER International Editorial Board JULIET ANTUNES SABLOSKY FRANCIS DUTRA WILSON ALVES DE PAIVA Georgetown University UCAL, Santa Barbara Pontifícia Universidade Católica de Goiás CARLOS BALSAS SUSANNAH HUMBLE FERREIRA RENÉ PÉLISSIER Arizona State University University of Guelph Orgeval,France MARCELO BORGES HAROLD JOHNSON MARIA FERNANDA ROLLO Dickinson College University of Virginia Universidade Nova de Lisboa CAROLINE BRETTELL ROBERT A. KENNEDY STANLEY PAYNE SMU, Dallas (TX) York University (Toronto) U. of Wisconsin, Madison MICHEL CAHEN STEWART LLOYD-JONES CNRS / Sciences Po, ISCTE, Lisbon Bordeaux FERNANDO NUNES Mount St.
    [Show full text]
  • GRAND CHAMBER CASE of LOPES DE SOUSA FERNANDES V
    GRAND CHAMBER CASE OF LOPES DE SOUSA FERNANDES v. PORTUGAL (Application no. 56080/13) JUDGMENT STRASBOURG 19 December 2017 This judgment is final but it may be subject to editorial revision. LOPES DE SOUSA FERNANDES v. PORTUGAL – JUDGMENT 1 In the case of Lopes de Sousa Fernandes v. Portugal, The European Court of Human Rights, sitting as a Grand Chamber composed of: Guido Raimondi, President, Angelika Nußberger, Linos-Alexandre Sicilianos, Ganna Yudkivska, Robert Spano, Luis López Guerra, Mirjana Lazarova Trajkovska, Işıl Karakaş, Nebojša Vučinić, Paulo Pinto de Albuquerque, Helen Keller, Ksenija Turković, Yonko Grozev, Pere Pastor Vilanova, Alena Poláčková, Pauliine Koskelo, Georgios A. Serghides, judges, and Roderick Liddell, Registrar, Having deliberated in private on 16 November 2016 and on 20 September 2017, Delivers the following judgment, which was adopted on the last- mentioned date: PROCEDURE 1. The case originated in an application (no. 56080/13) against the Portuguese Republic lodged with the Court under Article 34 of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (“the Convention”) by a Portuguese national, Ms Maria Isabel Lopes de Sousa Fernandes (“the applicant”), on 23 August 2013. 2. The applicant complained under Article 2 of the Convention about the death of her husband in hospital as a result of a hospital-acquired infection and of carelessness and medical negligence. She further complained that the authorities to which she had applied had failed to elucidate the precise cause of the sudden deterioration in her husband’s state of health. Relying on Articles 6 § 1 and 13 of the Convention, the applicant also complained about the duration and outcome of the domestic proceedings she had brought in that connection.
    [Show full text]
  • Participant List
    Participant List 10/20/2019 8:45:44 AM Category First Name Last Name Position Organization Nationality CSO Jillian Abballe UN Advocacy Officer and Anglican Communion United States Head of Office Ramil Abbasov Chariman of the Managing Spektr Socio-Economic Azerbaijan Board Researches and Development Public Union Babak Abbaszadeh President and Chief Toronto Centre for Global Canada Executive Officer Leadership in Financial Supervision Amr Abdallah Director, Gulf Programs Educaiton for Employment - United States EFE HAGAR ABDELRAHM African affairs & SDGs Unit Maat for Peace, Development Egypt AN Manager and Human Rights Abukar Abdi CEO Juba Foundation Kenya Nabil Abdo MENA Senior Policy Oxfam International Lebanon Advisor Mala Abdulaziz Executive director Swift Relief Foundation Nigeria Maryati Abdullah Director/National Publish What You Pay Indonesia Coordinator Indonesia Yussuf Abdullahi Regional Team Lead Pact Kenya Abdulahi Abdulraheem Executive Director Initiative for Sound Education Nigeria Relationship & Health Muttaqa Abdulra'uf Research Fellow International Trade Union Nigeria Confederation (ITUC) Kehinde Abdulsalam Interfaith Minister Strength in Diversity Nigeria Development Centre, Nigeria Kassim Abdulsalam Zonal Coordinator/Field Strength in Diversity Nigeria Executive Development Centre, Nigeria and Farmers Advocacy and Support Initiative in Nig Shahlo Abdunabizoda Director Jahon Tajikistan Shontaye Abegaz Executive Director International Insitute for Human United States Security Subhashini Abeysinghe Research Director Verite
    [Show full text]
  • Mt Mabu, Mozambique: Biodiversity and Conservation
    Darwin Initiative Award 15/036: Monitoring and Managing Biodiversity Loss in South-East Africa's Montane Ecosystems MT MABU, MOZAMBIQUE: BIODIVERSITY AND CONSERVATION November 2012 Jonathan Timberlake, Julian Bayliss, Françoise Dowsett-Lemaire, Colin Congdon, Bill Branch, Steve Collins, Michael Curran, Robert J. Dowsett, Lincoln Fishpool, Jorge Francisco, Tim Harris, Mirjam Kopp & Camila de Sousa ABRI african butterfly research in Forestry Research Institute of Malawi Biodiversity of Mt Mabu, Mozambique, page 2 Front cover: Main camp in lower forest area on Mt Mabu (JB). Frontispiece: View over Mabu forest to north (TT, top); Hermenegildo Matimele plant collecting (TT, middle L); view of Mt Mabu from abandoned tea estate (JT, middle R); butterflies (Lachnoptera ayresii) mating (JB, bottom L); Atheris mabuensis (JB, bottom R). Photo credits: JB – Julian Bayliss CS ‒ Camila de Sousa JT – Jonathan Timberlake TT – Tom Timberlake TH – Tim Harris Suggested citation: Timberlake, J.R., Bayliss, J., Dowsett-Lemaire, F., Congdon, C., Branch, W.R., Collins, S., Curran, M., Dowsett, R.J., Fishpool, L., Francisco, J., Harris, T., Kopp, M. & de Sousa, C. (2012). Mt Mabu, Mozambique: Biodiversity and Conservation. Report produced under the Darwin Initiative Award 15/036. Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, London. 94 pp. Biodiversity of Mt Mabu, Mozambique, page 3 LIST OF CONTENTS List of Contents .......................................................................................................................... 3 List of Tables .............................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Portuguese Family Names
    Portuguese Family Names GERALD M. MOSER 1 Point Cabrillo reflects the Spanish spelling of the nickname of J oao Rodrigues Oabrilho - "the I(id," perhaps a play on words, if the Viscount De Lagoa was correct in assuming that this Portuguese navigator was born in one of the many villages in Portugal called Oabril (Joao Rodrigues Oabrilho, A Biographical Sketch, Lisbon, Agencia Geral do mtramar, 1957, p. 19). 2 Oastroville, Texas, -- there is another town of the same name in California - was named after its founder, Henry Oastro, a Portuguese Jew from France, who came to Providence, R.I., in 1827. From there he went to Texas in 1842, launching a colonization scheme, mainly on land near San Antonio. I came upon the story in the Genealogy Department of the Dallas Public Library, on the eve of reading to the American Association of Teachers of Spanish and Portuguese a paper on "Cultural Linguistics: The Case of the Portuguese Family Names" (December 28, 1957). The present article is an enlarged version of that paper. 30 38 Gerald M. Moser versational style as 0 Gomes alfaiate, ("that Tailor Gomes"), same manner in which tradesmen and officials were identified in the Lis- . bon of the fifteenth century (see Appendix 2). E) A fifth type of family name exists in Portugal, which has not yet been mentioned. It includes names due to religious devotion, similar to but. not identical with the cult of the saints which has furnished so many baptismal names. These peculiar devotional names are not used as first names in Portugal, although some of them are commonly used thus in Spain.
    [Show full text]
  • Cape Verde Islands, C. 1500–1879
    TRANSFORMATION OF “OLD” SLAVERY INTO ATLANTIC SLAVERY: CAPE VERDE ISLANDS, C. 1500–1879 By Lumumba Hamilcar Shabaka A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of History- Doctor of Philosophy 2013 ABSTRACT TRANSFORMATION OF “OLD” SLAVERY INTO ATLANTIC SLAVERY: CAPE VERDE ISLANDS, C. 1500–1879 By Lumumba Hamilcar Shabaka This dissertation explores how the Atlantic slave trade integrated the Cape Verde archipelago into the cultural, economic, and political milieu of Upper Guinea Coast between 1500 and 1879. The archipelago is about 300 miles off the coast of Senegal, West Africa. The Portuguese colonized the “uninhabited” archipelago in 1460 and soon began trading with the mainland for slaves and black African slaves became the majority, resulting in the first racialized Atlantic slave society. Despite cultural changes, I argue that cultural practices by the lower classes, both slaves and freed slaves, were quintessentially “Guinean.” Regional fashion and dress developed between the archipelago and mainland with adorning and social use of panu (cotton cloth). In particular, I argue Afro-feminine aesthetics developed in the islands by freed black women that had counterparts in the mainland, rather than mere creolization. Moreover, the study explores the social instability in the islands that led to the exile of liberated slaves, slaves, and the poor, the majority of whom were of African descent as part of the Portuguese efforts to organize the Atlantic slave trade in the Upper th Guinea Coast. With the abolition of slavery in Cape Verde in the 19 century, Portugal used freed slaves and the poor as foot soldiers and a labor force to consolidate “Portuguese Guinea.” Many freed slaves resisted this mandatory service.
    [Show full text]
  • Managing the Prospect of Famine : Cape Verdean Officials
    49 Managing the Prospect of Famine Cape Verdean Officials, Subsistence Emergencies, and the Change of Elite Attitudes During Portugal’s Late Colonial Phase, 1939-1961 ALEXANDER KEESE* Introduction In early 1959, Luiz Rendall Silva, Cape Verdean administrator of the concelho (dis- trict) of Fogo, on the volcano island of that name in the Sotavento group (Leeward Islands), wrote a very energetic report to his Portuguese superiors. He complained to the Governor of Cape Verde about the lack of decisiveness in Portugal’s colonial welfare policy, and about the absence of clear programmes for the future of the islands. In his words, he wished “for the improvement of the Cape Verdean land and for the benefit of its populations, and for a more visible advancement of the civilis- ing mission.”1 While his chosen expressions belonged to the standard repertoire of colonial ideological terminology, his tone was sharp, leaving no doubt that Rendall Silva saw the local situation as extremely unsatisfactory. He was angry and impatient about the lack of funds to finally deal with the islands’ immense social problems, and, above all, with the disastrous effects of drought and malnutrition that repeatedly plagued a considerable part of the Cape Verdean population. Even in the late 1950s, voicing such critique under the conditions of the authoritarian Portuguese state was still a remarkable act. Hunger was a frequent companion of life on Cape Verde, and this had not only been the case in the twentieth century.2 The annual rainy season during the sum- mer months had long been critical for the physical survival of a large group of the islanders: if the rains were scarce or did not fall at all, many were menaced by starvation.
    [Show full text]
  • Land Policy in Post-Conflict Circumstances: Some Lessons from East Timor
    NEW ISSUES IN REFUGEE RESEARCH Working Paper No. 58 Land policy in post-conflict circumstances: some lessons from East Timor Daniel Fitzpatrick Senior Lecturer Faculty of Law Australian National University Australia E-mail: [email protected] February 2002 These working papers are issued by the Evaluation and Policy Analysis Unit, and provide a means for UNHCR staff, consultants, interns and associates to publish the preliminary results of their research on refugee-related issues. The papers are written in a personal capacity and do not represent the official views of UNHCR. They are also available online under ‘Publications’ on the UNHCR website, http://www.unhcr.org ISSN 1020-7473 Introduction From Cambodia to Kosovo, and now East Timor, the United Nations has undertaken broad governmental functions in an effort to ensure that peace is maintained after the departure of the peacekeepers.1 On its face, these “peace-building” missions have a powerful logic. Brokering a peace, but leaving behind a vacuum in institutional capacity, only encourages the return of conflict after the peacekeepers leave. Providing urgent humanitarian relief, but failing to integrate it with development aid, ignores the way that development assists in preventing future humanitarian crises. Providing development aid, but failing to establish the institutional conditions for sustainable development, is likely only to entrench a cycle of aid dependency and lead to allegations of waste and inefficiency. In all these senses, therefore, there appears to be the need for some form of UN political control in post-conflict circumstances, particularly so as to build institutional conditions for sustainable development and maintenance of peace agreements.2 Viewed in this way, this notion of UN involvement in peace-building can be seen as a product of certain converging issues in international relations and developmental discourse.
    [Show full text]
  • History, Memory and Violence: Changing Patterns of Group Relationship in Mocímboa Da Praia, Mozambique
    History, memory and violence: changing patterns of group relationship in Mocímboa da Praia, Mozambique Thesis presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Social Anthropology Ana Margarida Sousa Santos St Antony's College University of Oxford Trinity Term 2010 Abstract My D.Phil. thesis addresses the historical construction of difference in northern Mozambique and its relation to conflict, especially an upsurge of violence in 2005. I look specifically at the relationship between Makonde and Mwani inhabiting a coastal district in the north of Mozambique and the ways in which modes of livelihood, religion, pre-colonial history, experience of colonial rule and post- independence policies, and political affiliation play a part in the construction of identities of these two groups. I look at how a shared but differently understood history and differing memories of the past become part of local discourses of identity and difference. I investigate how history and memory, place and space, and the surrounding landscape are reflected in concepts of identity especially with respect to tension and conflict. The Makonde traditionally inhabit the Mueda plateau in a remote area in the north of Mozambique. They have been associated in colonial literature with ideas of violence, fierceness and independence. They were very active during the liberation struggle in Mozambique, but their influence in the country diminished after independence. Less is known about the Mwani. They are closely associated with the Swahili complex, and had links with the Portuguese during the colonial period, loosing power and influence during the post-independence period. The Makonde and Mwani had different experiences of historical events and diverse roles in defining moments of Mozambican history such as the liberation struggle (1964-1974).
    [Show full text]
  • Catholic Directory
    CATHOLIC DIRECTORY ' M OF INDIA, rAXLSTArt, B uRm a * tfb C £ Yl a- tf< 1922 72nd ANNUAL ISSUE OF THE MADRAS CATHOLIC DIRECTORY AND ANNUAL GENERAL REGISTER PUBLISHED BY THE CATHOLIC SUPPLY SOCIETY, MADRAS. PRINTED AT THE “ GOOD PASTOR ” PRESS, BROADWAY, MADRAS, M T +Z / , 7 1 Nihil obstet : J. BEUKERS, Censor Deputatus. Imprimatur : * J. AELEN, Archiepiscopus Madraspatanus. Madras, die 21a mensis Decembris, 1921. PREFACE Another year has been added to the cen­ turies buried in the past, another year has been ushered in by joyful hymns. It is the old, old story. On the threshold of the new year we always resolve to spend the ensuing one better in the light we gained during the preceding twelve months. It is the old, old story. The 1921 edition of the Catholic Directory of India, Burma and Ceylon was far from complete, and the respective Chancellarles seeing this resolved no doubt that 1922 would see a copy unheard of for accuracy even in the life of this useful publication. All the ’ reports came in. Not one point—if we except Statistics—for the Compiler to complain about. To all and every one our best thanks. Y et there is in the present issue one omis­ sion which we regret. Three times we wrote asking for a photo and a brief sketch of the ^ new Vicar Apostolic of Trichur, and we were disappointed not to receive either in time for insertion. The notes inserted will be appreciated by all our readers. The contributors are heartily thanked for these sketches. It may be recorded that the Compiler is grateful for any useful suggestion.
    [Show full text]
  • The Nigerian Diaspora in the United States and Afropolitanism in Sarah Ladipo Manyika’S Like a Mule Bringing Ice Cream to the Sun
    African Studies Quarterly | Volume 18, Issue 2| February 2019 The Nigerian Diaspora in the United States and Afropolitanism in Sarah Ladipo Manyika’s Like a Mule Bringing Ice Cream to the Sun SANDRA SOUSA Abstract: This essay explores Sarah Ladipo Manyika’s Like a Mule Bringing Ice Cream to the Sun (2016), one of the most innovative novels of the Nigerian U.S. diaspora, from the perspective of “Afropolitanism.” Occupying a unique place within African writing and African diasporic writing, the novel does not conform to the traditional understanding of Afropolitanism as the celebration of cultural hybridity and transnationalism. Insofar as its portrayals focus on the individual identities and lives of its African and other non-Western characters and their families, the novel further departs from the conventions of earlier Afropolitan narratives, which tendentially center the whole national or racial community. Because Like a Mule Bringing Ice Cream to the Sun rejects the kind of caricature that passes for life in many works of African diasporic literature, it avoids the Afro-pessimism of previous Afropolitan novels, in which the transnational movement of characters occurs as a result of precarious conditions in the home countries, and which forms part of the search for a dream that could be fulfilled by the modernity and the advancements of technology to be found in the host western country. Instead, Manyika’s novel asks readers to dissect meanings between the lines and peel off dense layers of signification. The narrative achieves this nuanced communication of Afropolitanism through its main character, Morayo Da Silva, whose representation extends the cultural politics of Afropolitanism to include subjective politics in the analysis of how we exist in the world.
    [Show full text]