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Otavaleños and Cotacacheños: Local Perceptions of Sacred Sites for Farmscape Conservation in Highland Ecuador

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Otavaleños and Cotacacheños: Local Perceptions of Sacred Sites for Farmscape Conservation in Highland Ecuador © Kamla-Raj 2011 J Hum Ecol, 35(1): 61-70 (2011) Otavaleños and Cotacacheños: Local Perceptions of Sacred Sites for Farmscape Conservation in Highland Ecuador Lee Ellen Carter and Fausto O. Sarmiento* Honors Program and Department of Geography, University of Georgia, Athens, Georgia, 30602, USA E-mail: <[email protected] >, *< [email protected]> KEYWORDS Sacred Sites. Indigenous Conservation. Intangibles. Otavalo. Ecuador. Andes ABSTRACT Indigenous communities around the world face pressures from ecotourism practices and conservation. Otavalo, Ecuador, is an example of how local spiritual values can add to the conservation efforts of ecotourism. The Imbakucha watershed includes mountain landscapes with natural and cultural values of numerous indigenous communities where most residents associate their livelihood with iconic, sacred, natural features. Because this region has been conserved with a vibrant artisan economy, it is a well-known cultural landscape in Latin America, and therefore, the increased pressure of globalization affects its preservation as it undergoes a shift from traditional towards contemporary ecotourism practices. We investigate the relationship between the indigenous people and their intangible spiritual environment by local understanding of identity and cultural values, using ethnographic and qualitative research to analyze the influence of spirituality on environmental actions and intersections that reify the native sacred translated into Christianity, to define synchronisms of modernity and the ancestral influence on the Andean culture in the Kichwa Otavalo living in the valley. This study concludes that there is an outlook among indigenous leaders, politicians, researchers, and scholars that a stronger influence of environmental ideals and ecofriendly lifestyles should and can be instilled into the livelihood that exists in indigenous communities to favor sacred sites conservation with development. We recommend the implementation of a sacred site conservation category for the Imbakucha watershed to help with the conservation efforts of local indigenous ecotourism practices. INTRODUCTION Americas (Sarmiento 2003; Gordon et al. 2010). Furthermore, the determination of “otherness” Indigenous communities are collectives co- must describe the essence of the place shared by mprised of people strongly linked to their ances- groups of the same ethnic background but guised tral culture with a fervent identity for their sha- in spatialities of political boundaries and access red history, environment and community despite of agrobiodiversity resources (Zimmerer 2006, forces tending to minimize the “self” and their 2010). As this is an important element in the knowledge (Saldívar 2010). This identity, how- contestation of conservation territories, the bu- ever, has been compromised over the past de- ilding of identity based on iconic features, me- cades due to increasing Western influences chal- tonymic indicators, ecological taboo, and sa- lenging indigenous values due to dissembling credness, care should be exhibited when incor- into parochial pride, indexing their ancestral porating spiritual domains in the toolbox of customs and unique environmental features for ecotourism to revalue local culture (Ziolkowski maintenance of traditional livelihood amidst the et al. 1987; Posey 1999) and the maintenance hierarchies of modernity and ethnicity (Appadurai of Otavalo strong cultural traditions (or Runa 1988; Knapp 1991; Maleševiæ 2011). The effect Kawsay) (Cotacachi 2002; Sarmiento et al. 2008). of Westernized culture pours exogenous stress- Understanding indigeneity (Meyer 2011) thus es into the environment of indigenous communi- becomes imperative when globalization of ag- ties, altering the relationship between these three ricultural markets and commoditization of in- farmscape elements of tropical mountains in the digenous knowledge could mean the final cha- pter of the long drama of Andean peasantry ba- Address for correspondence: Dr. Fausto O. Sarmiento, sed on subsistence production (Van der Ploeg Associate Professor of Geography, 2009) requiring co-opted adaptation measures Room 212-B Geography/Geology Building, to stimulate the resilience of Andean societies, The University of Georgia, such as the Atawalukuna of Ecuador (known Athens, GA 30602 U.S.A. with the Spanishized name of Otavalo). Sacred Telephone: + (706) 542-1753 Fax: + (706) 542-2388 mountains have been studied for quite some time E-mail: [email protected] (Headly 1847; Bernbaum 1997) and have be- 62 LEE ELLEN CARTER AND FAUSTO O. SARMIENTO come target for innovative conservation ap- important legacy and intergenerational equity proaches emphasizing ‘the intangible’ in valuing of the original people for conserving the env- conservation of protected areas (Harmon and ironment and the natural resources of the ba- Putney 2003). Furthermore, incorporation of sa- sin. While the majority of Otavaleños and Co- cred mountain landscapes in the conservation tacacheños are Christian (either Catholics or toolbox is now required as part of comprehen- Evangelicals), their religion does not conflict sive best practice management (Hamilton 1993; with the spirituality found in their cosmovision Schaaf and Lee 2006; Sponsel 2008). Sacred la- (or Runa Yachay). This important feature of ndscape conservation is now an imperative in the Andean culture has been described as Syn- the mountains of the world amidst globalization, cretism that helps both Western and original be- particularly in key valleys of the tropical Andes liefs coexist in the area (Rodríguez 1999). How- where indigeneity is confronted with both id- ever, important anachronisms have also been entity and miscegenation (Crain 1990; Rekom pointed out by fundamentalists that cannot ad- and Go 2006; Huarcaya 2010). mit the sacredness of a tree, or a waterfall (Vás- quez-Fuller 1995). In the synchronic approach, Reifying Natural Elements and the Sacred this non-formal education, in addition to the Otavalo’s environmental non-profit’s work with The indigenous peoples of Otavalo and reforestation and education, and the existence of Cotacachi maintain a close spiritual link with the the Cotacachi-Cayapas Ecological Reserve in environment (or Kawsay Sapi) through several the Imbabura Province, allow the communities factors that are instilled within their lifestyles and to lead more environmentally-friendly lives wh- spirituality (Cotacachi 2002). A main compo- ile benefiting from the conservation of the Co- nent includes their work with the land and the tacachi-Cayapas Ecological Reserve and the cl- sacred sites that are interconnected with their ean water from these protected areas, taken as spirituality (or Runa Rimay). They do not ana- more than mere spatial features, but spiritual lyze the practices that are put into conserving ones. environmental resources (or Puchuchina); in- The original people have great respect for stead, according to many indigenous citizens, the environment; therefore, they also have rever- conserving and protecting the environment is ence for its natural resources, specifically water, incorporated into their lives, as environmental which is one of the most important energies of the and religious practices (or Wakaychina) are kn- mountain landscape (or Urku Ayacuna). Their own to be indistinguishable. esteem for water is derived from their spirituality According to many Kichwa Otavalo, the con- and the significance of sacred sites in the indig- servation practices in this area are maintained enous culture. This importance for sacred sites through the observance and understanding of comes from the indigenous peoples’ ancestors, the ancestral murmur (or Aya) that shows the soul grandparents, and parents (or Tinkuy Rimay) ecology, spiritual synchrony or emanating en- conversations, and the essential rituals of initia- ergy found in the Imbakucha basin for conser- tion and purification (or Wuatuna Samay) asso- vation practices in their communities (or Llakta ciated with their spirituality and the sacred sites. Kawsay); also, the work of ecologists in this re- The majority of the sacred sites connected to the gion, the government’s Ministry of the Environ- spirituality of the Otavalo communities include ment, indigenous led parochial and city gover- any location in the Imbakucha basin where water nance, and the few non-profit agencies in the emanates or the telluric murmur can be heard (or area are devoted to environmental conservation. Samay). This includes streams (or Wayku), ri- Furthermore, the adult indigenous citizens work vers (or Yacu), seepage coves (or Pukyu), wa- with the land on a daily basis, tending to their terfalls (or Churru), lakes (or Kucha), ice (or gardens, livestock, and farms. These adults pass Kasay), snow (or Rasu) and any other area whe- their attention to and care for the environment re a form of water exists (with purifying essence (or Runa Yachay), along with the notion of the or Katequil Samay). However, there are also importance of the environment and the natural many sites that are sacred based on their rela- resources therein, to their children. This educa- tionship with the natural environment in their tion that is being passed from their ancestors to territory (or Llakta). Objectified elements of the younger generations (or Shina Nin) is the the basin become sacred in the building and SACRED SITE CONSERVATION IN OTAVALO, ECUADOR 63 maintenance of original mythology. They in- cated in the province of Imbabura in northern clude the sun (or
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