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Modern Greek Translations (1686-1818) of Latin Historical Works Traducciones Griegas Modernas (1686-1818) De Obras Históricas Latinas

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Modern Greek Translations (1686-1818) of Latin Historical Works Traducciones Griegas Modernas (1686-1818) De Obras Históricas Latinas Studia Philologica Valentina Vol. 17, n.s. 14 (2015) 257-272 ISSN: 1135-9560 Modern Greek Translations (1686-1818) of Latin Historical Works Traducciones griegas modernas (1686-1818) de obras históricas latinas Vasileios Pappas University of Cyprus Data de recepció: 13/02/2015 Data d’acceptació: 03/06/2015 1. Introduction Even before the Fall of Constantinople (1453), many Latin works have been translated in Greek and Modern Greek language.1 This translative tradition continues in the post-Byzantine era; many scholars with deep knowledge of Latin language and literature are engaged in writing in Latin as well as in translating Latin texts.2 In this paper we will focus our attention especially in translations of Latin historiography. The presentation will be brief; it includes the report of the titles of these works and the attempt to answer – through the authors themselves’s words – to this question: for what reason they treated specifically with translations of Latin historical works? 1 D. Nikitas, «Traduzioni greche di opera latine», in S. Settis (ed.) I Greci. Storia Cultura Arte Società 3, I Greci oltre la Grecia, Turin, 2001, pp. 1035-51. 2 These works exist in the website of anemi (<http://anemi.lib.uoc.gr/?lang=el>). The pages of the passages are given in footnotes. The pages which are without enu- meration are included into parenthesis. For the post-byzantine Latinitas of Greek scholars, see Δ. Νικήτας, «Μεταβυζαντινή Latinitas: Δεδομένα και ζητούμενα», ΕΕΦΣ ΑΠΘ, (Τμήμα Φιλολογίας) 10 (2002-2003), pp. 34-46. For the translations of 18th century of foreign works in Modern Greek, see Γ. Κεχαγιόγλου, «Οι έντυπες νεοελληνικές μεταφράσεις του 18ου αι. Παρατηρήσεις και αποτιμήσεις», JÖB 32/6 (1982), pp. 229-237. 258 VASILEIOS PAPPAS 2. Ioannis Makolas The first Greek scholar who translates a Latin historical work is Ioannis Makolas.3 Logios Hermes,4 a Modern Greek literary Jour- nal of the 19th century, which a Greek scholar named Anthimos Gazis was editing in Vienna, mentions that Makolas was born in Athens in 1661 and was a professional merchant. He translated Justin’s Epitome of Pompeius Trogus’ Historiae Philippicae in Mod- ern Greek language, some of Ovid’s Metamorphoses and published – together, in one book – his works in Venice in 1686, at the Pub- lishing House of Michael Angel Barbon.5 Such brief information about this unknown Greek scholar are given by Logios Hermes incidentally, commenting on the translation of Justin’s Epitome of Pompeius Trogus’ Historiae Philippicae by Demetrius – Daniel Philippides in 1817 and indicating the existence of an older Mod- ern Greek translation of this work by Ioannis Makolas, which the posterior translator ignored.6 Makolas’ translation also includes some myths form Ovid’s Metamorphoses translated from Latin language to colloquial Greek by the same translator with expenses of the very kind Sir Michael Peroulis from Athens. The book was printed for the benefit of the studious men and was corrected with greatest care. At the end, 3 For Makolas’ translation see: <http://anemi.lib.uoc.gr/php/pdf_pager. php?rec=/metadata/8/8/a/metadata-165-0000018.tkl&do=115088.pdf&pag- eno=1&pagestart=1&width=399&height=612&maxpage=398&lang=el>. 4 Logios Hermes [=῾Ερμῆς ὁ Λόγιος], volume 8, issue 2, 15 January 1818, p. 30, note (*): «᾽Ιωάννης ὁ Μάκολας ἐγεννήθη κατὰ τὸ 1661 ἔτος ἐν ᾽Αθήναις· ἦτον ἔμπορος κατὰ τὸ ἐπάγγελμα· μετέφρασεν ἐκ τοῦ Λατινικοῦ, ἐκτὸς τῆς ρηθείσης ῾Ιστορίας, καὶ τοῦ ᾽Οβιδίου τὰς μεταμορφώσεις καὶ ἐξέδωκεν ἐν Βενετία κατὰ τὸ 1686 παρὰ τῷ Μ. ᾽Αγγέλῳ τῷ Βαρβωνίῳ· ἦτον δὲ, ὅτε ταῦτα μετέφρασεν, 25 ἐτῶν. Πότε ἀπέθανε, καὶ ἂν μετέφρασε καὶ ἄλλα ἢ συνέγραψεν, ἀγνοοῦμεν». 5 This is the publishing House of Venice Barbon, who had as typographical mark a surmullet (in Venetian dialect barbon mean surmullet); see E. Legrand, Bibliographie hellénique ou description raisonnée des ouvrages publiés par des Grecs aux dix-septième siècle, 2nd vol., Paris 1962, p. 430. 6 Logios Hermes [= ῾Ερμῆς ὁ Λόγιος], volume 8, issue 2, 15 January 1818, p. 30, note (*): «ἔλαθε δέ, ὡς φαίνεται, ἢ ἐλησμόνησεν ὁ Κύριος Δ. [= Mister D., namely Demetri- us Daniel Philippides] νά προσθέσῃ, ὃτι τοῦ βιβλίου τούτου ὑπάρχει καί ἂλλη μετάφρασις πάλιν εἰς τήν νῦν ῾Ελληνικήν παρά ᾽Ιωάννου Μάκολα ᾽Αθηναίου(*) καί ἐπιγράφεται: ᾽Ιουστίνου ῾Ιστορία μεταφρασθεῖσα ἐκ τῆς Λατινίδος φωνῆς εἰς ἁπλήν φράσιν παρά ᾽Ιωάννου Μάκολα τοῦ ᾽Αθηναίου. ῾Ενετίησιν, αχπστ΄. παρά Μιχαήλ τῷ Βαρβωνίῳ». For further information for Ioannis Mako- las and his translations, see Δ. Νικήτας, «Μύθοι πάνυ ὠφέλιμοι καὶ τερπνοί: η πρώτη δημώδης νεοελληνική μετάφραση των Μεταμορφώσεων του Οβιδίου από τον Ιωάννη Μάκολα (1686)», in Δ. Νικήτας (επιμ.), Laus et gratia. In memoriam Κωνσταντίνου Γρόλλιου, Θεσσαλονίκη 2012, pp. 103-142. Studia Philologica Valentina Vol. 17, n.s. 14 (2015) 257-272 Greek translations (1686-1818) of Latin historical works 259 there is one Christian Teaching, «much-needed for everybody» as Makolas declares.7 The book numerates 16 first pages without numbers and 382 with Arabic numeration. From the book’s frontispiece we learn that: 1) Makolas men- tions only the name of the epitomator Justin, and not Pompeius Trogus, 2) he does not mention the title of the original work (Histo- riae Philippicae), 3) he declares that it is about his own translation and he does not follow any other foreign translation from Latin8 and 4) he announces that this edition was complited thanks to the financial support of his patron, Michael Peroulis.9 Makolas refers to the reasons that made him translate in Mod- ern Greek10 Justin’s Epitome in the beginning of his book, that is in his dedicative epistle,11 to his benefactor12 and in his address to the readers.13 The reason why this scholar worked on a translation of a historical work is given in the epislte: history pleases men and it provides them with education and prudence. Furthermore, it activates them and keeps them afar from laziness.14 In this epistle, Makolas underlines the usefulness of his book, which, apart from Justin’s Epitome of Philippics, includes twelve myths of Ovid’s Metamorphoses and one Christian Teaching (Διδασκαλία Χριστιανική) at the end. The Greek nation will gain precious knowledge from his work, as good books are scarse.15 7 For the title of this work, follow the link which is cited above, in p. 256, n. 3. 8 We have to underline that the phenomenon of copying or variety of foreign work’s translations without declaring the first translator’s identity and misappro- priation from another one later writer must be a very common practice during 17th, 18th and 19thcenturies. For example, Zaharias Mauroudis’ translation entitled Epistle of Julia, Caesar August’s daughter to Ovid the exiled poet (1808), which proved that it was non a translation from Latin language, but revision or copy of a translation of a French work, Dorat’s Lettre de Julie à Ovide in Modern Greek, which was held from another Greek scholar of 18th century – but previous of Mau- roudis – Thomas the Rhodian; see Κ.Δ. Πηδώνια, «Ο Ζαχαρίας Μαυρουδής και τα έργα του» (ανάτυπο από Αφιέρωμα στον Ι.Μ. Παναγιωτόπουλο), Θεσσαλονίκη 1990. 9 Athenian merchant who lived and worked in Venice. He was president of the Greek Confraternity there. Peroulis was a real Maecenas for Makolas. 10 We must note that Makolas’ translation is written entirely in this language. 11 In pp. (3)-(6). 12 In pp. (4)-(5). 13 In pp. (7)-(10). 14 In p. (3). 15 In pp. (3)-(4). Studia Philologica Valentina Vol. 17, n.s. 14 (2015) 257-272 260 VASILEIOS PAPPAS Makolas is more analytical with regard to the usefulness of Ro- man historiography in his address to his readers. He characterizes Trogus’ Philippics, although a work of Roman historiography, as benefaction of the Greeks ancestors. The translations of Justin’s Epitome of Philippics,16 of Ovid’s Metamorphoses17 and his Chris- tian Teaching,18 which are incorporated in his book, aim to «com- mon benefit and pleasure of studious men».19 The main scope of Makolas’ book is the benefit of the Greek nation, which lacks of this kind of books. His purpose is namely didactical and peda- gogic.20 In his address to the readers, Makolas confesses the tre- mendous labor that he exerted for this book in order to translate in Modern Greek these Latin works, as he is «mostly beginner and inexperienced in Latin language».21 At the end, Makolas pleads for the anonymous reader’s clemency, as captatio benevolentiae im- poses and closes this note with his signature: «Ioannis Makolas the Athenian, humble slave of your politeness».22 3. Spyridon Vlantes The second Greek scholar who translates a Latin historical work is Spyridon Vlantes (1765-1830). He translates in 1801 – in Modern Greek, also – Cornelius Nepos’ De viris illustribus.23 He added some necessary notes and published the book in Venice in 1801 at the Publishing House of Panos Theodosiou from Ioanni- 16 In pp. 1-307. 17 In pp. 308-364. The twelve myths of Ovid’s Metamorphoses are the following: Pyrrhamus and Thisbe (pp. 308-311), Daphne (pp. 311-314), Phaethon (pp. 315- 324), Phaethon’s sisters (pp. 325-326), Cygnus (pp. 326-327), Narcissus and Echo (pp. 327-330), Arachne (pp. 331-334), Niobe (pp. 334-339), Procne, Philomena, Tyreus and Itys (pp. 339-346), Orpheus, Jupiter and Ganymedes, Yacinthus (pp. 346-348), Ajax and Ulysses (pp. 349-360) and Iphigenia (pp. 360-364). 18 In pp. 365-382. We must note that Christian Teaching has dialogical form, between a hypothetical teacher and a hypothetical student. 19 In p. (9). 20 In pp. (7)-(10): 21 In p. (9) 22 In p. (10).
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