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Financing the African Union – on Mindsets and Money
ecdpm’s Making policies work DISCUSSION PAPER No. 240 Financing the African Union on mindsets and money Political Economy Dynamics of Regional Organisations in africa PEDRO By Kesa Pharatlhatlhe and Jan Vanheukelom February 2019 Summary With 55 member countries, an elaborate institutional architecture, a broad policy agenda, and a high dependency rate on its former colonisers and main donors, the African Union (AU) is probably the world’s largest and most complex regional partnership configuration. Until 2017, repeated efforts at reducing dependency on foreign funding and increasing the yearly contributions from the member states of the AU had largely failed. Unpredictability and unreliability of funding by both African member states and by external funders led to wider management and staffing challenges. Due to a financial crisis of the AU around 2016, a renewed and joint push at different levels of the AU resulted in hands-on institutional reforms, piloted by Rwanda’s charismatic President Paul Kagame. This paper analyses the margins of manoeuvre for reformers and their external supporters to resolve money and governance matters within the wider context of institutional reforms of the AU. It has introduced a levy on eligible imported goods into the continent and has established systems to instill more discipline in planning, monitoring and implementing of budgets. A handful of donors are doing some soul searching as past promises to harmonise aid and align it with priorities and management systems of the AU have not effectively reduced the unintended burden of their fragmented, earmarked and overly ambitious support. Clearly, this paper is about money, and about the difficulties of financing the African Union. -
Everyday Intolerance- Racist and Xenophic Violence in Italy
Italy H U M A N Everyday Intolerance R I G H T S Racist and Xenophobic Violence in Italy WATCH Everyday Intolerance Racist and Xenophobic Violence in Italy Copyright © 2011 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-746-9 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor New York, NY 10118-3299 USA Tel: +1 212 290 4700, Fax: +1 212 736 1300 [email protected] Poststraße 4-5 10178 Berlin, Germany Tel: +49 30 2593 06-10, Fax: +49 30 2593 0629 [email protected] Avenue des Gaulois, 7 1040 Brussels, Belgium Tel: + 32 (2) 732 2009, Fax: + 32 (2) 732 0471 [email protected] 64-66 Rue de Lausanne 1202 Geneva, Switzerland Tel: +41 22 738 0481, Fax: +41 22 738 1791 [email protected] 2-12 Pentonville Road, 2nd Floor London N1 9HF, UK Tel: +44 20 7713 1995, Fax: +44 20 7713 1800 [email protected] 27 Rue de Lisbonne 75008 Paris, France Tel: +33 (1)43 59 55 35, Fax: +33 (1) 43 59 55 22 [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 500 Washington, DC 20009 USA Tel: +1 202 612 4321, Fax: +1 202 612 4333 [email protected] Web Site Address: http://www.hrw.org March 2011 ISBN: 1-56432-746-9 Everyday Intolerance Racist and Xenophobic Violence in Italy I. Summary ...................................................................................................................... 1 Key Recommendations to the Italian Government ............................................................ 3 Methodology ................................................................................................................... 4 II. Background ................................................................................................................. 5 The Scale of the Problem ................................................................................................. 9 The Impact of the Media ............................................................................................... -
Building Better Global Economic Brics
Economics Global Economics Research from the GS Financial WorkbenchSM at https://www.gs.com Paper No: 66 Building Better Global Economic BRICs n In 2001 and 2002, real GDP growth in large emerging market economies will exceed that of the G7. n At end-2000, GDP in US$ on a PPP basis in Brazil, Russia, India and China (BRIC) was about 23.3% of world GDP. On a current GDP basis, BRIC share of world GDP is 8%. n Using current GDP, China’s GDP is bigger than that of Italy. n Over the next 10 years, the weight of the BRICs and especially China in world GDP will grow, raising important issues about the global economic impact of fiscal and monetary policy in the BRICs. n In line with these prospects, world policymaking forums should be re-organised and in particular, the G7 should be adjusted to incorporate BRIC representatives. Many thanks to David Blake, Paulo Leme, Binit Jim O’Neill Patel, Stephen Potter, David Walton and others in the Economics Department for their helpful 30th November 2001 suggestions. Important disclosures appear at the end of this document. Goldman Sachs Economic Research Group In London Jim O’Neill, M.D. & Head of Global Economic Research +44(0)20 7774 1160 Gavyn Davies, M.D. & Chief International Economist David Walton, M.D. & Chief European Economist Andrew Bevan, M.D. & Director of International Bond Economic Research Erik Nielsen, Director of New European Markets Economic Research Stephen Potter, E.D. & Senior Global Economist Al Breach, E.D & International Economist Linda Britten, E.D. -
G7 to G8 to G20: Evolution in Global Governance CIGI G20 Papers | No
G7 TO G8 TO G20: EVOLUTION IN GLOBAL GOVERNANCE CIGI G20 PAPERS | NO. 6, MAY 2011 Gordon S. Smith G7 TO G8 TO G20: EVOLUTION IN GLOBAL GOVERNANCE TABLE OF CONTENTS SUMMARY Summary 3 This paper provides a brief history of the evolution of Acronyms 3 the Group of Seven (G7) from its origins in the aftermath of the 1971 breakdown of the Bretton Woods system of G7 to G8 to G20: Evolution in Global Governance 4 exchange rates and the oil crisis in 1973. It then discusses Russia’s participation at summits after the fall of the Works Cited 8 Berlin Wall, formally joining the group in 1997, thus becoming the Group of Eight (G8). The paper gives a CIGI G20 Resources 9 concise account of the formation of the Group of Twenty About CIGI 10 (G20) finance ministers and central bank governors in the late 1990s, in the wake of financial crises in Asia and Latin America, which was elevated to a leaders’ summit forum at the outbreak of the global financial crisis in 2008. The paper wraps up with a discussion of the differences in the G8 and G20 models, concluding that the G20 process is still the best option for meeting the challenges of complex global governance issues. ACRONYMS 3G Global Governance Group ASEAN Association of Southeast Asian Nations AU African Union BMENA Afghanistan, the Broader Middle East and North Africa CFGS Centre for Global Studies G5 Group of Five G7 Group of Seven G8 Group of Eight G20 Group of Twenty IMF International Monetary Fund Copyright © 2011 The Centre for International Governance Innovation. -
Banking on the Future of Asia and the Pacific the and Asia Future of the on Banking
BANKING ON THE FUTURE OF ASIA AND THE PACIFIC Banking on the Future of Asia and the Pacifi c 50 Years of the Asian Development Bank This book is a history of the Asian Development Bank (ADB), a multilateral development bank established 50 years ago to serve Asia and the Pacifi c. Focusing on the region’s BANK DEVELOPMENT YEARS OF THE ASIAN economic development, the evolution of the international development agenda, and the story of ADB itself, Banking on the Future of Asia and the Pacifi c raises several key questions: What are the outstanding features of regional development to which ADB had to respond? How has the bank grown and evolved in changing circumstances? How did ADB’s successive leaders promote reforms while preserving continuity with the e orts of their predecessors? ADB has played an important role in the transformation of Asia and the Pacifi c over the past 50 years. As ADB continues to evolve and adapt to the region’s changing development landscape, the experiences highlighted in this book can provide valuable insight on how best to serve Asia and the Pacifi c in the future. Peter McCawley Peter “ADB is a child of genuine aspiration by people across BANKING ON the region and the establishment of ADB represents the spirit of regional cooperation.” THE FUTURE OF ASIA ADB President Takehiko Nakao AND THE PACIFIC YEARS OF THE ASIAN DEVELOPMENT BANK Peter McCawley ASIAN DEVELOPMENT BANK 6 ADB Avenue, Mandaluyong City 1550 Metro Manila, Philippines www.adb.org ADB@50 History Book_COVER 6x9 - 2.6 cm spine.indd 1 6/15/2017 1:45:13 PM BANKING ON THE FUTURE OF ASIA AND THE PACIFIC 50 YEARS OF THE ASIAN DEVELOPMENT BANK Peter McCawley © 2017 Asian Development Bank 6 ADB Avenue, Mandaluyong City, 1550 Metro Manila, Philippines Tel +63 2 632 4444; Fax +63 2 636 2444 www.adb.org All rights reserved. -
The European Union: Questions and Answers
The European Union: Questions and Answers Updated October 27, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RS21372 SUMMARY RS21372 The European Union: Questions and Answers October 27, 2020 The European Union (EU) is a political and economic partnership that represents a unique form of cooperation among sovereign countries. The EU is the latest stage in a process of integration Kristin Archick begun after World War II, initially by six Western European countries, to foster interdependence Specialist in European and make another war in Europe unthinkable. The EU currently consists of 27 member states, Affairs including most of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, and has helped to promote peace, stability, and economic prosperity throughout the European continent. How the EU Works The EU has been built through a series of binding treaties. Over the years, EU member states have sought to harmonize laws and adopt common policies on an increasing number of economic, social, and political issues. EU member states share a customs union; a single market in which capital, goods, services, and people move freely; a common trade policy; and a common agricultural policy. Nineteen EU member states use a common currency (the euro), and 22 member states participate in the Schengen area of free movement in which internal border controls have been eliminated. In addition, the EU has been developing a Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), which includes a Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP), and pursuing cooperation in the area of Justice and Home Affairs (JHA) to forge common internal security measures. Member states work together through several EU institutions to set policy and to promote their collective interests. -
BRICS Summit What Future for the 'Emerging Power' Bloc?
Briefing October 2016 Towards the eighth BRICS Summit What future for the 'emerging power' bloc? SUMMARY The next BRICS Summit will take place in Goa, India on 15 and 16 October 2016. This is the eighth year that the leaders of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (since 2011 only) will come together since the institutionalisation of cooperation among the major emerging economies in 2009. While a range of doubts exist regarding the longevity and cohesion of the bloc, given the disappointing economic performance of several of its members in recent years, the group appears confident that the summit will lead to further intra-BRICS cooperation, including in the areas of customs authorities, environment and agriculture. Terrorism will also be a key issue in the discussions. According to observers, the aim of the summit will be to consolidate existing institutions, including the BRICS-led New Development Bank and the Contingent Reserve Arrangement. It will also be an opportunity for India to underline its prime status among emerging powers, as it is currently growing faster than any other major economy. In 2017 the BRICS chair will be taken over by China. In this briefing: Background The Indian chair and the run-up to the Goa Summit Agenda and expected results Main references Endnotes EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service Author: Elena Lazarou Members' Research Service PE 589.838 EN EPRS Towards the 8th BRICS Summit Glossary BRICS: Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa. BIMSTEC: Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Burma/Myanmar, Nepal, Sri Lanka, and Thailand). -
From Yekaterinburg to Brasilia: BRICS and the G20, Road to Nowhere?
Article From Yekaterinburg to Brasilia: BRICS and the G20, road to nowhere? DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-7329202000109 Rev. Bras. Polít. Int., 63(1): e009, 2020 Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional Abstract ISSN 1983-3121 The BRICS have forged a collective identity to become a new driving force http://www.scielo.br/rbpi in Global Governance. They have used bodies such as the G20 to produce changes at global governance levels. This has raised two questions on their Niall Duggan1 role. First, can they hold a common position despite different developmental 1University College Cork, Government, agendas? Second, has the China’s economic leap produced a unique (Chinese) Cork, Ireland agenda rather than a collective (BRICS) one? ([email protected]) ORCID ID: Keywords: BRICS; Emerging powers; China; G20; Global governance. orcid.org/0000-0002-3578-1068 Juan Carlos Ladines Azalia2 2Universidad del Pacifico, International Received: January 15, 2020 Business, Lima, Peru. ([email protected]) Accepted: June 13, 2020 ORCID ID: orcid.org/0000-0002-9327-9068 Introduction he BRICS differ from one another culturally, politically, and Tdemographically. What these countries do share, however, is an aspiration to be “rule makers” instead of “rule takers” within global governance. The 2009 BRIC summit’s joint declaration outlined foundations for a common “thought” among member states, including the primacy of the rule of law and multilateral diplomacy with a leading role for the UN (Ministério das Relações Exteriores do Brasil 2008, 2). This produced a common standpoint and meant that the BRICS became a new driving force for change within global Copyright: governance, leading to the promotion of South-South cooperation. -
BRICS Voices Is a Quarterly Newsletter to Foster Greater Engagement of Csos on BRICS with a View to Promote Inclusion and Accountability
B R I C S VOICES Voices from BRICS Civil Society NEWSLETTER SEPTEMBER / 2015 BRICS People’s Summit, BRICS People’s Summit, CIVIL BRICS Summit, India 2016: People’s Summit or China 2017: People’s Summit or Durban, South Africa, 2013 Fortaleza, Brazil, 2014 Moscow, Russia, 2015 Civil BRICS? Civil BRICS? (Not yet confi rmed) BRICS Voices is a quarterly newsletter to foster greater engagement of CSOs on BRICS with a view to promote inclusion and accountability. An initiative of civil society groups on BRICS issues from the member countries, in partnership with Oxfam India, the newsletter shares thought pieces and information with a view to amplify voices from the ground to influence the Policies at BRICS summit. SECTION I VIEWPOINT CIVIL BRICS VS. PEOPLE’S SUMMIT Within the Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) from the BRICS Countries, there are two viewpoints – one in favour of participating in the “Civil-BRICS”, while the other is in favour of a People’s BRICS, which is an alternate forum for CSOs from BRICS Countries to air their views on BRICS Policies. Counter views from the civil society - one in favour of a people’s summit, versus another that believes in participating in both the Civil BRICS as well as People’s Summit is presented as follows. For an Inclusive, Democratic CIVIL-BRICS – An interesting Social Participation Space in the experience – but can it be BRICS institutionalized? A Brazilian contribution to the debate By Srinivas Krishnaswamy, Chief Executive Offi cer, Vasudha Foundation, New Delhi *By Janine Salles de Carvalho, political advisor for REBRIP (Brazilian Network for the Integration of The CIVIL-BRICS in Russia, 29th June to 1st July 2015, was Peoples), and Nathalie Beghin, Advisory Coordinator the fi rst time ever that Civil Society Groups were offi cially for Inesc and for REBRIP’s Coordination. -
Brazil's Foreign Economic Policy
Brazil’s Foreign Economic Policy: South – South, North – South or both? ISABELLE MAAG Brazil’s Foreign Economic Policy FES Briefing Paper March 2005 Page 2 1 Introduction tions, some special aspects of Brazilian domestic policy have to be examined in this paper as well Since he came into office on 01 January 2003, in order to see if Brazil’s foreign trade policy is the new Brazilian president Luiz Inácio “Lula” da integrated into a sound domestic policy frame- Silva has promised continuity in his foreign policy work and follows a coherent national strategy. objectives and priorities while setting some different emphasis than his predecessor As the title of this paper already indicates, this Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Seeing foreign study will have two parts: Brazil’s relations with trade as an essential instrument for economic the South, i.e. to the developing world, and development and the reduction of external Brazil’s relations with the industrialized countries vulnerabilities, Lula’s main concern is to achieve of the North.2 The next chapter will include an a more equitable international order through an overview of some possible strategies a country active engagement in regional and global can pursue concerning its foreign economic partnerships. He wants trade liberalisation to go policy. hand in hand with social justice. Trade should not only be free, but also fair. 2 The options: bilateral, regional and multilateral trade negotiations This paper examines Brazil’s foreign economic policy under president Lula da Silva and pays After the collapse of the 5th WTO-Ministerial in special attention to Brazil’s role within a Cancún, bilateral free trade agreements (FTAs) changing international context of new have expanded exponentially. -
How Can Realism Be Utilised in an Understanding of the United States/New Zealand Relationship Over Nuclear Policy?
How can realism be utilised in an understanding of the United States/New Zealand relationship over nuclear policy? By Angela Fitzsimons A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Masters of International Relations (MIR) degree School of History, Philosophy, Political Science and International Relations Victoria University of Wellington 2013 Abstract This thesis examines the decision making process of the United States and New Zealand on the nuclear policy issue through the lens of realism and analyses the effect of realism on the ANZUS alliance. Broader questions associated with alliances, national interest, changing priorities and limits on the use of power are also treated. A single case study of the United States/ New Zealand security relationship as embodied in the ANZUS treaty will be used to evaluate the utility of realism in understanding the decision making process that led to the declaration by the United States that the treaty was in abeyance. Five significant findings emerged: firstly both New Zealand and the United States used realism in the decision making process based on national interest, Secondly; diverging national interests over the nuclear issue made the ANZUS treaty untenable. Thirdly, ethical and cultural aspects of the relationship between the two states limited the application of classical realism to understanding the bond. Fourthly, normative theory accommodates realist theory on the behaviour of states in the international environment. Finally, continued engagement between the United -
The Rarity of Realpolitik the Rarity of Brian Rathbun Realpolitik What Bismarck’S Rationality Reveals About International Politics
The Rarity of Realpolitik The Rarity of Brian Rathbun Realpolitik What Bismarck’s Rationality Reveals about International Politics Realpolitik, the pur- suit of vital state interests in a dangerous world that constrains state behavior, is at the heart of realist theory. All realists assume that states act in such a man- ner or, at the very least, are highly incentivized to do so by the structure of the international system, whether it be its anarchic character or the presence of other similarly self-interested states. Often overlooked, however, is that Real- politik has important psychological preconditions. Classical realists note that Realpolitik presupposes rational thinking, which, they argue, should not be taken for granted. Some leaders act more rationally than others because they think more rationally than others. Hans Morgenthau, perhaps the most fa- mous classical realist of all, goes as far as to suggest that rationality, and there- fore Realpolitik, is the exception rather than the rule.1 Realpolitik is rare, which is why classical realists devote as much attention to prescribing as they do to explaining foreign policy. Is Realpolitik actually rare empirically, and if so, what are the implications for scholars’ and practitioners’ understanding of foreign policy and the nature of international relations more generally? The necessity of a particular psy- chology for Realpolitik, one based on rational thinking, has never been ex- plicitly tested. Realists such as Morgenthau typically rely on sweeping and unveriªed assumptions, and the relative frequency of realist leaders is difªcult to establish empirically. In this article, I show that research in cognitive psychology provides a strong foundation for the classical realist claim that rationality is a demanding cogni- tive standard that few leaders meet.