Q&A on the Exchange Rate Impact
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Frequently Asked Questions Coins and Notes July 2020
Frequently Asked Questions Coins and Notes July 2020 A. Currency Issuance 1. Under what authority does the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) issue currency? The BSP is the sole government institution mandated by law to issue notes and coins for circulation in the Philippines. In Particular, Section 50 of Republic Act (R.A) No. 7653, otherwise known as The New Central Bank Act, as amended by Republic Act No. 11211, stipulates that the BSP shall have the sole power and authority to issue currency within the territory of the Philippines. It also issues legal tender commemorative notes and coins. 2. How does the BSP determine the volume/value of notes and coins to be issued annually? The annual volume/value of currency to be issue is projected based on currency demand that is estimated from a set of economic indicators which generally measure the country’s economic activity. Other variables considered in estimating currency order include: required currency reserves, unfit notes for replacement, and beginning inventory balance. The total amount of banknotes and coins that the BSP may issue should not exceed the total assets of the BSP. 3. How is currency issued to the public? Based on forecast of currency demand, denominational order of banknotes and coins is submitted to the Currency Production Sub-Sector (CPSS) for production of banknotes and coins. The CPSS delivers new BSP banknotes and coins to the Cash Department (CD) and the Regional Operations Sub-Sector (ROSS). In turn, CD services withdrawals of notes and coins of banks in the regions through its 22 Regional Offices/Branches. -
Black Market Peso Exchange As a Mechanism to Place Substantial Amounts of Currency from U.S
United States Department of the Treasury Financial Crimes Enforcement Network FinCEN Advisory Subject: This advisory is provided to alert banks and other depository institutions Colombian to a large-scale, complex money laundering system being used extensively by Black Market Colombian drug cartels to launder the proceeds of narcotics sales. This Peso Exchange system is affecting both U.S. financial depository institutions and many U.S. businesses. The information contained in this advisory is intended to help explain how this money laundering system works so that U.S. financial institutions and businesses can take steps to help law enforcement counter it. Overview Date: November Drug sales in the United States are estimated by the Office of National 1997 Drug Control Policy to generate $57.3 billion annually, and most of these transactions are in cash. Through concerted efforts by the Congress and the Executive branch, laws and regulatory actions have made the movement of this cash a significant problem for the drug cartels. America’s banks have effective systems to report large cash transactions and report suspicious or Advisory: unusual activity to appropriate authorities. As a result of these successes, the Issue 9 placement of large amounts of cash into U.S. financial institutions has created vulnerabilities for the drug organizations and cartels. Efforts to avoid report- ing requirements by structuring transactions at levels well below the $10,000 limit or camouflage the proceeds in otherwise legitimate activity are continu- ing. Drug cartels are also being forced to devise creative ways to smuggle the cash out of the country. This advisory discusses a primary money laundering system used by Colombian drug cartels. -
View Currency List
Currency List business.westernunion.com.au CURRENCY TT OUTGOING DRAFT OUTGOING FOREIGN CHEQUE INCOMING TT INCOMING CURRENCY TT OUTGOING DRAFT OUTGOING FOREIGN CHEQUE INCOMING TT INCOMING CURRENCY TT OUTGOING DRAFT OUTGOING FOREIGN CHEQUE INCOMING TT INCOMING Africa Asia continued Middle East Algerian Dinar – DZD Laos Kip – LAK Bahrain Dinar – BHD Angola Kwanza – AOA Macau Pataca – MOP Israeli Shekel – ILS Botswana Pula – BWP Malaysian Ringgit – MYR Jordanian Dinar – JOD Burundi Franc – BIF Maldives Rufiyaa – MVR Kuwaiti Dinar – KWD Cape Verde Escudo – CVE Nepal Rupee – NPR Lebanese Pound – LBP Central African States – XOF Pakistan Rupee – PKR Omani Rial – OMR Central African States – XAF Philippine Peso – PHP Qatari Rial – QAR Comoros Franc – KMF Singapore Dollar – SGD Saudi Arabian Riyal – SAR Djibouti Franc – DJF Sri Lanka Rupee – LKR Turkish Lira – TRY Egyptian Pound – EGP Taiwanese Dollar – TWD UAE Dirham – AED Eritrea Nakfa – ERN Thai Baht – THB Yemeni Rial – YER Ethiopia Birr – ETB Uzbekistan Sum – UZS North America Gambian Dalasi – GMD Vietnamese Dong – VND Canadian Dollar – CAD Ghanian Cedi – GHS Oceania Mexican Peso – MXN Guinea Republic Franc – GNF Australian Dollar – AUD United States Dollar – USD Kenyan Shilling – KES Fiji Dollar – FJD South and Central America, The Caribbean Lesotho Malati – LSL New Zealand Dollar – NZD Argentine Peso – ARS Madagascar Ariary – MGA Papua New Guinea Kina – PGK Bahamian Dollar – BSD Malawi Kwacha – MWK Samoan Tala – WST Barbados Dollar – BBD Mauritanian Ouguiya – MRO Solomon Islands Dollar – -
Malolos-Clark Railway Project – Tranche 1 Volume I
Environmental Monitoring Report Semi-annual Environmental Monitoring Report No. 1 March 2020 PHI: Malolos-Clark Railway Project – Tranche 1 Volume I September 2019 – March 2020 Prepared by the Project Management Office (PMO) of the Department of Transportation (DOTr) for the Government of the Republic of the Philippines and the Asian Development Bank. CURRENCY EQUIVALENTS (as of 30 March 2020) Currency unit – Philippine Peso (PHP) PHP1.00 = $0.02 $1.00 = PHP50.96 ABBREVIATIONS ADB – Asian Development Bank BMB – Biodiversity Management Bureau Brgy – Barangay CCA – Climate Change Adaptation CCC – Climate Change Commission CDC – Clark Development Corporation CEMP – Contractor’s Environmental Management Plan CENRO – City/Community Environment and Natural Resources Office CIA – Clark International Airport CIAC – Clark International Airport Corporation CLLEx – Central Luzon Link Expressway CLUP – Comprehensive Land Use Plan CMR – Compliance Monitoring Report CMVR – Compliance Monitoring and Validation Report CNO – Certificate of No Objection CPDO – City Planning and Development Office DAO – DENR Administrative Order DD / DED – Detailed Design Stage / Detailed Engineering Design Stage DENR – Department of Environment and Natural Resources DepEd – Department of Education DIA – Direct Impact Area DILG – Department of Interior and Local Government DOH – Department of Health DOST – Department of Science and Technology DOTr – Department of Transportation DPWH – Department of Public Works and Highways DSWD – Department of Social Welfare and Development -
Colombian Peso Forecast Special Edition Nov
Friday Nov. 4, 2016 Nov. 4, 2016 Mexican Peso Outlook Is Bleak With or Without Trump Buyside View By George Lei, Bloomberg First Word The peso may look historically very cheap, but weak fundamentals will probably prevent "We're increasingly much appreciation, regardless of who wins the U.S. election. concerned about the The embattled currency hit a three-week low Nov. 1 after a poll showed Republican difference between PDVSA candidate Donald Trump narrowly ahead a week before the vote. A Trump victory and Venezuela. There's a could further bruise the peso, but Hillary Clinton wouldn't do much to reverse 26 scenario where PDVSA percent undervaluation of the real effective exchange rate compared to the 20-year average. doesn't get paid as much as The combination of lower oil prices, falling domestic crude production, tepid economic Venezuela." growth and a rising debt-to-GDP ratio are key challenges Mexico must address, even if — Robert Koenigsberger, CIO at Gramercy a status quo in U.S. trade relations is preserved. Oil and related revenues contribute to Funds Management about one third of Mexico's budget and output is at a 32-year low. Economic growth is forecast at 2.07 percent in 2016 and 2.26 percent in 2017, according to a Nov. 1 central bank survey. This is lower than potential GDP growth, What to Watch generally considered at or slightly below 3 percent. To make matters worse, Central Banks Deputy Governor Manuel Sanchez said Oct. Nov. 9: Mexico's CPI 21 that the GDP outlook has downside risks and that the government must urgently Nov. -
ADDRESSING ILLEGAL WILDLIFE TRADE in the PHILIPPINES PHILIPPINES Second-Largest Archipelago in the World Comprising 7,641 Islands
ADDRESSING ILLEGAL WILDLIFE TRADE IN THE PHILIPPINES PHILIPPINES Second-largest archipelago in the world comprising 7,641 islands Current population is 100 million, but projected to reach 125 million by 2030; most people, particularly the poor, depend on biodiversity 114 species of amphibians 240 Protected Areas 228 Key Biodiversity Areas 342 species of reptiles, 68% are endemic One of only 17 mega-diverse countries for harboring wildlife species found 4th most important nowhere else in the world country in bird endemism with 695 species More than 52,177 (195 endemic and described species, half 126 restricted range) of which are endemic 5th in the world in terms of total plant species, half of which are endemic Home to 5 of 7 known marine turtle species in the world green, hawksbill, olive ridley, loggerhead, and leatherback turtles ILLEGAL WILDLIFE TRADE The value of Illegal Wildlife Trade (IWT) is estimated at $10 billion–$23 billion per year, making wildlife crime the fourth most lucrative illegal business after narcotics, human trafficking, and arms. The Philippines is a consumer, source, and transit point for IWT, threatening endemic species populations, economic development, and biodiversity. The country has been a party to the Convention on Biological Diversity since 1992. The value of IWT in the Philippines is estimated at ₱50 billion a year (roughly equivalent to $1billion), which includes the market value of wildlife and its resources, their ecological role and value, damage to habitats incurred during poaching, and loss in potential -
Argentina's 2001 Economic and Financial Crisis: Lessons for Europe
Argentina’s 2001 economic and Financial Crisis: Lessons for europe Former Under Secretary of Finance and Chief Advisor to the Minister of the Miguel Kiguel Economy, Argentina; Former President, Banco Hipotecario; Director, Econviews; Professor, Universidad Torcuato Di Tella he 2001 Argentine economic and financial banks and international reserves—was not enough crisis has many parallels with the problems to cover the financial liabilities of the consolidated Tthat some European countries are facing to- financial system . This was a major source of vulner- day . Prior to the crisis, Argentina was suffering a ability, especially because there is ample evidence deep recession, large levels of debt, twin deficits in that an economy without a lender of last resort is the fiscal and current accounts, and the country inherently unstable and subject to bank runs . This had an overvalued currency but devaluation was is not a pressing issue in Europe, where the Euro- not an option . pean Central Bank can provide liquidity to banks . Argentina tried in vain to restore its competitive- The trigger for the crisis in Argentina was a run on ness through domestic deflation and improving the banking system as people realized that there its solvency by increasing its fiscal accounts in were not enough dollars in the system to cover all the midst of a recession . The country also tried to the deposits . As the run intensified, the Argentine avoid a default first by resorting to a large financial government was forced to introduce a so-called package from the multilateral institutions (the so “fence” to control the outflow of deposits . -
The Cuban Convertible Peso
The Cuban Convertible Peso A Redefinitionof Dependence MARK PIPER T lie story of Cuba’s achievement of nationhood and its historical economic relationship with the United States is an instructive example of colonialism and neo-colonial dependence. From its conquest in 1511 until 1898. Cuba was a colony of the Spanish Crown, winning independence after ovo bloody insurgencies. Dtiring its rise to empire, the U.S. acquired substantial economic interest on the island and in 1898 became an active participant in the ouster of the governing Spanish colonial power. As expressed in his poem Nuesrra America,” Ctiban nationalist José Marti presciently feared that the U.S. participation w’ould lead to a new type ofcolonialism through ctiltural absorption and homogenization. Though the stated American goal of the Spanish .Arncrican Var was to gain independence for Cuba, after the Spanish stirrender in July 189$ an American military occupation of Cuba ensued. The Cuban independence of May1902 vas not a true independence, but by virtue of the Platt Amendmentw’as instead a complex paternalistic neo-eolonial program between a dominant American empire and a dependent Cuban state. An instrument ot the neo colonial program tvas the creation of a dependent Cuban economy, with the imperial metropole economically dominating its dependent nation-state in a relationship of inequality. i’o this end, on 8 December 189$, American president William McKinley isstied an executive order that mandated the usc of the U.S. dollar in Cuba and forced the withdrawing from circulation of Spanish colonial currency.’ An important hallmark for nationalist polities is the creation of currency. -
The Giant Sucking Sound: Did NAFTA Devour the Mexican Peso?
J ULY /AUGUST 1996 Christopher J. Neely is a research economist at the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis. Kent A. Koch provided research assistance. This article examines the relationship The Giant between NAFTA and the peso crisis of December 1994. First, the provisions of Sucking Sound: NAFTA are reviewed, and then the links between NAFTA and the peso crisis are Did NAFTA examined. Despite a blizzard of innuendo and intimation that there was an obvious Devour the link between the passage of NAFTA and Mexican Peso? the peso devaluation, NAFTA’s critics have not been clear as to what the link actually was. Examination of their argu- Christopher J. Neely ments and economic theory suggests two possibilities: that NAFTA caused the Mex- t the end of 1993 Mexico was touted ican authorities to manipulate and prop as a model for developing countries. up the value of the peso for political rea- A Five years of prudent fiscal and mone- sons or that NAFTA’s implementation tary policy had dramatically lowered its caused capital flows that brought the budget deficit and inflation rate and the peso down. Each hypothesis is investi- government had privatized many enter- gated in turn. prises that were formerly state-owned. To culminate this progress, Mexico was preparing to enter into the North American NAFTA Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) with NAFTA grew out of the U.S.–Canadian Canada and the United States. But less than Free Trade Agreement of 1988.1 It was a year later, in December 1994, investors signed by Mexico, Canada, and the United sold their peso assets, the value of the Mex- States on December 17, 1992. -
Fishing for Fairness Poverty, Morality and Marine Resource Regulation in the Philippines
Fishing for Fairness Poverty, Morality and Marine Resource Regulation in the Philippines Asia-Pacific Environment Monograph 7 Fishing for Fairness Poverty, Morality and Marine Resource Regulation in the Philippines Michael Fabinyi Published by ANU E Press The Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at: http://epress.anu.edu.au/ National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Author: Fabinyi, Michael. Title: Fishing for fairness [electronic resource] : poverty, morality and marine resource regulation in the Philippines / Michael Fabinyi. ISBN: 9781921862656 (pbk.) 9781921862663 (ebook) Notes: Includes bibliographical references and index. Subjects: Fishers--Philippines--Attitudes. Working poor--Philippines--Attitudes. Marine resources--Philippines--Management. Dewey Number: 333.91609599 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design and layout by ANU E Press Cover image: Fishers plying the waters of the Calamianes Islands, Palawan Province, Philippines, 2009. Printed by Griffin Press This edition © 2012 ANU E Press Contents Foreword . ix Acknowledgements . xiii Selected Tagalog Glossary . xvii Abbreviations . xviii Currency Conversion Rates . xviii 1 . Introduction: Fishing for Fairness . 1 2 . Resource Frontiers: Palawan, the Calamianes Islands and Esperanza . 21 3 . Economic, Class and Status Relations in Esperanza . 53 4 . The ‘Poor Moral Fisher’: Local Conceptions of Environmental Degradation, Fishing and Poverty in Esperanza . 91 5 . Fishing, Dive Tourism and Marine Protected Areas . 121 6 . Fishing in Marine Protected Areas: Resistance, Youth and Masculinity . -
Causes and Lessons of the Mexican Peso Crisis
Causes and Lessons of the Mexican Peso Crisis Stephany Griffith-Jones IDS, University of Sussex May 1997 This study has been prepared within the UNU/WIDER project on Short- Term Capital Movements and Balance of Payments Crises, which is co- directed by Dr Stephany Griffith-Jones, Fellow, IDS, University of Sussex; Dr Manuel F. Montes, Senior Research Fellow, UNU/WIDER; and Dr Anwar Nasution, Consultant, Center for Policy and Implementation Studies, Indonesia. UNU/WIDER gratefully acknowledges the financial contribution to the project by the Government of Sweden (Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency - Sida). CONTENTS List of tables and charts iv Acknowledgements v Abstract vi I Introduction 1 II The apparently golden years, 1988 to early 1994 6 III February - December 1994: The clouds darken 15 IV The massive financial crisis explodes 24 V Conclusions and policy implications 31 Bibliography 35 iii LIST OF TABLES AND CHARTS Table 1 Composition (%) of Mexican and other countries' capital inflows, 1990-93 8 Table 2 Mexico: Summary capital accounts, 1988-94 10 Table 3 Mexico: Non-resident investments in Mexican government securities, 1991-95 21 Table 4 Mexico: Quarterly capital account, 1993 - first quarter 1995 (in millions of US dollars) 22 Table 5 Mexican stock exchange (BMV), 1989-1995 27 Chart 1 Mexico: Real effective exchange rate (1980=100) 7 Chart 2 Current account balance (% of GDP) 11 Chart 3 Saving-investment gap and current account 12 Chart 4 Stock of net international reserves in 1994 (in millions of US dollars) 17 Chart 5 Mexico: Central bank sterilised intervention 18 Chart 6 Mexican exchange rate changes within the exchange rate band (November 1991 through mid-December 1994) 19 Chart 7 Mexican international reserves and Tesobonos outstanding 20 iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank UNU/WIDER for financial support for this research which also draws on work funded by SIDA and CEPAL. -
The Chilean Peso Exchange-Rate Carry Trade and Turbulence
The Chilean peso exchange-rate carry trade and turbulence Paulo Cox and José Gabriel Carreño Abstract In this study we provide evidence regarding the relationship between the Chilean peso carry trade and currency crashes of the peso against other currencies. Using a rich dataset containing information from the local Chilean forward market, we show that speculation aimed at taking advantage of the recently large interest rate differentials between the peso and developed- country currencies has led to several episodes of abnormal turbulence, as measured by the exchange-rate distribution’s skewness coeffcient. In line with the interpretative framework linking turbulence to changes in the forward positions of speculators, we fnd that turbulence is higher in periods during which measures of global uncertainty have been particularly high. Keywords Currency carry trade, Chile, exchange rates, currency instability, foreign-exchange markets, speculation JEL classification E31, F41, G15, E24 Authors Paulo Cox is a senior economist in the Financial Policy Division of the Central Bank of Chile. [email protected]. José Gabriel Carreño is with the Financial Research Group of the Financial Policy Division of the Central Bank of Chile. [email protected] 72 CEPAL Review N° 120 • December 2016 I. Introduction Between 15 and 23 September 2011, the Chilean peso depreciated against the United States dollar by about 8.2% (see fgure 1). The magnitude of this depreciation was several times greater than the average daily volatility of the exchange rate for these currencies between 2002 and 2012.1 No events that would affect any fundamental factor that infuences the price relationship between these currencies seems to have occurred that would trigger this large and abrupt adjustment.