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N° 3/2019 recherches & documents March 2019 Disarmament diplomacy Motivations and objectives of the main actors in nuclear disarmament EMMANUELLE MAITRE, research fellow, Fondation pour la recherche stratégique WWW . FRSTRATEGIE . ORG Édité et diffusé par la Fondation pour la Recherche Stratégique 4 bis rue des Pâtures – 75016 PARIS ISSN : 1966-5156 ISBN : 978-2-490100-19-4 EAN : 9782490100194 WWW.FRSTRATEGIE.ORG 4 BIS RUE DES PÂTURES 75 016 PARIS TÉL. 01 43 13 77 77 FAX 01 43 13 77 78 SIRET 394 095 533 00052 TVA FR74 394 095 533 CODE APE 7220Z FONDATION RECONNUE D'UTILITÉ PUBLIQUE – DÉCRET DU 26 FÉVRIER 1993 SOMMAIRE INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................... 5 1 – A CONVERGENCE OF PACIFIST AND HUMANITARIAN TRADITIONS ....................................... 8 1.1 – Neutrality, non-proliferation, arms control and disarmament .......................... 8 1.1.1 – Disarmament in the neutralist tradition .............................................................. 8 1.1.2 – Nuclear disarmament in a pacifist perspective .................................................. 9 1.1.1 – "Good international citizen" ..............................................................................11 1.2 – An emphasis on humanitarian issues ...............................................................13 1.2.1 – An example of policy in favor of humanitarian law ............................................13 1.2.2 – Moral, ethics and religion .................................................................................14 -
The Limits to Influence: the Club of Rome and Canada
THE LIMITS TO INFLUENCE: THE CLUB OF ROME AND CANADA, 1968 TO 1988 by JASON LEMOINE CHURCHILL A thesis presented to the University of Waterloo in fulfilment of the thesis requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Waterloo, Ontario, Canada, 2006 © Jason Lemoine Churchill, 2006 Declaration AUTHOR'S DECLARATION FOR ELECTRONIC SUBMISSION OF A THESIS I hereby declare that I am the sole author of this thesis. This is a true copy of the thesis, including any required final revisions, as accepted by my examiners. I understand that my thesis may be made electronically available to the public. ii Abstract This dissertation is about influence which is defined as the ability to move ideas forward within, and in some cases across, organizations. More specifically it is about an extraordinary organization called the Club of Rome (COR), who became advocates of the idea of greater use of systems analysis in the development of policy. The systems approach to policy required rational, holistic and long-range thinking. It was an approach that attracted the attention of Canadian Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau. Commonality of interests and concerns united the disparate members of the COR and allowed that organization to develop an influential presence within Canada during Trudeau’s time in office from 1968 to 1984. The story of the COR in Canada is extended beyond the end of the Trudeau era to explain how the key elements that had allowed the organization and its Canadian Association (CACOR) to develop an influential presence quickly dissipated in the post- 1984 era. The key reasons for decline were time and circumstance as the COR/CACOR membership aged, contacts were lost, and there was a political paradigm shift that was antithetical to COR/CACOR ideas. -
Ideologies of Diplomacy: Rhetoric, Ritual, and Representation in Early Modern England
• • Ideologies of Diplomacy: Rhetoric, Ritual, and Representation in Early Modern England Jane Yeang Chui Wong Nanyang Technological University Singapore In 2008 John Watkins edited a special issue for the Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies, “Toward a New Diplomatic History of Medi- eval and Early Modern Europe,” which initiated a necessary and meaning- ful assessment of diplomatic studies in premodern Europe.1 The call for a more nuanced study of diplomacy in the period brought together a group of scholars with a common interest: their essays test and broaden conven- tional frameworks that generally isolate the study of premodern diplomacy within the confines of diplomatic documentation. In drawing on the multi- disciplinary expertise of the contributors, Watkins’s special issue reevaluates premodern diplomatic studies in a richer and more complex sociocultural landscape that acknowledges and examines the undocumented import of diplomacy- in- the- making. Using interdisciplinary frameworks that take up discussions of gender, semantics, patronage, and race, among others, schol- ars of New Diplomatic History look beyond the immediacy of documentary evidence to explain the variegated processes of creating and understanding diplomatic discourses in the premodern era. This special issue hews closely to Watkins’s cross- disciplinary aim in a number of ways, but it also offers a response in light of developments in the field since then. The proliferation of scholarly works on New Diplomatic History, quite possibly at its most excit- ing and dynamic phase, has introduced some very promising contributions, identifying strategic limitations that were considered but not yet thoroughly problematized before. The current critical impulse for proponents of New Diplomatic History can be traced to a general dissatisfaction with a lapse of innova- tion and how, for many years, its development has remained out of sync with the wider and ever- growing interdisciplinary developments in the study of early modern Europe. -
H-Diplo ARTICLE REVIEW 957 18 June 2020
H-Diplo ARTICLE REVIEW 957 18 June 2020 Luc-André Brunet. “Unhelpful Fixer? Canada, the Euromissile Crisis, and Pierre Trudeau’s Peace Initiative, 1983–1984.” The International History Review 41:6 (2019): 1145-1167. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2018.1472623. https://hdiplo.org/to/AR957 Editor: Diane Labrosse | Commissioning Editor: Cindy Ewing | Production Editor: George Fujii Review by Greg Donaghy, University of Toronto here are very few episodes in Canada’s diplomatic history—and none so unsuccessful—that that have attracted the scholarly ink reserved for Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau’s controversial peace initiative at the height of the second T Cold War in the fall of 1983.1 The latest entry is Luc-André Brunet’s award-winning article, “Unhelpful Fixer? Canada, the Euromissile Crisis, and Pierre Trudeau’s Peace Initiative, 1983-1984.” Superbly researched in seven national archives, carefully argued, and presented with verve and spirit, “Unhelpful Fixer” will quite probably remain the last word on the subject for some time to come. For Brunet, the story starts in the summer of 1983, when Trudeau, already fifteen years in power, cast about for a dramatic foreign policy initiative that would restore his cratering poll numbers. Horrified by Moscow’s decision to shoot-down an errant Korean airliner over Soviet airspace on 1 September 1983, Trudeau leapt into action. Sidelining the foreign and defence policy establishment, he assembled a Task Force of mid-level officials, and asked it to cobble together a series of arms control and disarmament measures to “change the trend line” (1148) in East-West relations and reduce the brittle tensions between the United States and the USSR. -
What Has He Really Done Wrong?
The Chrétien legacy Canada was in such a state that it WHAT HAS HE REALLY elected Brian Mulroney. By this stan- dard, William Lyon Mackenzie King DONE WRONG? easily turned out to be our best prime minister. In 1921, he inherited a Desmond Morton deeply divided country, a treasury near ruin because of over-expansion of rail- ways, and an economy gripped by a brutal depression. By 1948, Canada had emerged unscathed, enriched and almost undivided from the war into spent last summer’s dismal August Canadian Pension Commission. In a the durable prosperity that bred our revising a book called A Short few days of nimble invention, Bennett Baby Boom generation. Who cared if I History of Canada and staring rescued veterans’ benefits from 15 King had halitosis and a professorial across Lake Memphrémagog at the years of political logrolling and talent for boring audiences? astonishing architecture of the Abbaye launched a half century of relatively St-Benoît. Brief as it is, the Short History just and generous dealing. Did anyone ll of which is a lengthy prelude to tries to cover the whole 12,000 years of notice? Do similar achievements lie to A passing premature and imperfect Canadian history but, since most buy- the credit of Jean Chrétien or, for that judgement on Jean Chrétien. Using ers prefer their own life’s history to a matter, Brian Mulroney or Pierre Elliott the same criteria that put King first more extensive past, Jean Chrétien’s Trudeau? Dependent on the media, and Trudeau deep in the pack, where last seven years will get about as much the Opposition and government prop- does Chrétien stand? In 1993, most space as the First Nations’ first dozen aganda, what do I know? Do I refuse to Canadians were still caught in the millennia. -
The Search for the "Manchurian Candidate" the Cia and Mind Control
THE SEARCH FOR THE "MANCHURIAN CANDIDATE" THE CIA AND MIND CONTROL John Marks Allen Lane Allen Lane Penguin Books Ltd 17 Grosvenor Gardens London SW1 OBD First published in the U.S.A. by Times Books, a division of Quadrangle/The New York Times Book Co., Inc., and simultaneously in Canada by Fitzhenry & Whiteside Ltd, 1979 First published in Great Britain by Allen Lane 1979 Copyright <£> John Marks, 1979 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner ISBN 07139 12790 jj Printed in Great Britain by f Thomson Litho Ltd, East Kilbride, Scotland J For Barbara and Daniel AUTHOR'S NOTE This book has grown out of the 16,000 pages of documents that the CIA released to me under the Freedom of Information Act. Without these documents, the best investigative reporting in the world could not have produced a book, and the secrets of CIA mind-control work would have remained buried forever, as the men who knew them had always intended. From the documentary base, I was able to expand my knowledge through interviews and readings in the behavioral sciences. Neverthe- less, the final result is not the whole story of the CIA's attack on the mind. Only a few insiders could have written that, and they choose to remain silent. I have done the best I can to make the book as accurate as possible, but I have been hampered by the refusal of most of the principal characters to be interviewed and by the CIA's destruction in 1973 of many of the key docu- ments. -
Cultural Diplomacy and Nation-Building in Cold War Canada, 1945-1967 by Kailey Miller a Thesis Submitt
'An Ancillary Weapon’: Cultural Diplomacy and Nation-building in Cold War Canada, 1945-1967 by Kailey Miller A thesis submitted to the Graduate Program in History in conformity with the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Queen’s University Kingston, Ontario, Canada September, 2015 Copyright ©Kailey Miller, 2015 Abstract This dissertation is a study of Canada’s cultural approaches toward the Communist world – particularly in the performing arts – and the ways in which the public and private sectors sought to develop Canada’s identity during the Cold War. The first chapter examines how the defection of Igor Gouzenko in 1945 framed the Canadian state’s approach to the security aspects of cultural exchanges with the Soviet Union. Chapters 2 to 4 analyse the socio-economic, political, and international context that shaped Canada's music, classical theatre, and ballet exchanges with communist countries. The final chapter explores Expo ’67’s World Festival of Arts and Entertainment as a significant moment in international and domestic cultural relations. I contend that although focused abroad, Canada’s cultural initiatives served a nation-building purpose at home. For practitioners of Canadian cultural diplomacy, domestic audiences were just as, if not more, important as foreign audiences. ii Acknowledgements My supervisor, Ian McKay, has been an unfailing source of guidance during this process. I could not have done this without him. Thank you, Ian, for teaching me how to be a better writer, editor, and researcher. I only hope I can be half the scholar you are one day. A big thank you to my committee, Karen Dubinsky, Jeffrey Brison, Lynda Jessup, and Robert Teigrob. -
Engaging Iran Australian and Canadian Relations with the Islamic Republic Engaging Iran Australian and Canadian Relations with the Islamic Republic
Engaging Iran Australian and Canadian Relations with the Islamic Republic Engaging Iran Australian and Canadian Relations with the Islamic Republic Robert J. Bookmiller Gulf Research Center i_m(#ÆAk pA'v@uB Dubai, United Arab Emirates (_}A' !_g B/9lu( s{4'1q {xA' 1_{4 b|5 )smdA'c (uA'f'1_B%'=¡(/ *_D |w@_> TBMFT!HSDBF¡CEudA'sGu( XXXHSDBFeCudC'?B uG_GAE#'c`}A' i_m(#ÆAk pA'v@uB9f1s{5 )smdA'c (uA'f'1_B%'cAE/ i_m(#ÆAk pA'v@uBª E#'Gvp*E#'B!v,¢#'E#'1's{5%''tDu{xC)/_9%_(n{wGLi_m(#ÆAk pA'v@uAc8mBmA' , ¡dA'E#'c>EuA'&_{3A'B¢#'c}{3'(E#'c j{w*E#'cGuG{y*E#'c A"'E#'c CEudA%'eC_@c {3EE#'{4¢#_(9_,ud{3' i_m(#ÆAk pA'v@uBB`{wB¡}.0%'9{ymA'E/B`d{wA'¡>ismd{wd{3 *4#/b_dA{w{wdA'¡A_A'?uA' k pA'v@uBuCc,E9)1Eu{zA_(u`*E @1_{xA'!'1"'9u`*1's{5%''tD¡>)/1'==A'uA'f_,E i_m(#ÆA Gulf Research Center 187 Oud Metha Tower, 11th Floor, 303 Sheikh Rashid Road, P. O. Box 80758, Dubai, United Arab Emirates. Tel.: +971 4 324 7770 Fax: +971 3 324 7771 E-mail: [email protected] Website: www.grc.ae First published 2009 i_m(#ÆAk pA'v@uB Gulf Research Center (_}A' !_g B/9lu( Dubai, United Arab Emirates s{4'1q {xA' 1_{4 b|5 )smdA'c (uA'f'1_B%'=¡(/ © Gulf Research Center 2009 *_D All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in |w@_> a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, TBMFT!HSDBF¡CEudA'sGu( XXXHSDBFeCudC'?B mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the Gulf Research Center. -
Canada's Response to the 1968 Soviet Invasion of Czechoslovakia
Canada’s Response to the 1968 Soviet Invasion of Czechoslovakia: An Assessment of the Trudeau Government’s First International Crisis by Angus McCabe A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Affairs in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History Carleton University Ottawa, Ontario © 2019 Angus McCabe ii Abstract The new government of Pierre Trudeau was faced with an international crisis when, on 20 August 1968, the Soviet Union invaded Czechoslovakia. This study is the first full account of the Canadian government’s response based on an examination of the archival records of the Departments of External Affairs, National Defence, Manpower and Immigration, and the Privy Council Office. Underlying the government’s reaction were differences of opinion about Canada’s approach to the Cold War, its role at the United Nations and in NATO, the utility of the Department of External Affairs, and decisions about refugees. There was a delusory quality to each of these perspectives. In the end, an inexperienced government failed to heed some of the more competent advice it received concerning how best to meet Canada’s interests during the crisis. National interest was an understandable objective, but in this case, it was pursued at Czechoslovakia’s expense. iii Acknowledgements As anyone in my position would attest, meaningful work with Professor Norman Hillmer brings with it the added gift of friendship. The quality of his teaching, mentorship, and advice is, I suspect, the stuff of ages. I am grateful for the privilege of his guidance and comradeship. Graduate Administrator Joan White works kindly and tirelessly behind the scenes of Carleton University’s Department of History. -
PICTURES, NO WORDS: AVEDON LOOKS at HIS LIFE ALSO in THIS ISSUE El
BOOKS AND BOOKPEOPLE FROM RANDOM HOUSE • FALL 1 9 9 3 ALL PICTURES, NO WORDS: AVEDON LOOKS AT HIS LIFE ALSO IN THIS ISSUE El. Doctorow • Naomi Wolf • William Styron • Mavis Gallant • Ron Chernow THE MAN WHO KILLED KENNEDY BY CARSTEN FRIES he thirtieth anniversary of the assassination of President Kennedy in Dealey Plaza, Dallas, Texas, will be commemorated in a fitting way this November: by laying to rest the myriad of doubts that have tormented the American peo- Tple since 1963 about who killed him and why. It was not the KGB. It was not Castro. It was not the Mafia. It was not the sinister cabal of military and intelligence officials suggested by Oliver Stone's movie JFK. It was Lee Har- vey Oswald—but it was not the Oswald portrayed in hundreds of books and articles. Gerald Posner, the author of Case Closed (Random House, September) and of this judgment, originally set out to reexamine all the evidence. He interviewed almost two hundred individuals connected to the case, some of whom had never before revealed what they knew. In going back to primary sources and witnesses, he made discoveries, such as the undisclosed files of New Orleans attorney Jim Garrison, that will resolve many controver- sies. He found flaws in the Warren Commission report. He created his own index to the report and concluded that the only other one, prepared by Sylvia Meagher, reflected her bias that Oswald was innocent. He spent PI/TELEPHOTO PI/TELEPHOTO many hours discussing Oswald with his Russian-born U 12 • •..:t••• wife, Marina. -
Defending the United States and Canada, in North America and Abroad
DEFENDING THE UNITED STATES AND CANADA, IN NORTH AMERICA AND ABROAD John J. Noble From Franklin Roosevelt’s Queen’s University address of 1938, the mutual defence of Canada and the United States has been the central tenet of Canadian foreign and defence policies. With rare exceptions, notably John Diefenbaker’s reneging on accepting nuclear Bomarc missiles in 1963, the policy of mutual defence has been adhered to by every Canadian government since Mackenzie King’s in the 1940s. Paul Martin’s decision not to participate in ballistic missile defence can be seen as a break with that tradition. John Noble, both a student and practitioner of Canada-US relations, looks back at Canada-US defence policy, from the end of the Second World War and the creation of NATO and NORAD, to the end of the Cold War and the present realities of the post 9/11 world. While he regards BMD “as a high-tech Maginot Line,” he also writes that once the US “decided to proceed with BMD we should have supported it.” Depuis le discours de Franklin Roosevelt prononcé en 1938 à Queen’s University, le principe de défense mutuelle du Canada et des États-Unis est au cœur de notre politique étrangère et de défense. À de rares exceptions près, notamment lorsque John Diefenbaker a manqué à sa promesse d’accepter les missiles nucléaires Bomarc en 1963, ce principe a été reconduit par tous les gouvernements depuis celui de Mackenzie King dans les années 1940. Aussi peut-on considérer que Paul Martin a rompu avec la tradition en refusant sa participation à la défense antimissile balistique (DMB). -
Open Research Online Oro.Open.Ac.Uk
Open Research Online The Open University’s repository of research publications and other research outputs Unhelpful Fixer? Canada, the Euromissile Crisis, and Pierre Trudeau’s Peace Initiative, 1983-84 Journal Item How to cite: Brunet, Luc-André (2019). Unhelpful Fixer? Canada, the Euromissile Crisis, and Pierre Trudeau’s Peace Initiative, 1983-84. International History Review, 41(6) pp. 1145–1167. For guidance on citations see FAQs. c 2018 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor Francis Group https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Version: Accepted Manuscript Link(s) to article on publisher’s website: http://dx.doi.org/doi:10.1080/07075332.2018.1472623 Copyright and Moral Rights for the articles on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. For more information on Open Research Online’s data policy on reuse of materials please consult the policies page. oro.open.ac.uk Unhelpful Fixer? Canada, the Euromissile Crisis, and Pierre Trudeau’s Peace Initiative, 1983-84 Luc-André Brunet, The Open University [email protected] This article provides the most rigourous international history to date of Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau’s 1983 peace initiative, one of Canada’s major foreign policy ventures of the Cold War. Drawing on newly declassified archival materials in Canada as well as interviews with Canadian officials, this article reveals that this initiative had a two-track strategy, aiming to mobilise Western European leaders to exert pressure on the Reagan Administration, on the one hand, while quietly urging European allies to call for a review of NATO strategy.