General Assembly Official Records Sixty-First Session

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

General Assembly Official Records Sixty-First Session United Nations A/61/PV.73 General Assembly Official Records Sixty-first session 73rd plenary meeting Monday, 11 December 2006, 3 p.m. New York President: Ms. Al-Khalifa ................................... (Bahrain) In the absence of the President, Mr. Butagira We have stated many times, while knowing that (Uganda), Vice-President, took the Chair. there is no perfect solution in view, why we support the concept of the Group of Four (G4): expanding the The meeting was called to order at 3.15 p.m. Council to 25 members in both categories, permanent and non-permanent, with the inclusion of developing Agenda items 9 and 111 (continued) countries in both. Any expansion and restructuring of the Council must include permanent seats for Africa, Report of the Security Council (A/61/2) Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean so that the Question of equitable representation on and increase concerns of the developing countries can be addressed. in the membership of the Security Council and While we continue to support last year’s draft related matters resolution submitted by the G4, we are aware that new Mr. Palouš (Czech Republic): At the Millennium ideas have emerged and that the call for an interim Summit in September 2005, world leaders rightly solution might gain ground. Although we believe that pledged to enhance the relevance, effectiveness, the G4 concept still provides us with the most realistic efficiency, accountability and credibility of the United way to reform the Council, we are open to discussing Nations system. Today’s United Nations is doing much the new ideas with an open mind. more than the United Nations of some 20 years ago. As we consider expanding the Security Council, The challenge, both for the United Nations and for us, we should not overlook reform of its working methods. the Member States, is to ensure that the demands of the Among the many options for achieving that is the United Nations are met rapidly and efficiently. That proposal submitted by the group of five small nations. requires reform of the United Nations — mostly reform While that proposal is well intentioned, we continue to of its management structure. However, United Nations doubt its practicality and comprehensiveness, because reform cannot take place without reform of the we believe that reform of the Council’s working Security Council. methods should go hand in hand with structural reform It is a well-known fact that expansion of the main of the Council itself. United Nations peace and security body has proved to I wish to reiterate that my country has no vested be a highly sensitive and difficult issue. It will not be interest in reform, other than our desire for better an easy endeavour in the future, either. However, we functioning and greater authority of the Council. That all agree that it is more than necessary. That is why, is why we call for action to overcome the current instead of doubting, we should begin to act now, deadlock. without further delay. This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of the interpretation of speeches delivered in the other languages. Corrections should be submitted to the original languages only. They should be incorporated in a copy of the record and sent under the signature of a member of the delegation concerned to the Chief of the Verbatim Reporting Service, room C-154A. Corrections will be issued after the end of the session in a consolidated corrigendum. 06-65194 (E) *0665194* A/61/PV.73 Mr. Urbina (Costa Rica) (spoke in Spanish): I of the historical evolution of the last 60 years. The would like to begin by thanking the President of the fundamental guide in expanding the number of Council Security Council, the Permanent Representative the members should not be simply the economic State of Qatar, Ambassador Nassir Abdulaziz contribution of those who contribute the most, or the Al-Nasser, for the work that he has been doing in the responsibilities that some States have in peacekeeping. Council and also for presenting the report on the In addition, and above all, increasing the number of Council’s activities to the General Assembly (A/61/2). members on the Security Council should respond to the necessary representation of the interests of the poorest My delegation has awaited this report of the sectors of mankind, of those who have less access to Security Council with particular interest, because it is the benefits to scientific and technological progress, the first that was to reflect the will expressed by the those who suffer the most from hunger and from war, heads of State and Government of our countries during and those who pay most dearly for the deterioration of the 2005 World Summit. In particular, Costa Rica our planet. hoped to see how the mandate to improve the accountability of the Security Council to the General Increasing the number of permanent members is a Assembly would be fulfilled. We hoped to see complex topic and could have consequences that we do substantial progress in this area. not want. In June 2005, the delegation of Costa Rica circulated a study that proves without any doubt that But when we study this report, we are forced to those who are permanent members of the Security observe that the improvement that we expected has not Council not only hold the most powerful positions taken place. The report we are discussing today serves within the Organization but also convert themselves the interests of the Security Council, but does not into permanent members of the most important bodies contain the answers that the General Assembly has and subsidiary organs of the system. We are deeply been asking for. concerned that, in expanding the category of permanent With respect to our debate last year on this same members of the Council, we could restrict in that way item, we hoped as well that we would resume the the number of seats available for other States in the practice of convening a meeting of the Security organs and subsidiary bodies of the system. Council for an in-depth discussion of its annual work Thus we believe that before we discuss the and to approve the report. Regrettably, that has not possible increase in the number of permanent taken place either. It is crucial that the 2002 members, we should discuss seriously the measures experience — convening a meeting of the Council to and guarantees that would prevent that dangerous discuss its work — be taken up as a practice that can snowball effect, which has been evident so far. Further only enrich all of us and effectively benefit our restricting access to the principal organs of the system peoples. I would like to recall that that gratifying and its subsidiary bodies could only result in experience took place thanks to the insistence of the weakening the sense of belonging on the part of many delegation of Singapore, which was then a member of of those excluded, to the detriment of the international the Security Council. With the same purpose of legitimacy of the United Nations. increasing the effectiveness, transparency, responsibility and accountability of the Council, Costa We would like to reiterate that for us it is crucial Rica today joins with Singapore, Jordan, Liechtenstein to make major efforts to substantially improve the and Switzerland in the group of five small nations — working methods of the Security Council. It is in the “Small Five”. improving these methods that we find the answers to the most important questions that weigh on the Council Our position with respect to United Nations and that bear on the effectiveness of the work of the reform in general and that of the Security Council in Organization itself. In order to have a Security Council particular is well known. However, we take this that has greater legitimacy and that better meets the opportunity to highlight a few points. concerns of Member States and of international public I begin by saying that for Costa Rica, the theme opinion, our efforts should focus primarily on of raising the number of members of the Security improving the Council’s working methods. Council is important only as a mechanism to restore the geographic representation that we lost in the light 2 06-65194 A/61/PV.73 In this respect, we believe that the work done by paragraph 3, of the Charter — whenever the Council the Security Council Informal Working Group on decides to establish a new peacekeeping operation or Documentation is a very valuable step in the right substantially alter the mandate of such operations or direction. We would like to acknowledge the work of sets up new sanctions regimes. Ambassador Kenzo Oshima, Permanent Representative We also believe that the Security Council must of Japan, whose leadership was decisive in this task. provide the General Assembly with a report whenever We would also like to see the effective implementation a draft resolution is vetoed. That is especially of the recommendations of this Working Group, important in the world in which we live in today. Our recommendations that for us represent a starting point, action or lack of action can be perceived immediately not a destination. in all corners of the Earth. In this age of information, We believe that there is still much left to be done we cannot fail to have the necessary political will to to restore the prestige of the Organization and to achieve fluid, effective and thorough communication improve the legitimacy of its decisions. Although many among all protagonists in the United Nations system. say that they do not understand what we are referring We have many concerns.
Recommended publications
  • Financing the African Union – on Mindsets and Money
    ecdpm’s Making policies work DISCUSSION PAPER No. 240 Financing the African Union on mindsets and money Political Economy Dynamics of Regional Organisations in africa PEDRO By Kesa Pharatlhatlhe and Jan Vanheukelom February 2019 Summary With 55 member countries, an elaborate institutional architecture, a broad policy agenda, and a high dependency rate on its former colonisers and main donors, the African Union (AU) is probably the world’s largest and most complex regional partnership configuration. Until 2017, repeated efforts at reducing dependency on foreign funding and increasing the yearly contributions from the member states of the AU had largely failed. Unpredictability and unreliability of funding by both African member states and by external funders led to wider management and staffing challenges. Due to a financial crisis of the AU around 2016, a renewed and joint push at different levels of the AU resulted in hands-on institutional reforms, piloted by Rwanda’s charismatic President Paul Kagame. This paper analyses the margins of manoeuvre for reformers and their external supporters to resolve money and governance matters within the wider context of institutional reforms of the AU. It has introduced a levy on eligible imported goods into the continent and has established systems to instill more discipline in planning, monitoring and implementing of budgets. A handful of donors are doing some soul searching as past promises to harmonise aid and align it with priorities and management systems of the AU have not effectively reduced the unintended burden of their fragmented, earmarked and overly ambitious support. Clearly, this paper is about money, and about the difficulties of financing the African Union.
    [Show full text]
  • Everyday Intolerance- Racist and Xenophic Violence in Italy
    Italy H U M A N Everyday Intolerance R I G H T S Racist and Xenophobic Violence in Italy WATCH Everyday Intolerance Racist and Xenophobic Violence in Italy Copyright © 2011 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-746-9 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor New York, NY 10118-3299 USA Tel: +1 212 290 4700, Fax: +1 212 736 1300 [email protected] Poststraße 4-5 10178 Berlin, Germany Tel: +49 30 2593 06-10, Fax: +49 30 2593 0629 [email protected] Avenue des Gaulois, 7 1040 Brussels, Belgium Tel: + 32 (2) 732 2009, Fax: + 32 (2) 732 0471 [email protected] 64-66 Rue de Lausanne 1202 Geneva, Switzerland Tel: +41 22 738 0481, Fax: +41 22 738 1791 [email protected] 2-12 Pentonville Road, 2nd Floor London N1 9HF, UK Tel: +44 20 7713 1995, Fax: +44 20 7713 1800 [email protected] 27 Rue de Lisbonne 75008 Paris, France Tel: +33 (1)43 59 55 35, Fax: +33 (1) 43 59 55 22 [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 500 Washington, DC 20009 USA Tel: +1 202 612 4321, Fax: +1 202 612 4333 [email protected] Web Site Address: http://www.hrw.org March 2011 ISBN: 1-56432-746-9 Everyday Intolerance Racist and Xenophobic Violence in Italy I. Summary ...................................................................................................................... 1 Key Recommendations to the Italian Government ............................................................ 3 Methodology ................................................................................................................... 4 II. Background ................................................................................................................. 5 The Scale of the Problem ................................................................................................. 9 The Impact of the Media ...............................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Building Better Global Economic Brics
    Economics Global Economics Research from the GS Financial WorkbenchSM at https://www.gs.com Paper No: 66 Building Better Global Economic BRICs n In 2001 and 2002, real GDP growth in large emerging market economies will exceed that of the G7. n At end-2000, GDP in US$ on a PPP basis in Brazil, Russia, India and China (BRIC) was about 23.3% of world GDP. On a current GDP basis, BRIC share of world GDP is 8%. n Using current GDP, China’s GDP is bigger than that of Italy. n Over the next 10 years, the weight of the BRICs and especially China in world GDP will grow, raising important issues about the global economic impact of fiscal and monetary policy in the BRICs. n In line with these prospects, world policymaking forums should be re-organised and in particular, the G7 should be adjusted to incorporate BRIC representatives. Many thanks to David Blake, Paulo Leme, Binit Jim O’Neill Patel, Stephen Potter, David Walton and others in the Economics Department for their helpful 30th November 2001 suggestions. Important disclosures appear at the end of this document. Goldman Sachs Economic Research Group In London Jim O’Neill, M.D. & Head of Global Economic Research +44(0)20 7774 1160 Gavyn Davies, M.D. & Chief International Economist David Walton, M.D. & Chief European Economist Andrew Bevan, M.D. & Director of International Bond Economic Research Erik Nielsen, Director of New European Markets Economic Research Stephen Potter, E.D. & Senior Global Economist Al Breach, E.D & International Economist Linda Britten, E.D.
    [Show full text]
  • G7 to G8 to G20: Evolution in Global Governance CIGI G20 Papers | No
    G7 TO G8 TO G20: EVOLUTION IN GLOBAL GOVERNANCE CIGI G20 PAPERS | NO. 6, MAY 2011 Gordon S. Smith G7 TO G8 TO G20: EVOLUTION IN GLOBAL GOVERNANCE TABLE OF CONTENTS SUMMARY Summary 3 This paper provides a brief history of the evolution of Acronyms 3 the Group of Seven (G7) from its origins in the aftermath of the 1971 breakdown of the Bretton Woods system of G7 to G8 to G20: Evolution in Global Governance 4 exchange rates and the oil crisis in 1973. It then discusses Russia’s participation at summits after the fall of the Works Cited 8 Berlin Wall, formally joining the group in 1997, thus becoming the Group of Eight (G8). The paper gives a CIGI G20 Resources 9 concise account of the formation of the Group of Twenty About CIGI 10 (G20) finance ministers and central bank governors in the late 1990s, in the wake of financial crises in Asia and Latin America, which was elevated to a leaders’ summit forum at the outbreak of the global financial crisis in 2008. The paper wraps up with a discussion of the differences in the G8 and G20 models, concluding that the G20 process is still the best option for meeting the challenges of complex global governance issues. ACRONYMS 3G Global Governance Group ASEAN Association of Southeast Asian Nations AU African Union BMENA Afghanistan, the Broader Middle East and North Africa CFGS Centre for Global Studies G5 Group of Five G7 Group of Seven G8 Group of Eight G20 Group of Twenty IMF International Monetary Fund Copyright © 2011 The Centre for International Governance Innovation.
    [Show full text]
  • Banking on the Future of Asia and the Pacific the and Asia Future of the on Banking
    BANKING ON THE FUTURE OF ASIA AND THE PACIFIC Banking on the Future of Asia and the Pacifi c 50 Years of the Asian Development Bank This book is a history of the Asian Development Bank (ADB), a multilateral development bank established 50 years ago to serve Asia and the Pacifi c. Focusing on the region’s BANK DEVELOPMENT YEARS OF THE ASIAN economic development, the evolution of the international development agenda, and the story of ADB itself, Banking on the Future of Asia and the Pacifi c raises several key questions: What are the outstanding features of regional development to which ADB had to respond? How has the bank grown and evolved in changing circumstances? How did ADB’s successive leaders promote reforms while preserving continuity with the e orts of their predecessors? ADB has played an important role in the transformation of Asia and the Pacifi c over the past 50 years. As ADB continues to evolve and adapt to the region’s changing development landscape, the experiences highlighted in this book can provide valuable insight on how best to serve Asia and the Pacifi c in the future. Peter McCawley Peter “ADB is a child of genuine aspiration by people across BANKING ON the region and the establishment of ADB represents the spirit of regional cooperation.” THE FUTURE OF ASIA ADB President Takehiko Nakao AND THE PACIFIC YEARS OF THE ASIAN DEVELOPMENT BANK Peter McCawley ASIAN DEVELOPMENT BANK 6 ADB Avenue, Mandaluyong City 1550 Metro Manila, Philippines www.adb.org ADB@50 History Book_COVER 6x9 - 2.6 cm spine.indd 1 6/15/2017 1:45:13 PM BANKING ON THE FUTURE OF ASIA AND THE PACIFIC 50 YEARS OF THE ASIAN DEVELOPMENT BANK Peter McCawley © 2017 Asian Development Bank 6 ADB Avenue, Mandaluyong City, 1550 Metro Manila, Philippines Tel +63 2 632 4444; Fax +63 2 636 2444 www.adb.org All rights reserved.
    [Show full text]
  • Brazil's Foreign Economic Policy
    Brazil’s Foreign Economic Policy: South – South, North – South or both? ISABELLE MAAG Brazil’s Foreign Economic Policy FES Briefing Paper March 2005 Page 2 1 Introduction tions, some special aspects of Brazilian domestic policy have to be examined in this paper as well Since he came into office on 01 January 2003, in order to see if Brazil’s foreign trade policy is the new Brazilian president Luiz Inácio “Lula” da integrated into a sound domestic policy frame- Silva has promised continuity in his foreign policy work and follows a coherent national strategy. objectives and priorities while setting some different emphasis than his predecessor As the title of this paper already indicates, this Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Seeing foreign study will have two parts: Brazil’s relations with trade as an essential instrument for economic the South, i.e. to the developing world, and development and the reduction of external Brazil’s relations with the industrialized countries vulnerabilities, Lula’s main concern is to achieve of the North.2 The next chapter will include an a more equitable international order through an overview of some possible strategies a country active engagement in regional and global can pursue concerning its foreign economic partnerships. He wants trade liberalisation to go policy. hand in hand with social justice. Trade should not only be free, but also fair. 2 The options: bilateral, regional and multilateral trade negotiations This paper examines Brazil’s foreign economic policy under president Lula da Silva and pays After the collapse of the 5th WTO-Ministerial in special attention to Brazil’s role within a Cancún, bilateral free trade agreements (FTAs) changing international context of new have expanded exponentially.
    [Show full text]
  • HISTORY of the UNITED NATIONS SPECIAL PROCEDURES MECHANISM Origins, Evolution and Reform by Marc Limon & Hilary Power
    HISTORY OF THE UNITED NATIONS SPECIAL PROCEDURES MECHANISM Origins, Evolution and Reform by Marc Limon & Hilary Power September 2014 PREFACE This paper on the origins, evolution and reform of the United Nations’ system of independent human rights experts expands on research conducted by Marc Limon and Hilary Power in the context of the preparation of the Universal Rights Group – Brookings Institution Policy Report ‘Special Procedures: Determinants of Influence,’ authored by Marc Limon and Ted Piccone and published in March 2014. The research reflects primary and secondary research, and draws heavily on the resolutions, reports and other documents of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights and its successor, the Human Rights Council. © Universal Rights Group 2014 ISBN : 978-2-9700961-2-2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Contents p.1 Introduction p.3 Origins p.4 ‘ ‘No power to act’ doctrine (1946-1966) p.4 ‘The violation of human rights in all countries’ (1965) p.5 Evolution p.6 The accidental emergence of thematic Special Procedures (1975-1980) p.6 ‘Auto-development’ of Special Procedures (1980-1993) p.7 Wider still and wider... p.10 The ‘systemisation’ of Special Procedures (1993) p.12 Reform p.12 Special Procedures reform: an elusive goal p.12 1998-2000 Commission reforms p.13 2002-2004 UN-wide reforms p.14 2005-2006 and 2011 reforms: the Human Rights Council p.14 Conclusion p.17 Appendix I: Comprehensive list of Special Procedures mandates over time (1967-2013) p.18 _ 1 _ 2 INTRODUCTION The United Nations’ independent human rights experts – otherwise known as ‘Special Procedures’ - are considered by many to be, in the words of then United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan, the ‘crown jewel’1 of the international human rights system.
    [Show full text]
  • The G-20 and International Economic Cooperation: Background and Implications for Congress
    The G-20 and International Economic Cooperation: Background and Implications for Congress Rebecca M. Nelson Specialist in International Trade and Finance Updated October 4, 2019 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R40977 The G-20 and International Economic Cooperation Summary The Group of Twenty (G-20) is a forum for advancing international cooperation and coordination among 20 major advanced and emerging-market economies. The G-20 includes Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, France, Germany, India, Indonesia, Italy, Japan, Mexico, Russia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, South Korea, Turkey, the United Kingdom, and the United States, as well as the European Union (EU). G-20 countries account for about 85% of global economic output, 75% of global exports, and two-thirds of the world’s population. Originally established in 1999, the G-20 rose to prominence during the global financial crisis of 2008-2009 and is now the premier forum for international economic cooperation. Since the crisis, the G-20 leaders typically meet annually (at “summits”). Meetings among lower-level officials, including finance ministers and central bank governors, are scheduled throughout the year. G-20 meetings primarily focus on international economic and financial issues, although related topics are also discussed, including development, food security, and the environment, among others. Congress exercises oversight over the Administration’s participation in the G-20, including the policy commitments that the Administration is making in the G-20 and the policies it is encouraging other G-20 countries to pursue. Additionally, legislative action may be required to implement certain commitments made by the Administration in the G-20 process.
    [Show full text]
  • Foreign Investment Bulletin – Selected Countries
    Foreign Investment Bulletin – Number 3 Selected Countries JUL - SEP 2019 Released 11/06/2019 Executive Secretariat of CAMEX • Year 3 Introduction This issue of the Direct Investment Bulletin - Select Countries presents data on investments from China, the United States, Japan, France and Italy in Brazil. Countries have been selected based on the existence of Memoranda of Understanding and Cooperation between each country and CAMEX’s Executive Secretariat. As the 11th BRICS Summit will take place in Brasilia, on November 13 and 14, this edition of the Bulletin contains the presentation of investment flows between Brazil and the other countries of the group. The Bulletin is a work of collecting information from varied data and news sources, so it may not accurately reflect all of these countries' investments in Brazil. Thus, the figures presented here should not be considered official data of the Brazilian government. Aware of the limitations, it was possible for the SE-CAMEX team to build a sample of these investments, outlining the trend of foreign direct investment (FDI) from these countries into Brazil, from 2003 to the third quarter of 2019. SECTION 1 News - Announced or confirmed investments in the 3rd Quarter of 2019 - Selected Countries JUL / 2019 (USA) - US venture capital firm Technology Crossover Ventures (TCV) led the US $ 400 million investment in Brazilian digital bank Nubank, which will be used to support the bank's growth strategy in Brazil and the launch of its services in new markets in Latin America. (Source: EMIS) JUL / 2019 (FRANCE) - French multinational Verallia has opened a glass packaging factory in the city of Jacutinga - South of Minas Gerais.
    [Show full text]
  • The Group of Seven
    The Group of Seven We are now in the era of the G8, although the G7 still exists as a grouping for finance ministers and central bank governors. Why do G7 finance ministries and central banks co-operate? What are the implications of this for the power of the United States and the abilities of the other six states to exercise leadership? What influence do the G7 have on global financial governance? How much authority do they possess and how is that authority exercised? This is the first major work to address these fundamental questions. It argues that to understand the G7’s contribution to global financial governance it is necessary to locate the group’s activities in a context of ‘decentralized globalization’. It also provides original case study material on the G7’s contribution to macro- economic governance and to debates on the global financial architecture over the last decade. The book assesses the G7’s role in producing a system of global financial governance based on market supremacy and technocratic trans-governmental consensus and articulates normative criticisms of the G7’s exclusivity. For researchers in the fields of IR/IPE, postgraduate students in the field of international organization and global governance, policy-makers and financial journalists, this is the most comprehensive analysis of the G7 and financial governance to date. Andrew Baker is Lecturer at the School of Politics and International Studies at the Queen’s University of Belfast. He is the co-editor of Governing Financial Globalisation (Routledge, 2005) and has published in journals such as Review of International Political Economy and Global Governance.
    [Show full text]
  • The United States and Brazil Two Perspectives on Dealing with Partnership and Rivalry
    AP PHOTO/CH AP A RLES DH RLES A R apa K The United States and Brazil Two perspectives on dealing with partnership and rivalry Kellie Meiman and David Rothkopf March 2009 WWW.AMERICANPROGRESS.ORG The United States and Brazil Two perspectives on dealing with partnership and rivalry Kellie Meiman and David Rothkopf March 2009 Forward As President Barack Obama prepares to meet with his Brazilian counterpart, Luiz Inacio “Lula” da Silva, later this month among the key, yet underappreciated questions that lie before his administration is: How can the United States and Brazil pursue a deepening of bilateral relations while being partners and rivals in hemispheric and global affairs? The answer is not a foregone conclusion. Nor is the question one that can be brushed aside as unimportant in a complex global environment in which the demand for attention may well outstrip supply in the United States. How the United States and Brazil go about addressing the underlying dynamics at the heart of their relationship will have significant impact on hemispheric and global relations. Brazil often draws less attention in the United States than its fellow “BRIC” members— Russia, India and China—but with a population of nearly 200 million people, Brazil boasts considerable strengths. The country’s annual gross domestic product is more than a trillion dollars. A decade of strong industrial and agricultural export-led growth is now being matched by recent oil field discoveries that may catapult Brazil to one of the top ten oil producers in the world. Brazil already has the world’s leading bio fuel industry.
    [Show full text]
  • BRICS 2017 China
    A DECadE OF BRICS: Indian Perspectives for the Future Editor: Samir Saran © 2017 Observer Research Foundation A Decade of BRICS: Indian Perspectives for the Future ISBN: 978-81-935340-5-2 Designer: Simi Jaison Designs Contents Editor’s note ............................................................................................................................................. 5 Samir Saran BRICS Role in Global Governance Processes ........................................................................................... 9 H.H.S. Viswanathan and Shubh Soni The Case for the New Development Bank Institute .................................................................................. 19 Samir Saran and Aparajit Pandey Rebuilding BRICS through Energy ........................................................................................................... 27 Aparajit Pandey Scripting a New Development Paradigm: India and the BRICS Partnership ....................................... 37 Pulin B. Nayak BRICS & SDGs: Prospects of Minilateral Action on a Multilateral Agenda? ....................................... 45 Vikrom Mathur Common Health Challenges and Prospects for Cooperation in BRICS ................................................. 56 T.C. James BRICS Vision for Smart Cities ................................................................................................................... 72 Rumi Aijaz Gendering the BRICS Agenda ...................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]