Goa: A Post-Colonial Society Between Cultures

Edited by Rochelle Almeida

foa'*ffiq% 2018 Contents

Goa: A Post-Coloniøl Society Between Cultures Edited by Rochelle Almeida Published in 2018 by Acknowledgements 5 øoav+æg Kenneth David Jackson 7 Goa: Between Occident and Orient Goa,7556, Saligão 403511 Goa, lndia. http:/,/goa1556.in Rochelle Almeida 36 go a1 5 5 6 @ gmail. com + 9 1 - 83 2 - 2409 49 0 or + 9 1 - 9 B 2 2 1 2 243 6 in qssociation with Imaginary Goas: Diaspora Novelists Reclaim a Lost ColonY .2.¿¿¿ø *ean¿ (4 a Eøaen¿o<'t+ Robert S. Newman 53 Celluloid Subalterns The Mørgao (Rua Abade Faria) bookshop with a difference 109876s4s21 G. Festino 73 Typeset with L1X, http:,/,/www.lyx.org. Text: Palatino 9.5,t13 pt. Cielo Teaching Literature: In Between Multilingualism and Plurilingualism. The Case of Goa, India

Victor Rangel Ribeiro 93 How Goan ldentity and India's Independence Put Britain in a Diplomatic Dilemma

103 Project co-ordinated by Frederick Noronha Paul Melo e Castro Cover design by Binø Nayak binanayak@ gmail'com Atitudes que o Vento Levou: The Stories of Eduardo de Printed ín India by Britliant Printers Pvt. Ltd, Bengaluru http://www.brilliantprinters.com Sousa and the post-1961 Vision of a Goan Elite in Decline Typeset with L1X, http://www.lyx.org. Text: Bitstream Chørter; 9.5,/13.0 rsBN 978-81 -934236-8-4 Kristen Chartier, Basilio Monteiro, Andrew Towers 125 Education and the Dilemma of the Medium of Instruction: A Perennial and Universal Challenge

3 CoNTENTS

Anthony Gomes L45 From Post-Colonial to Neo-Colonial: Perils and Prospects ACTNOWI,SDGEMENTS Facing Goan Culture Today

Duarte Drumond Braga 157 Portuguese and other Lusophone discourses on Goa rrr sls book is the outcome of a conference conducted at Yale Uni- from 1953 to 7975 I versiry in New Haven, Connecticut, in April 2013 with support from the council on Latin American and Iberian studies, the South Jonathan Graham 169 Asian studies council and the Kempf Fund of the Macmillan cen- Pepper, Padroado and Prester John: ter for International and Area studies. The conference welcomed an Portuguese-Thomas Christian Relations and interdisciplinary group of scholars to a two-day program whose ob- the Creation of an Imperial Patron Saint jective was the placement of the former Portuguese empire in the context of cgntemporary debates on post-coloniality. In addition to Tara Menoù 195 international academics and Yale scholars, the conference showcased as Translation in Francisco Luís Gomes' Conversion the work of creative writers from Goa and the Goan diaspora' Had Os Brâmanes the conference not taken place, this book would never have been published. Margaret Mascarenhas 205 the organization of the conference was Kenneth Partition Spearheading David Jackson, Professor in the Department of Spanish and Por- writ- Anthony Gomes 213 tuguese, who invited me to present a paper on post-colonial meetins, Saudades ers in English from the Goan diaspora. Thanks to that first our association has grown into a productive professional partnership Ashley D'Mello 215 for which I feel very grateful. Neither the conference nor this vol- Politics in Goa: The Role of the Catholic Church ume would have been possible without David's enormous efforts in providing funding, inspiration, enthusiasm, guidance and, above all, Lowndes Vicente 230 Filipa scholarly expertise. I am honored that he offered me the opportunity Many Frontiers José Gerson da Cunha's Writing From - to edit this volume and I am profoundly grateful to him for bringing and Journalistic Approaches to Past and Historical this project to fruition. Present Colonialisms in India 1870-1900 The conference also brought to Yale the Bombay-based journalist Ashley D'Mello, a long-time friend, to deliver the Poynter Lecture on Notes on Contributors 257 the topic, "Portuguese Colonial History and Contemporary Goan Elec- Index 263 tions: Impact of the catholic church on the Electorate". It was Ash- ley's idea to publish the many provocative papers that were presented as well as his keynote speech. Indeed, it was Ashley who brought Frederick Noronha, publisher of Goa,1556, on board to produce this volume. Ashley also provided early editorial assistance on some of the essays and much advice on Goa's volatile political situation. I am

4 5 José Gerson da Cunha I Filipa Lowndes Vicente

the choice ofhistorical subjects he chose to research and write on. By 15 belonging to different spheres, and constantly trespassing-literally and historically-the frontiers between Portuguese India and British India, Gerson da Cunha was able to make comparisons and connec- tions between different histories and different historiographies. And, Writing From Many Frontiers: as we shail analyze in this text, this kaleidoscopic position allowed him to write different things to different audiences. In-between these tvvo traditions-the Portuguese and the José Gerson da Cunha's Historical and Journalistic Approaches British-he was never fully acknowledged by either one of them. In a to Past and Present Colonialisms in India (1870-1900) historical period-the second half of the nineteenth-century-where India was under different colonial governments, with the obvious pre- dominance of the British, there were also different national traditions Filipa Lowndes Vicente in the same territory that tended to concentrate on different periods, different subjects, which were written in different languages, which worked in different archives and which quoted different historians. Introduction Paradoxically, as we will suggest, it was this being in many places and being in none-the fact that he somehow always occupied the tt his book on Portuguese men who achieved some prominence 1 frontiers of different worlds-that contributed to his invisibility as a published 1870s, I abroad, at the end of the decade of the historian, and as a producer of knowledge on the history of India. Bernardes Branco confessed he was not sure if Gerson da Cunha was Firstly, I will explore Gerson da Cunha's relationship with the Goa Portuguese or English and commented that he had to contact Cunha of his times, in one of the few texts in which he refers to it. Sec- Rivara, the Portuguese secretary of the Governor in Goa and also a ondly, I will analyze how his criticism of Portuguese colonial prac- scholar, to address his doubts: "Mr. Gerson da Cunha is a Portuguese tices was mainly projected in the past, and therefore more historical, subject, born in Goa, of indigenous race and of the Brahman caste. while his criticism of British India involved a much more contempo- He is established in Bombay as a doctor" was Cunha Rivara's answer rary approach, mainly expressed through journalistic writing and pri- (Branco 448).ln fact, Gerson da Cunha studied medicine in Bomba¡ vate correspondence. His audiences determined what he wrote on the Edinburgh and London, before making it his profession on returning present or the past. His was conscious of their specificity and adapted to Bombay in the 1870s. Howeve4 his historical, archaeological and his discourse, politics and criticism accordingly. numismatic interests, mainly on themes related to the Portuguese in India, occupied a great part of his time and resulted in numerous ar- ticles and books published in the last three decades ofthe nineteenth The Politics of Language: Konkani and Portuguese century The only text we could find where there is a clearer criticism of Por- Gerson da Cunha's social and intellectual world was clearly con- tuguese colonialism of the present and not only of the past, even if centrated in the diverse world of Bombay, a heterogeneous and fast done in an indirect way, was in his book Konkoni Lønguøge qnd Líter- moving world, made up of people of different ethnicities, religions cture published in 1881 (Cunha).2 Here, Gerson da Cunha revealed and origins.l But the fact that he was Goan and could read Por- some of his ideas on the relationship between language and national- tuguese, apart from other European and Indian languages, influenced ism which late4 in 1893, he went back to in his articie on the teaching

237 Goe: A Posr-ColowrAL SocrnTy B¡rwnpru CulruRns José Gerson da Cunha I Filipa Lowndes Vicente

of the Portuguese language at the University of Bombay. and stereotyping the forms inherited from a former age, Inevitably, language and its usages were affected by the establish_ that it is no wonder that Konkani, an idiom of a small ment of the Portuguese from the 16th century onwards. Gerson da country ruled by a foreign race, and without, at present cunha condemned the destruction perpetrated by the first missionar- at least, any aspiration to no'tional independence fitalics ies which in their "mistaken zear to propagate christianity" did not minel, should within only a couple of centuries have as- understand how the preservation of the ancient Indian manuscripts sumed a form so entirely different from the old one. (The could have been useful for the conversion of ,,natives',. That which Konkani Language 34) the Spanish had done in Granada, he continued, by destroyingArabic Gerson da Cunha finished his historical itinerary of Konkani with a manuscripts, the Portuguese did in Goa with Indian manuscripts. The pessimistic evaluation of the present, where language and literature fanaticism that "blinded these missionaries" (only justified, accord- were inseparable from colonial rule, and where there was an implicit ing to him, by the historical context) prevented the transmission of criticism of foreign governments: "Goa has for centuries been swayed christianity through the vernacular languages. According to Gerson by foreign rulers, who have insisted on making their own da Cunha, a global vision ofhistory helped to understand the violence the offi- cial language, or the language of the court, withdrawing at the of that behavior at the time: "The history of mankind is already full of same time all encouragement for the cultivation of the native tongue" and examples of how sectarian differences, bigotry and superstition have only a free and autonomous nation could preserve its language. Fac- deprived the world of literary treasures of considerable worth" (The ing a contemporary KonkaniLanguage 25). scenario marked by growing pressure from other surrounding Indian languages, which were not subject to the same This Portuguese policy of eliminating the local language did not kind of colonial linguistic policy, he predicted the disappearance of restrict itself to the past because, as he notes, by the end of the Konkani within one or two centuries. That eighteenth-century there were still priests advising the portuguese was, after all, the destiny of those weaker languages, as well as those weaker peoples. government on abolishing the Konkani language and other Indian In order to legitimize his argument, Gerson da Cunha also languages, "as if a language were a mere custom to be easily dealt di- gressed on Konkani literature and, mainly, poetry with by a legislative enactment". Only with the Marquis of pombal indirectly making a harsh criticism of the contemporary Goan state of affairs. The de- was this policy modified. Perhaps as a way of better justifying his crit- cline of literary production corresponded to a social and political icism against the Portuguese policies in relation to the local language, de- cline-"this is invariably the case where a country is in its decadence, Gerson da Cunha quoted Cunha Rivara, a portuguese resident in Goa, or humiliated, depressed and degraded by despotism, or is swayed who besides being the respectable secretary of government, also be_ .¿ by foreign rule". In spite of the many material benefits that may be came known for his vast scholarly work on the history of Goa (The brought about Konkaní Language 25). by colonialism, as he stated, "it is amidst the elements of national freedom and independence, and the pledges and evidence The transformations of Konkani and the infructuous attempt to of former greatness of their country resist them were also subject to his reflection: that poets grow up." As da Cunha often did, in order to reinforce his criticism, he quoted another authoq Such is, indeed, the transformation a language in the writing on the direct links between a foreign government and the cre- comparatively short period of two centuries undergoes ativity of a people (The Konkøní Language 42). even in autonomous states, which strive, with a view Gerson da Cunha goes further in his argument to suggest that to their national dignity, to preserve the purity of their an "Indian Rßorgimento" (unification of India) as an independent na- language by means of literature, arresting all changes, tion, as it had happened recently with Italy, would only be possible

232 233 Goe: A Posr-Color.¡rel Soclnry BETwEEN CulruRns José Gerson da Cunha I Filipa Lowndes Vicente

when there was a "blending of castes" (The Konkani Language 37). hierarchies.3 He sometimes showed pride for the ancestry of his por- Only when caste no longer separated Indians would it be possible to tuguese name and he never denied his "portuguese,' and ,,Catholic" shout "India for the Indians", as it happened in Goa in 1787 (Kamat identity which, far from contradicting his Brahman identiry even con- 105-23; Rivara). Much earlier than the revolt or "mutiny'', as it was tributed to reinforcing his status and, in his distinction, brought him called by the rulers, of 1857, which so frightened the British in In- in-numerous advantages (Siqueira 151-60). Contradicting what he dia and that had so many repercussions on Indo-British relations and considered to be a common perception, Gerson da Cunha denied that on subsequent British policies, and before other more recent signs the Brahmans were mere copfsts. He explained to the British read- of Indian nationalism within the British empire, already the natives ership he was addressing something that was difficult for a foreigner of Goa had raised their voices against the Portuguese colonizers. He to understand and that was also related to his own identity-the exis- was referring, of course, to the "Conjuração dos Pintos" in 7787, em- tence of Christian Brahmans. Christianity he explained, had not elim- bodied with French revolutionary ideas, where some of his ancestors inated caste hierarchies- "it simply conciliated old prejudices with were also involved (even if he did not menrion this in the article) new privileges" (The KonkaniLanguage 37). Goa did not have, unfor- (Moraes 11-2). When using this episode of Goan history Gerson da tunately, as he termed it, a "blend of races, as in Europe" favorable Cunha seems to attribute to Goa a kind of pioneering nationalist con- to a future of homogeneity between all; on the contrary there were sciousness. Apart from sixteenth-century Portuguese orientalism as a as many tribes and castes amongst the Christians as amongst the Hin- whole (and specific initiatives such as the sixteenth-century Imprensq dus. The only noticeable difference berween the Christian and the de Goa, the Goan Press), he suggested that one more example of Goan Hindu modes of living according to the norms of their caste was that precociousness was a kind of national consciousness, one that also among the Christians of Goa this was not a determinant in social tended to be ignored historiographically by the British. Here, as in relations. With the exception of marriages, all castes lived socially to- other places, he revealed a clear willingness in contradicting the ig- gether at the same level, "not unlike any of the advanced peoples of norance towards this "other India" within British India. Europe". In this Goan distinctiveness, Gerson da Cunha finds prox- imity with the existing social European models However, he blamed the Portuguese themselves, and their general he valued. He also used the occasion to focus on those attitude towards the past, for this wrongly attributed pioneerism of Goans that undertook relevant roles in the Portuguese metropolis, in parliament, the British: "the neglect which had so long prevailed in Portugal and at universities, at military institutions as well as civil (The her Colonies of their valuable archives, consigning to utter oblivion Konkaní Language 39). Con- scious that an essay on Konkani valuable writings, which have but of late been brought to rhe lighr was not an adequate place to further explore the subject, he nevertheless is valuing ,,Goan,', of publicity" Therefore, only in the nineteenth century there were what was in a strategy where we could grasp a local nationalism indissociable prints, or reprints of many of the texts on the presence of the Por- from larger strategies of valorization-from language to history tuguese in India 300 years previously: from the Lendas da india. of and to the peaceful combination of caste and Catholicism that could be found Gaspar Correia to the Roteiro da Viøgem de Vasco da Gama, or the in Goa. Roteiros of D. João de Castro.

Gerson da Cunha's relationship with caste may seem confusing at The Aryanism proposed by a few prestigious European oriental- time, or even contradictory. It showed signs of hesitating berween a ists, mainly by Max Müller, was appropriated by some groups of In- legitimisation of their superiority in a way that also contributed to his dians that saw it as a way of assuming a superiority that colonial own self-identification, and the affirmation that a future Indian uni- subjection seemed ro contradict or denya By identifying the superior- fication and independence depended on the dissolution of the caste ity of a specific Indian group ro which he himself belonged, Gerson

234 235 Gon: A Posr-CoroNrer, Socrnrv BETwEEN CULTURES José Gerson da Cunha I Filipa Lowndes Vicenre da Cunha seems to use a similar strategy: a specific current of west- the 1880s, ern thought was used as an instrument of affirmation by subjugated with which Gerson da cunha had himself collaborared, on the number peoples. On the one hand, Gerson da Cunha often used strategies to of Portuguese dialects that were spoken in Africa and Asia.6 reinforce and legitimate a Brahman distinctiveness (and in his case, portuguese, and that of many Goans, a Catholic distinction), a kind of aristocracy According to Gerson da Cunha, as the official lan_ guage that deserved to be privileged; on other occasions, he wrote of the in the regions under the portuguese government, should be need to blur caste distinctions in order to ameliorate the living and compared with the use of French in pondicherry or that of English educational conditions of the "indigenous" population. The path to in Bombay. If religious conversions were not able to reflect the ef- a future Indian independence needed a social cohesion that a very forts put into the christianization poricies, the present state of the hierarchical caste system could not conveys In his particular way of Portuguese language in Goa did not reflect the efforts that were put mingling historical and personal instances, Gerson da Cunha's contra- into its imposition. Even amongst the Indo-portuguese communities dictions are never resolved. of Bombay Portuguese was largely being surpassed by English: ,,peas_ ants" did not understand it, and In his book on Konkani, Gerson da Cunha already mixed his the,,Bourgeoisie" did not speak it frequently, only the higher classes linguistic interest, associated with a philological and orientalist dis- used it. Here da Cunha was appro_ priating a European class divisÍon and course concentrated in the past, with a discussion of its present uses. projecting it into India. Ten years lateq in.4 Brief Sketch of the Portuguese and theír Language Language could not be isolated from many other factors which, in in the East, published in 7892, he does the same temporal digres- the present, were used to characterize the Indo-portuguese commu- sion with the Portuguese language. What led him to publicly defend nity. He defended the teaching of portuguese amongst one minority the Portuguese language was a contemporary debate on the changes elite by making a historical digression on the uses of portuguese in that were taking place in the language section of the University of India since the sixteenth century in commerce, diplomacy, mission- Bombay (190-1) . In this historical justification of the relevance of the ization, as well as in the educational estabrishments of a rerigious na- Portuguese language, Gerson da Cunha clearly acknowledged the po- ture. In this incursion into the past, Gerson da cunha wrote how Brah- litical meaning of languages, their uses in forging identities and their mans-"born missionaries" in his words-had helped disseminate the Portuguese intersections with notions of nationalism and colonialism. language in the world when they integrated Catholic re_ ligious orders.'In contrast with the portuguese, many of When consulting the calendar of the University of Bombay, Gerson whom did not know how to read or write, the Brahman was learned since da Cunha noticed how the Portuguese language was placed next to child- hood ('A Brief Sketch', Ig6).7 He finished by saying that despite Marathi, Gujarati or Canarese, while French was equated to Sanskrit, the fact that only a few spoke it and wrote it correctly was Latin, Greek and Hebrew. If the University of Bombay did not con- it simply "beautiful" ('A Brief Sketch" 18g). sider Portuguese worthy of being next to other European languages More and placed it within the section of "Indian vernacular", it would be than ten years after writing on Konkani, in a text that consti- tutes portuguese better to simply abolish it, he argued. By relegating the Portuguese one of his harshest criticisms of the colonial govern- ment and language, the University of Bombay was not only marginalizing a lan- its strategy of linguistic annihilation, Gerson da cunha also manifests guage but the whole history of the Portuguese in India, da Cunha's himself strongly in favour of the preservation of portuguese privileged historical subject ('A Brief Sketch" 772). ln order to rein- as one of the languages of India. How could such a simpristic concept have seemed force his argument on the relevance of Portuguese, he mentioned the a contradiction? How was it possible to defend the lan- guage work of the eminent German linguist Hugo Schuchardt published in of the colonised and, simultaneously defend that of the colonis- ers? This can also be read as a valorization of what was Goan in the

236 237 Goe: A Posr-CororurAl SocIETy BETwEEN CurruRss José Gerson da Cunha I Filipa Lowndes Vicenre general context oflate nineteenth century India, and that meant valu- ble actions and romantic episodes, a complete history of ing Konkani as much as the Portuguese language. Both were also part which remains yet to be written. (*On the Marriage of of his own identity, the same that meant being both a Catholic and a Infanta" 145-6) Brahman. Portuguese India of the Past, In praising the city where he lived and the British Empire, within one of its more prestigious British India of the Present cultural institutions, Gerson da cunha re- veals the apparently contradictory ,,Old Apart from the criticism that Gerson da Cunha revealed in his article nature of his position. His Portuguese Empire", the on Konkani, his references to contemporary Goa or to the Portuguese one he wanted to write about, was a histor- ical entity, safely remote, Government of India are scarce. His Goan identity was more safely inoffensive, populated by heroic and noble characters of a "romantic exhibited through the past-through the archaeological, numismatic, nature", but also of fatar mistakes and in- structive lessons that courd and historical interest which Gerson da Cunha demonstrated towards be of great utility to the present British Empire, as was so commonly the Portuguese presence in different Indian regions in the previous repeated by others_mlinly within a nineteenth-century British and protestant centuries. It was, in fact, through the distance given by a historical ap- historiographical context. When proach that Gerson da Cunha projected his criticism ofthe Portuguese referring to the causes of the decadence of the portuguese Empire of Asia, a government and its religious institutions. The present of India, on the central theme for him and for anyone writiig on Portuguese other side, tended to signify British India, and not by chance his texts lndia, Gerson da cunha criticizes those most recent ;por- tuguese writers" were rich in comparisons between Portuguese colonialism of the past that attribute "all the faults of their impolitic rule at the door with the British colonialism of the present. of the Spanish yoke". He is referring to the very common argument, in the By the end of one of the many conferences he gave at the Bombay nineteenth century or in the twentieth Estado Novo historiography, Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, this time on the marriage treaty that the decline or Asia. portuguesa was due to the spanish between the Portuguese Dona Catarina of Braganza and Charles II-a dominion oÍ the Feripes. This was a position that, according to the Goan founding moment of the "greatest Empire a European nation ever historian, was the best way of avoiding the recrimina_ tions that portuguese acquired in the East"-Gerson da Cunha reflected on both empires would arise from a self_reflection on the past ('i{,n and, by doing so, on his own identity. Historical and Archaeological sketch" 302; Hunter 269). wirh this position he was making a double criticism: in relation ro some a subject, and perhaps this contemporary portuguese Although not British from cir- colonizing policies, responsible for its own decline; cumstance the more disinterested, I avail myself of the and in relation to a contemporary historiographicar position which, instead opportunity afforded by the occasion of commemorating, of reflecting on the mistakes of the past, chose to find least academically for time in Bomba¡ the the culprits in external at the first causes. A few years afterwards, howeveq in his to express wish the history of Indo-portuguese Marriage of the lnfontø, my that lib- numismatics, his positions seemed closer to what ,,The eral principles, which guide the policy of this Empire, he had condemned: portuguese had long borne with grant inimitable patience may it a long life and happier results than those the weight of the Spanish yoke, *hi.h hud, by achieved ephemeral career the Portuguese depriving them by the of Old of their former glorious conquests, atoned in part at least for their past Empire, which, though comparatively narrower in its guílty career in the Eastern land and sea.,, (,,òontri_ butions sphere, was nevertheless replete with instructive teach- to the study'l 1g4) His reading audiences clearly determined ings, and full of most stirring incidents, heroic deeds, no- what he wrote and how he wrote it.

238 239 GoR: A Posr-CororurAl SocrETy BETwEEN CulruRns José Gerson da Cunha I Filipa Lowndes Vicente

The lusiads, Luiz de Camões's epic poem, a central text of Por- Bijapur and Ahmadnagar against the Portuguese, in the sixteenth cen- tuguese literature, is always present as a historical source, and Gerson tury was compared with that suffered by the British during the 1857 da Cunha continuously praises its literary merit, but he also calls at- Revolt ("Notes on the History''95). tention to its silences in relation to those episodes that "do not add to Religion was, of course, the most controversial issue of Portuguese the glory of the nation." ("The Portuguese in South" 254-5) As it hap- colonialism in India. But even if Gerson da Cunha's position cannot pened with the poet-soldier in the sixteenth century there were, in be reduced to a single viewpoint, he clearly tends to be critical of the the present, many that only remembered the virtues of the nation and Portuguese methods of imposing Christianity and the ways of elimi- preferred to forget its crimes. While writing on the traditional themes nating Hinduism. Despite considering himself a Catholic, he did not of the historiography of Portuguese India, and making use of its clas- reveal the nature of his religiosity or the centrality of faith in his life, sic texts, he necessarily had to confront many of the ideas of con- the violence of the conversion methods was frequently condemned in temporary Portuguese history In some cases, his historical positions his writings. fit into the traditional canon of Portuguese historiography; on many other occasions, he questions, criticizes, or contests a more canonical Unlike the policy of the present rulers of Hindustan, history making him difficult to place or to classify ideologically which we hope will also be that of the future eras, the spirit which guided the true missionary in his noble task Gerson da Cunha did not hide his great admiration for the histor- of imparting to the heathen the news of peace and good- ical character of Æonso de Albuquerque who was the "great founder will, was not of tolerance but of aggression. ("Materials of the Portuguese empire in the East" and, like "Wellington", was for the History" 184) very attentive to detail ('A Brief Sketch" 777).8 But in relarion to another much invoked cause of the empire's decadence-the mar- As an example of the Portuguese policy where the natives were forced riage policy of Æonso de Albuquerque, encouraging Portuguese men to change their faith under co-action, Gerson da Cunha mentioned to marry Indian women-his position was clearly critical and was, the incendiary surge of the Bishop of Goa, Fr. João Albuquerque, by in fact, very close to that voiced by Richard Burton in his Goa and quoting a document that was kept at the Lisbon Torre do Tombo ("Ma- the BIue Mountains, and in other British contemporary texts.e This terials for the Histoqy'' 184-5).10 The bishop destroyed images and episode of the past was usually referred to as a historical lesson for Hindu manuscripts but did not forbid his subordinates from using the debate that was taking place in the context of nineteenth-century the local languages as a method of conversion, something which en- British India-the proof that it did not work and an example of how abled the writing of a series of grammars and vocabularies that were not to proceed. Gerson da Cunha recontextualised Albuquerque's ges- later made known by the Goan Press. ture-in the Roman Empire tradition, only to classify it as an "experi- In this apology for a politics of respect towards other religions, ment that has been found, now that it is too late to repair the evil, to Gerson da Cunha compared the different attitudes of two different be fruitful of grave evils to both parties." This approach of a British colonizers of India-the Portuguese of the past, and the British of the historiographical tradition, with which Gerson da Cunha clearly iden- present, and clearly revealed on which side he was. By doing so he, tifies himself, contrasts with other uses that later would be made again, stood closer to a British-Protestant historical approach where of the same historical event, as it happened with Gilberto Freyre's the Portuguese policies to local religions were frequently contrasted, Iuso-tropicalismo. The control Gerson da Cunha had over both colo- negatively, to the ones practised a few centuries later by the British. nial histories and both contemporary historiographies enabled him Cruelty, in fact, especially when associated with religion, often ap- to do other less usual comparisons: the union between the kings of peared in descriptions of Portuguese India made by the British or by

240 247 Go¡: A Posr-Cor,oNrAl SocrETy BETwEEN CurruRns José Gerson da Cunha I Filipa Lowndes Vicente

(Hunter Indians of British India 268). Bhudev Mukhopadhyay (1827- cal supremacy of that period with present time, when ,,the spirit of 7894), for example, considered Britain the less cruel of the European democracy pervades every political creed, and the French Revolution nations, in opposition to the Spanish, the French and the Portuguese has taught nations their rights as well as their duties." (,,On the Mar- (Raychaudhuri 70). riage" I42) In the same period, and in the same journal, he published One of the subjects of the book Notes on the Hístory and Antiq- an article on Dellon, the French doctor and traveller who went to Goa uitíes of Chaul qnd Bassein was the contrast between the past glory in the seventeenth century and wrote about his personal experience and the present decadence of the empire, a persistent subject on the as a victim of the Goan Inquisition ("M. Dellon Materials" 53-62). ,,fabrication", approaches to Portuguese India's history (v-ix). This was indissocia- Gerson da Cunha explains why he considered it a a ble from religious factors because amongst the causes of decadence "forgery" and a "fraud" but, at the same time, is careful to add that was the Inquisition and the religious orders-that "imperium in impe- his "denial of the authenticity of the work does not certainly imply the vis"-, which Gerson da Cunha attribured to the Jesuits (viii). When, defence of the Inquisition, which I have elsewhere qualified in a man- in 1878, tvvo years after publishing his book, he was invited by the ner it ought to be by every liberal-minded man, wherher a Catholic Vatican to receive a decoration by the Pope, he confessed his surprise or Protestant" ("M. Dellon Materials" 53-62). to his Italian friend Angelo De Gubernatis. Yes, he was a Catholic In- British Colonialism in Transition: dian, a scholar and a doctor, but were they aware of what he had written on the Jesuits? Criticism and Complicities

da Cunha manifested his criticism towards the Jesuits and his sub- In his article on the Budda's tooth and its cult in Ceylon-Mémoire sequent praise of the Marquis of Pombal's policies towards them on sur l'hßtoire de Ia dent-relique de Ceylary précédé d'un essaí sur la vie different occasions ("Materials for the History" 193). Again, in his et Ia religion de Gqutqma. Buddhq-Gerson da Cunha finished with a praise of the historical characrer of the Marquis and his criticism long quotation of Rodier that had no direct relation with the article's of the Companhia de Jesus, he is reproducing a common vision of subject and which reflected on the relations between Europe and Asia, contemporary British historiography, where the former represented between European colonizers and Indian. colonised, on a wider and modernity and the luzes, and the latter, the proof of Catholic excesses. more contemporary way. Pombal, with his "great genius", conceived the "admirable policy'' of The unchangeable expelling the Jesuits and closing convents, "nests of idlers" more in- rules of body and soul which the In- dian theocrats dared impose terested in their selfish interests than in peace and good-will. He also to on society ended up de- stroying all the elemenrs of progress. made another harsh criticism but in an indirect way: by quoting a The Hindu genius, once so brilliant, so productive, text of another aurhor saying that everything that the Jesuits built so vivacious has died tightened in a straitjacket. The harsh was destined to ruin and destruction ("Materials for the History'' 187, contact with our civ- 792).11 ilization will perhaps awake him! We hope the Arian de- scendants will find, sooner or lateq compensation for the In another article also destined to the readership of British In- pains and humiliations caused by European dominance dia or of Great Britain, Gerson da Cunha appealed to a historical (...). ("Mémoire sur I'histoire..." 431-2) recontextualization of the Inquisition that "made the portuguese rule odious to the inhabitants mild of the Konkan". Howeve4 he argued, Gerson da Cunha was not the author of these words. However, by one could not read the feudal character of that time with the modern reproducing them as the epilogue of his text, wasn't he somehow codes and could not contrast the despotic militarism and the cleri- criticizing the successive governments that had oppressed India and (

:

242 I f 243 I l Gon: A Posr-CoLoNIAL SocIETY BETwEEN CulruRss José Gerson da Cunha I Filipa Lowndes Vicente

Ceylon? Wasn't this a strategy destined to reveal his opinions, not By establishing this comparison between the Indian case and the only of historical events of the past but of the present of India? Wasn't recent process ofltalian unification that led to the birth ofthe Italian this a way of defending an ancestral "indianity'' incarnated in the nation, da Cunha stated his belief in a future Indian independence Aryans to which he felt he also belonged, and which was repressed (BayÐ. Yesterday colonized by the Portuguese, today by the British, through the successive European presences? And with the advantage tomorrow by the Russians and, in a day after tomorroq not too re- of doing so by using the legitimizing words of a European? Could the mote, only India. A non-colonised India. In this teleological reflection, fact that he was publishing in a French journal, and not one of the he imagined a nation without a foreign presence, and even if he gives scholarly journals of British India where he usually published, give no dates, there is a certain eminence in the words "sooner or later" him more freedom of expression? that he uses in his letter. Again, in another letter to his Italian friend The same argument could be made in relation to Gerson da based in Florence, he sent his compliments to the Russian princesses Cunha's private correspondence with the Italian Indianist Angelo De that lived in Florence and that he referred to as the "future rulers of Gubernatis and in his collaboration with the Revue Internationale, one my country one that we hope will be the last foreign domination that wished of many journals created by his Italian friend.l2 Published in Florence will prepare (sic) our emancipation".l4 In another lette4 he could in but written in French, the Revue Internationqle, as its name suggested, the Russian princesses a long life so that one day they arrive (sic) (Corresp. concentrated on contemporary events and literature from different India and cause "panic to the British" n. 20).1s nations. There clearþ is a sense of a greater freedom on the fact of In the article published in the Revue Internqtionale, destined to voicing his opinions on contemporary India outside India, and in a reach a European public, Gerson da Cunha also felt free enough to European country that had nothing to do with India. In the two ar- wonder on the advantages of a hypothetical Russian colonisation of ticles he sent to the journal, there is also a clear consciousness of India, mainly when confronted with the British rule of the present the changing nature of colonial relationships, and of the more or less (Corresp. n. 17).16 While the British would "leave India impoverished evident signs that announced the end of British India. and underdeveloped" because they had conquered India as adven- The period when Gerson da Cunha contributed to the Revue Inter- turers and had colonized it as Greeks, by not mixing with the local nøtionale, 1BB4-85, was precisely that in which the Anglo-Russian populations and by being avaricious, the Russians, on the contrary conflicts were more latent, due to the recent Russian occupation of would colonize India as the old Romans, mixing with the Indians. At some of the frontiers of the British Empire. Lord Curzon also consid- the same time, they would contribute to uniting India, appeasing its ered Russia's expansionist policy as a threat toward the British pres- religious differences and solving the divergences caused by the caste qnd ence in India (see his book Persia the Persian questíon). In more system. The Russian example, with its honesty, would also inspire the direct or indirect ways, Gerson da Cunha sometimes referred to the Indian people to a spirit of nationality-"that will end up by placing possibility of Russia being the next colonizer of India. And he did so in the older brother of the Arian family in the pedestal he has the right a positive way, assuming it as a necessary transitional phase before a to occupy, and that is sanctioned by history''.17 His Italian interlocu- full Indian independence. In the intimacy of a letter sent to Angelo De tor- Gubernatis, the Indianist-did not seem to agree, despite being Gubernatis, he wrote what he could not write elsewhere: "The Rus- married to a Russian and having a special interest in Russian culture. sian domination, which sooner or later will follow the British, will be In his Indian travel journal, he states that a hypothetical Russian in- an important phase of our political evolution ot to use a somewhat vasion of India would be of no benefit because Russia was not more impressive Italian expression, in our Risorgimenfo [sic] '" ("Corresp' civilized than India itself. Therefore, Indians had no advantage at all 6;rr in changing "landlords" (De Gubernatis 321-2).

244 24s José Gerson da Cunha I Filipa Lowndes Vicente GoR: A PoST.COLONIAL SOCIETY BETWEEN CULTURES

the event of the transition of power between both governors. Gerson India, many had read the manifestations ofjoy towards the ex-viceroy da Cunha's argument would be much repeated in the future, but, in as a permanent positive sign of colonial relations. However, the pro- 1gg4, it was still latent: India had much to gain for its relationship cess became unstoppable. When a people were taught about its own to the most progressive, illuminated, intelligent and energetic of Eu- rights, this same people started questioning itself on the evolution of rope, but Britain had to gradually adjust itself to India's demands. The these same rights. If they encountered resistance, on the contrary this colonizer had to please the colonized and win its good-will, mainly progressive evolution would transform itself into revolution. On the when feeling the threat of a potential rival such as Russia. As the Por- other side, as Gerson da Cunha pointed out, rights also meant duties, tuguese had become more benevolent with the native when, at the and these were the last thing on which the masses reflected. beginning of the seventeenth century the British arrived in Surat, the In relation to the apparent loyalty towards the British Crown, the British also had to please the Indians after the Russians arrived in Indian correspondent Gerson da Cunha noted how there was always Kabul. The published article did not print this sentence or idea, nor an element of precariousness in any foreign government. Gerson da did it print the section of the article where Gerson da Cunha reflected Cunha, howeve4 had his doubts. And to demonstrate them he Save an on the meaning of the 1857 Mutiny while comparing it with the ex- example of historical parallelism taken from the past of "Portuguese cesses displayed by the masses in Lord Ripon's cessation ("Corresp' India": those manifestations of joy had been analogous to those that 37). Why were his words cut? Who was the unassumed censor? took place in the "flourishing Portuguese Empire in the East". \ly'hen Gubernatis, howeve4 did not seem to consider the reflections on D. João de Castro returned to Goa after Diu's conquest, the natives contemporary British India that relevant and omitted the many pages offered him golden flowers and the merchants of Cambaia spread out Gerson da Cunha had written ("Corresp. 37).23 Were these reflections their most rich and beautiful cotton and silk cloths so that he could too delicate to be published in the journal edited by one considered walk between the galleon and the cathedral. And what was the result the major Italian figure of Indian studies and who was about to depart of all these native acclamations of the "last hero", and of the con- on a major journey to India and somehow needed the support of the gratulations of all the Hindu and Muslim princes of India? Nowadays, British Government of India? was the Italian troubled with Gerson not even the most cultivated native of India remembers the name of da Cunha's comments that in some way announced the end of the D. João de Castro. This is a clear contrast with the names of D. João British colonial government in India? de Castro's contemporary natives, whose memory was still alive, and remembered through popular ballads- "Such is the destiny of all Conclusion foreign rulers, most benevolent though they be." Gerson da Cunha children, Ed- ended this reflection with a praise of D. João de Castro's historical 'when referring to salman Rushdie's novel Midnight's to designate the character followed by an event that again enabled him to establish ward Said used the expression to take a "voyage in" ,,effort" intellectuals from the a comparison between both colonial empires-the Portuguese of the made by those writers, historians and of Europe and the past with the British of the present. D. João de Castro died poor, as- peripheries of the world "to enter into the discourse acknowledge marginal- sisted by St. Francis Xavier, whose tomb in Velha Goa Lord Ripon West, to mix with it, transform it, to make it (culture and Imperialism had visited recently.22 The epilogue of the former empire was already ized or suppressed or forgotten histories" writer in fact, known, while the epilogue of the latter was still to come, but as Ger- 260-l). Howeveç for the Goan historian, or any Goan and Europe, or non- son da Cunha suggested, it would be similar. this division between periphery and centre, India European and European did not make sense in the same way implied "The inauguration of a spirit of nationality among the natives by said. Gerson da cunha was not appropriating the instruments of of this country" had been, in his opinion, the greatest revelation of

I 249 248 Goe: Posr-CoroxlAL A Soclnry Berwn¡¡¡ CurruRes José Gerson da Cunha I Filipa Lowndes Vicente

a European culture because they were part of his own formation and cosmopolitan world, when journals, writings and ideas were inter- his Goan culture. He could not "voyage in" into his own history. changed between places, when writing in French and publishing in ,,here Gerson da Cunha's double gaze-the control of the and Italy, he knew he could say things that he would not say if publishing there", within the Indian sub-continent and also outside it-enabled in Bombay In the two main scholarþ journals of Bombay-the Bom- him to make a comparative and transnational and transcolonial his- bay Branch of the Royøl Asiqtic Society and the Indiqn Antiquary-he tory much before those words were used in historiography He went inscribed the history of the Portuguese within a wider history of In- beyond "Portuguese India", even if that was almost always his point dia, oscillating between a legitimization of the pioneering role of of departure. Gerson da Cunha wrote not only on the history of the the Portuguese in many areas and the criticism of marriage policies, Portuguese in India but on the historical production that the por- Catholic methods of conversion, and politics of eradicating local lan- tuguese had done and were doing on India, on the ways in which guage and religion, in ways that should be inscribed in a British his- contemporary Portuguese history thought about its own past. His was, toriographical tradition where the "mistakes" of the Portuguese past howeve4 a history that also took into account other communities, in India were often quoted to exemplify what should not be done in other religions, and other colonial configurations. His was a history the present. However, when writing in the privacy of his correspon- journal of some regions of India that in a certain period crossed with each dence with Angelo De Gubernatis, or in a French language other and with the history of portugal, but which had other histories published in Italy, the British India that emerges is a very different before and after the Portuguese presence. Histories that sometimes one, as we have seen-one which he questioned. Despite his histori- were also colonial histories. cal digressions into the past, he also dwells on the present of British India and also on its future-always with an Independent India on Da Cunha's was a kaleidoscopic vision that was distinct from the horizon. The same cannot be said in relation to his contemporary those Portuguese historians that wrote on India from the metropolis, Portuguese India, where the criticism tends to be more safely pro- as it was different from those who, being Goan or portuguese, wrote jected in the past. His different voices, the plasticity with which they from Goa. on the one side, he controlled all the bibliographical refer- adapt to different audiences, also reveal the intersection of private ences of Portuguese historians; on the other side, his vision was as Eu- and public that marked da Cunha's biography. rocentric as Indo-centric, and that differentiated him from the histori- cization of India done in nineteenth or even twentieth-century portu- It was precisely his geographical, identitarian and publishing mo- gal-apart from knowing the portuguese sources, that were in Goan bility, his foreignness in relation to the dominant contexts in which he archives as well as in Lisbon ones, and of accompanying what was be_ moved, that enabled him to produce different kinds of knowledge on ing published in Lisbon, Porto, Coimbra or Goa. He also knew what India. Gerson da Cunha's specific case further complexifies the places was being published in London, Bomba¡ Rome, Florence, paris or from where he writes on colonialism. Somehow he was never in the Calcutta. Apart from Portuguese, he read English and a number of In_ place of the colonised. By being Goan but not living in Goa, he did dian languages, from Konkani to sanskrit. And this historiographical not have to live under the Portuguese colonial Government; he lived cosmopolitanism, translated into a knowledge different of national in Bombay but he was not an Indian of British India, and, therefore, traditions that did not usually cross each othe4 as was the case of the was always somehow a foreigner, never being entirely in a colonised Portuguese wirh the British one. subaltern position; he went to Europe a few times, but apparently he He had access ro different kinds of publishing contexts and, I never went to Portugal, and his countries of choice and of intellec- would argue, he was conscious of what he could write and what he tual correspondence were Italy and France. These were places where could not write in different geographical contexts. Even in a growing he was never a colonial subject in the metropolis, but an "Indian"

250 257 Goa: A Posr-ColoNlRr, Socrnry BETWEEN CULTURES José Gerson da Cunha I Filipa Lowndes Vicente - that shared the culture and religion ofhis European interlocutors. In 5 Cunha, "Lettre de Bombay'' 82g-g1 Not by chance, one of the main criticisms towards a post-colonial historical approach cen- the frontiers he chose to cross and the places where he lived and of Subaltern Studies was directed tered on the Indian elites. By doing so, they were reproducing that which was es- from where hé wrote, Gerson da Cunha was never completely sub- tablished by colonialism itself - a hierarchy where these elites occupied the place ject to a colonial context, to a discourse and practice of hierarchies, left empty 6y the colonisers, where the voices of subalterns, men and women of caste, were still left unheard. Subalterns, therefore, appear as the victims of differences and inequalities. Being always a foreigner enabled him low both the colonisers and the Indian elites, men of high caste. This same idea had this unlikely freedom, and the possibility of voicing, at least some of already been rehearsed in the nineteenth century for example, by Bankim, who his opinions of the different colonialisms of India, of the past and of in his òriticism towards the discriminations berween Indians and the British com- pares them to those that existed beÍween Brahmans and Sudras in ancient India. the present. It also meant, paradoxically, that his intellectual produc- See Guha 1-7; Sarkar 239-55 and Raychaudhuri 183. tion was never acknowledged by the two dominant historiographical 6 "I hu,r" had the pleasure to contribute to this interesting study, especially to traditions that subsequently reflected on the history of India. His in- that relating to the Aialect of Ceylon, in which the New Testament was published is a Grammar, printed at betweenness and the fluidity and even contradictory nature of his in 1852 by the Wesleyan Mission, and of which there Colombo in 1811;" He must be referring to the Kreo¿ische Studien, published by identities, somehow contributed to his invisibility Hugo Schuchardt between 1882 and 1889. 7 G"rron da Cunha considered music as the greatest benefit of Portuguese ele- ,'Indian fellow subjects" hardly learned any music End Notes mentary education because the ('A Brief Sketch" 186). 1 Angelo De Gubernatis has numerous references to this social and intellectual B Albrqu..qu" also appears as a positive character amongst British authors, de- circle of Gerson da Cunha which, very often, met at his house. Here we will not be scribed ãs fair and magnanimous, and eager to meet native interests. See for ex- able to explore Da Cunha's relations with the different Goan communities settled ample the well-known l{unter, W 'N. The Indian Empire: Its Hßtory, People, and in Bombay, something that, for example, Paulo Varela Gomes has written about, Products. London: Trübner & Co., 1882. 268. nor his relationship with other Goan scholars based in Bombay, as José Camilo 9 See Cunha, 'iAn Historical and Archaeological Sketch" 302. See also Kennedy Lisboa, the distinguished doctor and botanist from Bardez, who lived in Bombay: 49-50. José Camilo Lisboa (Bardês, 1823-Bombaim, 1897): see Cosra 792-94. 10 2 "He does not tell us how he had access to this document." W" do not know what kind of relationship Gerson da Cunha had with Angelo 11 an article published in the Dublin tJniversity Maffei, the ItalianJesuitmissionarywho, preciselyin LB7B, some months afterthe D" Cunha quoted Dr. Döllinge¡ in saying that no grass grew un- International Congress of Orientalists in Florence, left Naples for India. In the two Magøzine, it 7877: the proverb about the Turks - buildings always became decades he lived in what today is the Karnataka region, he dedicated himself to deitheir steps -'could be applied to the Jesuits, whose By this quotation he was able to criti- mission work and to producing studies on Konkani: see Maffei, A Konkani Gram- the victims õf u t"mpu.t or a flood. using quoted and, again, demonstrate that his mar and Maffei, An Englßh-Konkani Dictionary. See also all the works of Mons. cize the Jesuits without having his words Sebastiäo Rodolfo Dalgado. erudition, apart fÌom attentive to the obscure, had no flontiers. 3 12 The somehow problematic relationship of Gerson da Cunha with his origins, that Fo, un analysis of Da Cunha's relationship with Angelo De Gubernatis see my revealed itself in the need to affi¡m his belonging to a high caste in different ways, book Otlær Orientalßms. even by using pre-colonial Goa, has been already analysed by George Moraes. This 13 Thi, digression on Russia and India is triggered by a photographic portrait of author also tried to demonstrate how Gerson da Cunha had a tendency to favour princess Galitzine, Gubematis had sent him by post. she was a Russian woman Da those authors that belonged to a higher caste while ignoring those which belonged Cunha had met in Florence. to other social groups. Moraes also suggests that in his historization of Goa, Gerson 14 wh"r, Prince Galitzine, brother of the "beautiful Russian princesses", went to da Cunha undertook a srraregy of valorising his family origins to the detriment of Bombay, Gerson da Cunha offered him his hospitaliry (Cunha, Corresp. n'\6,22' historical truth. He also wrote that the Goan doctor's weakness precisely was his 23) "caste complex" (3, 38). 15 Du Cunhu also wrote that this British aversion towards the Russians was "the 4 See Raychaudhuri and see also Di Constanzo. Di Constanzo gives panicular same aversion that Mahomet had towards bacon", a common xenophobic joke relevance to Müller's influence in British Orientalism. His ideas on India's contem- towards Muslims that revealed how there were also some "foreigners" inside India. porary decadence, in contrast to her past, somehow legitimized the regenerative 16 capacity of the British colonial govemmenr. Howeve4 in order to avoid the mis- Gerson da Cunha,s interest for Russia was also latent in the article he published takes that had led to the Indian Revolt of 1857, Müller argued that the British in the English language journal Bombay Gazette in L879, on women's education in administration had to modernize and carry out profound reforms. Russia (José Gerson da Ctnha, Bombay Gazette, July 1879).

2s2 253 Gon: A Posr-CoLoNreL Soclnry BETwEEN CulruRns José Gerson da Cunha I Filipa Lowndes Vicente

17 "whjch. qh.all end up by placing the eldest , brother of the Aryan family on the "Ç6¡¡s5p. para Angelo De Gubernatis, n. 20 (Bombay, 39, Hornby Road, 1 pedestalwhich belongs to him by right, andwhich is sanctionedbyhistoq/,. 18 de Janeiro de 1880)." 1880. MS. Bibiioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze, Ind"n analyses the persistence of these essentialised images of India, Carteggio Angelo De Gubernatis, Florence. in con- - (¡Ç6¡¡ssp. trast to European values and ideals. See Inden 40I-46. para Angelo De Gubernatis, n. 22 (Bombay, 39 Hornby Road, 19 article, 14 de Junho de 1881)." 1881. MS. Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze, th" writen in Engrish, arrived by post together with this letter: see Cunha, "Lettre des Indes" 202-4. - Carteggio Angelo De Gubernatis, Florence. 20 ('(6¡¡s5p. (Bombay S"" also Isaka Isi,-76. para Angelo De Gubernatis, n. 23 39 Hornby Road, 21 26 de Julho de 1BB1)." 1881. MS. Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze, Fo, u biography on Bankin see Sen. Carteggio Angelo De Gubernatis, Florence. 22 - (Coresp. see the chapter on Lord Ripon's visit to Goa in my book Entre para De Gubernatis, n. 32 (Bombay, 23 Novembro 1883)." 23 Doß Impérios. Angelo D, cunhu', second contriburion was pubrished rwo months late4 on the 25th 1883. MS. Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze, Carteggio Angelo De Gu- February 1884. bernatis, Florence. - ('(6¡¡ssp. para Angelo De Gubernatis, n. 37 (Bombay, Hornby Road, 25 WORKS CITED de Dezemb¡o de 1BB3)." 1883. MS. Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze, - Carteggio Angelo De Gubernatis, Florence. "fs¡¡¡s de Bombay." Revue Internationale 25 Feb.1884: 829-31. Bayly c.A. Recovering Liberties. rndian Thought in the Age of Liberalßm and Empire. "Lettre des Indes Orientales." Revue Internationale. Paraissant le 10 et le 25 Cambridge: Cambridge University press, 2011. portugal de chaque mois à Florence sous la direction de M. Angelo De Gubernatis 25 Branco, Manuel Bernardes. e os Estrangeiros. 2 vors. Lisboa: A.M. pereira. - 1879. - Dec. 1BB3: 2O2-2O4. "M. Dellon and the Inquisition of Goa." The Journal of the Bombay Branclt Burton, RichardF. Goa and the Blue Mountaíns; or, síx months of sickleave. rBS7. of the Roy al Asiatic S ociety YoL XVII, Part II ( 1 8 87-89) : 53-62. Berkeley: University of California press, 1991. ¡¡l\1t¿¡s¡ials for the History of Oriental Studies amongst the Portuguese." Atti chatterjee, Partha. The Nation andits Fragments. colonial and.postcolonialhistories. - tenuto a Firenze nel Settembre New Delhi: Oxford Universitypress, 1993. del N Congresso Internszionale degli Orientalisti 1878.Yo1. il. Firenze: Coi tipi dei successori Le Monnie6 1880. 184. costa, Aleixo M. Dicionó.ri.o de Literatura Goesa. vol. II. Macau: Instituto cultural - de Macau: Fundação Oriente, n.d. 192-94 '¡frf6¡g5 on the History and Antiquities of chaul." The Journal of the Bombay cunha, J. Gerson da. "Mémoire sur I'histoire Branch of the Royal Asiatic Sociery N. )OQüII, Vol. XII (1876): 5f-162. de la denrrelique de ceylan précéde .On d'un essai the Marriage of Infanta D. Catarina of Portugal with Charles II of Great sur la vie et la religion de Gautama Buddha." Annaies di twusée - Guímet. Tome Septième. paris: Ernest Leroux, IBB4. 3gT_484. Britain, her Medals and Portraits." The Journal of the Bombay Branch of the The Konkani Language and Literature. Bombay: printed Royal Asiatic Soci¿ry N. XLVI, Vol. XUI(1887): 137-46. at the Government - (The Central Press, 1881. Portuguese in South Kanara." The Jounnl of the Bombay Branch of the portuguese Royal Asiatic Socie4, N. LII, Vol. (1896): 249-62. - 'A Brief Sketch of the and their Language in the East.,, The xx J.ownal of the Bombay Branch of the Royar Asiatic so;¿et N. XLIX, vor. xvIII - Nofes on the Hßtory and Antiquities of Clnul and Bassein. lllustrated with - (7892):768-91. seventeen photographs, nine lithographic plates and a map. Bombay: Thacke4 '{An Historical and Archaeological sketch of the Island of Angediva." The - Vining & Co., 1876. V-IX. Journal of the Bombay Branch of rhe Royal Asiatic Sociery N.">OO

254 255 Goa: A Posr-CoLoN IAL SOCIETY BETWEEN CUI,TUNNS

,,Gujarati identity in the late Isaka, Riho. elites and the construction of a regional Ñirr",""rrth Century." Beyond Representation' Colonial ønd postcolonial con' ,iurio^ of Indian ideniiry' Ed. òrispin Bates' New Delhi: Oxford University Press,2006. 157-76. CONTRIBUTORS in Goa' 1510' NOTES ON Kamat, Pratima. Farar Far: Local Resßtance to.Colonial Hegemony Bt aganza, 1999' 7OS -23' 1 9 7 2. Panaji, Goa : Institute Menezes World' r".rtt"ãV, ou"" ."ihe Highly Civilized Man' Richard Burton and the Victoriøn Cambridge, Mass': Harvard University Press, 2005' 49-50' Grammar' Mangalore: on commission sale at the I fvfuff"i, Attg"tis F.X. A Konkani Professor of the Humanities in the Depository 1882' I Rochelle Almeida is Clinical Basel Mission Book & Tract and a se- Basel Mission I York university An Englßh-Konkani Dictionary' Mangalore: Printed at the Global Liberal studies Program at New Press, 1883. College, University of Oxford' UK' She ..Dr. Journal of the Asi- nior Member of St. Rntony's Moraes,'atíc George Mark. José Gerson da Cunha 1844-19o0,,' a Doc- - 1964-65: from the University of Bombay and sociäty of Bombay. Dn José Gerson da cunha. Memorial volume holds a Ph.D' in English I University' New York' 1-50. tor of Arts degree in English from St' John's Post-Orientalist Histories of the Third World: Perspec- i and Aca- Prakash, Gyan. "Writing I Fellow for Professional Postcolonial.Ed. Appointed Fulbright-Nehiu Research tivås fiom tndian Hlstoriography.,, Mapping Subaltern and the 2000' in 2018-19 at St' Xavier's Col- Vinayak Chaturvedi' Lonãonand New York: Verso: New Left Revieq i demic Excellence' she will be based I Religious I field research on 163-90. lege, Bombay, to carry out ethnographic in Raychaudhuri,Tapaî.Europereconsidered'.PerceptionsoftheWestinNineteenth-' and Western Performing Arts in Bombay' Specializing Century Benfal. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2002' Minorities Desse Tempo: Originatity qnd Imito,tion: Rivara, Joaf,uim h'C. A Con¡uracao de 7787 em Goo e Varias Cousas inter-disciplinary studies, she has authored Imprensa-Nacional, 1B75' Politics of Mourn' ttte ório Histórica. Nova-Goa: Novels of Kamala Markandaya, The Cape' 1991' Indiqnness in the Rushdie, Salman: Midnight's Children' London: Jonathan Brito:in's Anglo- Wíndus' 1993' 260-1' in Cross-Cuttursl Fiction and Sai¿, e¿war¿ W. Cultur; and lmperialßm,London: Chano & íng: Grief-Maftagement frameworks in the writing of mod- She has also co-edited Globql Surf,ä., Su-it. "Orientalism Revisited: Saidian Indians: The Invßibility of Assimilafion' ernlndianhistory,,,MappingSubalternandthePostcolonicl.Ed.VinayakCha- Age and Curtain Cøll: Anglo-lndiqn Re- 2000' 239-55' Seculqrisms üt a Post-Secular turvedi. London ànd Nèw York: Verso: New Left Review' journals on the Biography' New extensively in academic Sen, Á-iya P. Bonkim Chandra Chøttopadhyay' An lntellecrual She has published flections. people of mixed Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2008' diaspora particularly AngloJndians as a ,,Goa: e o South Asian siqueira, Alito. do ocidentalismo ao Pós-colonialismo." os Portugueses she divides her Lisboa: D' As an ìnternational freelance writet Oriente, Hßtória, Itinerários, Representações' Ed' Rosa Maria Perez' racial descent. and Bombay' Quixote, 2006. 151-60. time between Connecticut 1-2' fempie, Richârd. India in 1880.3rd ed' London: John Murray' 1BB1' vicente,FilipaLowndes'EntreDoßlmpérios.ViajontesBritânicosemGoa(1800- and 201 5 (b' is a Postdoctoral researcher 1 9 40) . Lisboa: Tinta-da-China, Duarte Drumond Braga 1981) _ India between Florence and Bombay (1860-1900) . New a Ph'D' (2074) other orientalisms: ñ; ;; ;i" uniu"tti,v of Säo Paulo, Brazil' He holds Delhi: Orient BlackSwan, 2012. of Lisbon (Thesis topic: in Comparative Studies from the University He is currently part Orientalism in 20th century Portuguese Poetry)' Brazil)' From 2004 of the Thinking Goa Project (Funded by Fapesp' of Lisbon's Centre to 2OI4, he was a researcher at the University an FCT Doctoral Grant' for Comparative Studies and was awarded university's BA in com- He lectured on creative writing at the same parativeArtsandCultures.HiscurrentresearchinterestsarePoetry Literatures from in Portugu"se (19th-20th centuries), the Lusophone Writing' He has Goa, Macau and Timor and Portuguese Orientalist

).s6 g,rwprtl Gon: A Posr-Colol'¡tal S ocintv B CurruRgs

and Span- early, inspired by his readings in the Portuguese, English' he soon ish literary classics and contemporary literature, to which the Indo-Anglo- added Mulk Raj Anand, R. K' Narayan, Raja Rao and empires and sur- American literary scene. Having lived through two writer' His vived both, he now describes himself as a pre-postcolonial he is the au- short stories have appeared both in India and the USA; and a Index thor of Tivolem,a novel, Loving Ayeshc, a short story collection compilationentitledTheMßcreant:SelectedStorieslg4g-2016which Indian news- appeared in2Oi^7.Victor has written music criticism for pioneering book (Angolan critic and pàp"tt and the New YorkTimes, and has published a A Brief Sketch of the Pottuguese António, Mário in Poet), 162, 163 performance of Baroque music' He also has an abiding inter- and their Language àntn" the East,236 Appadurai, 69 His fiction and nonfiction have both been widely 36, 53, 60 est in Goa's history' A Índia Ponuguesa, IB Arabian Sea, Hotse, 224 anthologized. Abreu e Lencastro, Maria Ursula de, ArchbishoP's guez- O r ie nt a1, 2O T4 Archivo Portu da Lingoa Canarim, T0 Æghanistan, 183 Arte Aryan,243-245 AndrewTowershasbeenagraduatestudentoflnternationalCom- Africa, 10, 77,22,705,1'62' 773 Aryanism,235 John's University, NY' Portuguese colonialism, 37 munication at St. Aryanization of India, 7 4 Ærican Literatures in Portuguese' Asia, 9-11, 13, 14, 22, 25, 105' 16s 761,762,787 a historian, is a researcher at the Institute Ahmadnagar, 17,24I Filipa Lowndes Vicente, Asia Portuguesa (ICS-ULisboa)' Albuquerque, Æonso de, 37, I75' ' Social Sciences (ICS) of the University of Lisbon decline,239 of 240 at King's College' University Asian, 10 In 2015, she was a Visiting Scholar 11 Alcaiá, Assis Correia, Luis de, 138 Brown University, Providence' USA' She 223, 224 of London and in 2016, at Alemao, Churchill, AtaídeLobo, Jorge,722 her PhD at the University of London (Goldsmiths College' All-lndia Radio, 106, 118 Australia, 73,36, 49 completed (first e Exposições: Almeida, Francisco de viceroy Australian, 51 2000). Her PhD thesis was the origin for the book Viagens oflndia), r74,175 Australianness, 50 (Lisbon: Gótica' 2003)' Amongst D. Pedro V na Europa d.o Século )lX Alvares, Claude,222 history 49 herworkonlndiaarethebooksotherorientqlisms.Indiqbetween Alvares, Peter,22O Aventura e Rotina (1953),159 Além-Mar, Dona Maria de, 14 185 FlorenceondBombay,1360-1900publishedinLisbon(2009)'inIn- Aviz cross, America,63 Azad GomantakDal, l52 Dois Impérios' Víajantes Britânicos dia and in Italy (2072) and' Entre Angela's Goan ldentitY, 122 Azavedo, Carmo, 28 emGoa(1800-1940).otherbooksincludeAArtesemHistório!.MuI- Anglo-Indian, 8,67,68 Azores, 2B (Lisbon: 2072) and Anglo-Russian conflicts, 244 Azurara, historian, 23 heres e cultura r¿rtßticc (sécutos XVI-M) Athena' Anglophone edition of the bookwith 30 authors O lmpério dsVisão' Fotografia the Indian, 120 Bachchan, Amitabh, 63 - 1 published in 2014' no contexto coloniol p ortuguês (1 860 9 60), Indian writing, 118 Baga,43 literature, 51 Bahujan Samaj, 109, 217,279 Angola, 166 Bandodkar, DaYanand, 753, 2L7, literature, 164 ,t1 Anjiro, 9 Barbosa, Duarte, 173 Anjuna flea rnarket, 65 Barros, João de, 184 (APostle), 183 anti-Muslim,66 Barthoiomew

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