Foreign Influence on Gray Zone: an Analytical Approach to Yemen Conflict OUTLINE

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Foreign Influence on Gray Zone: an Analytical Approach to Yemen Conflict OUTLINE Foreign Influence on Gray Zone: An Analytical Approach to Yemen Conflict OUTLINE • Introduction • Yemen Scene Setter • Nash Equilibrium • Bruce Bueno de Mesquita • Takeaways • Questions What is the influence of foreign involvement on gray zone conflicts in Yemen? Motivations & Constraints ● Think Differently ● Develop Tool for Analysis ● Narrow Case Study ● Scalable Model Yemen Scene Setter Timeline: ● 1990 - US facilitates unification of Yemen into one state ● 2004 - Houthis organize over perceived injustice ● 2009 - Houthis launch first attack but is put down, tension remains ● 2012 - 1st President forced to leave in non-violent transfer ● 2014 - Houthis rally around 1st President ● 2015 - Houthis invade capital of Sana’a, civil war begins Yemeni Government (status quo) • Key Leader: - Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi - President of Yemen (2012- Present) • Primary Interests: - Re-establish a unified Yemen - Coalesce power under his government Houthis (revisionist) • Key Leader: - Ali Abdullah Saleh - 1st President of a unified Yemen (1990-2012) • Primary Interests: - Return to 2-state system - Or, replace Yemeni government with Houthi Saudi Arabia (interventionist) • Key Leader: - Mohammed bin Salman • Primary Interest: - Maintain status quo - Prevent Iranian influence Nash Equilibrium Basic Mechanics - What is Nash Equilibrium? - What information does Nash Equilibrium provide? - What does the Yemen conflict look like using Nash Equilibrium? Assumptions • Both sides cannot conduct 1st Strike simultaneously • Both sides cannot conduct 2nd Strike simultaneously • Motivations of the leader represents motivation of the population Yemen (Pre-2015) Using Nash Equilibrium Houthi Military - First Strike Military - Retaliatory Strike Diplomatic - Negotiate Yemen Military - First Strike 0 , 0 2 , -5 0 , -5 Military - Retaliatory -2 , 10 0 , 0 -10 , 0 Strike Diplomatic - Negotiate -2 , 6 0 , -5 -2 , 7 “All unstable and unsure things have a strong chance of falling into a no-win situation” -Clausewitz Saudi’s Response to Houthi Aggression Intervene 10 , 10 Stalemate Saudi 1st Strike -2 , 10 Houthi Win -2 , 10 Houthi Win Stay Out Houthis 0 , 0 Stalemate Bruce Bueno de Mesquita (BDM) Basic Mechanics • Has turned a marginal utility theory into a predicative rational choice driven, game theory model • Depends on rational choice theory* • BDM Theory twice as accurate as CIA’s analysts. Predicted to be 90% effective (with qualification). • Longitudinal measurement of subjective criteria in order to determine patterns and refine model. Methodology • Inputs (Multiplicity of Sources to Hedge Subjective Assessment) • Two Stages: 1) Data Collection + Interpretation from Human Subjects; 2) Computation Model (proprietary + precisely unknown). • Key value is salience – actor’s level of energy towards the particular issue. • Values used: Saudis (highly motivated), Yemenis (not that motivated), Houthi (highly motivated). BDM model depends however, on making judgment call on subjective criteria. DATA BEFORE INTERVENTION Houthi leader Yemeni leader Saudi leader What do they say they want? 70 70 60 How much do they prioritize the 70 60 50 issue? How much clout could they 60 80 70 exercise? How resolved are they? 75 40 60 AFTER INTERVENTION Houthi leader Yemeni leader Saudi leader What do they say they want? 80 70 40 How much do they prioritize the 90 60 30 issue? How much clout could they 90 80 90 exercise? How resolved are they? 90 60 40* Results • Saudi intervention • Sustainment of Houthi Goals • Yemeni Retrenchment • Inconclusive engagement as all parties are highly motivated. • Predictive Result: Saudis will continue their engagement, but motivation will die down. Takeaways Takeaways • Method for Quantifying Human Dimensions • Measure Level of Foreign Involvement and Influence • Foreign Influence Has Measurable Effect on Gray Zone Conflicts • SOCOM Should Take Into Account Level of Impact • This Model May Help Inform Decisions on Resource Allocation and Force Readiness Posture • May Help Focus SOF Efforts On Best Employment Strategies Questions?.
Recommended publications
  • 1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background the Yemen Civil War Is
    CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background The Yemen civil war is currently in its fifth year, but tensions within the country have existed for many years. The conflict in Yemen has been labelled as the worst humanitarian crisis in the world by the United Nations (UN) and is categorized as a man-made phenomenon. According to the UN, 80% of the population of Yemen need humanitarian assistance, with 2/3 of its population considered to be food insecure while 1/3 of its population is suffering from extreme levels of hunger and most districts in Yemen at risk of famine. As the conditions in Yemen continue to deteriorate, the world’s largest cholera outbreak occurred in Yemen in 2017 with a reported one million infected.1 Prior to the conflict itself, Yemen has been among the poorest countries in the Arab Peninsula. However, that is contradictory considering the natural resources that Yemen possess, such as minerals and oil, and its strategical location of being adjacent to the Red Sea.2 Yemen has a large natural reserve of natural gasses and minerals, with over 490 billion cubic meters as of 2010. These minerals include the likes of silver, gold, zinc, cobalt and nickel. The conflict in Yemen is a result of a civil war between the Houthi, with the help of Former President Saleh, and the Yemen government that is represented by 1 UNOCHA. “Yemen.” Humanitarian Needs Overview 2019, 2019. https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/2019_Yemen_HNO_FINAL.pdf. 2 Sophy Owuor, “What Are The Major Natural Resources Of Yemen?” WorldAtlas, February 19, 2019.
    [Show full text]
  • Egyptian Foreign Policy (Special Reference After the 25Th of January Revolution)
    UNIVERSIDAD COMPLUTENSE DE MADRID FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS POLÍTICAS Y SOCIOLOGÍA DEPARTAMENTO DE DERECHO INTERNACIONAL PÚBLICO Y RELACIONES INTERNACIONALES TESIS DOCTORAL Egyptian foreign policy (special reference after The 25th of January Revolution) MEMORIA PARA OPTAR AL GRADO DE DOCTORA PRESENTADA POR Rania Ahmed Hemaid DIRECTOR Najib Abu-Warda Madrid, 2018 © Rania Ahmed Hemaid, 2017 UNIVERSIDAD COMPLUTENSE DE MADRID Facultad de Ciencias Políticas Y Socioligía Departamento de Derecho Internacional Público y Relaciones Internacionales Doctoral Program Political Sciences PHD dissertation Egyptian Foreign Policy (Special Reference after The 25th of January Revolution) POLÍTICA EXTERIOR EGIPCIA (ESPECIAL REFERENCIA DESPUÉS DE LA REVOLUCIÓN DEL 25 DE ENERO) Elaborated by Rania Ahmed Hemaid Under the Supervision of Prof. Dr. Najib Abu- Warda Professor of International Relations in the Faculty of Information Sciences, Complutense University of Madrid Madrid, 2017 Ph.D. Dissertation Presented to the Complutense University of Madrid for obtaining the doctoral degree in Political Science by Ms. Rania Ahmed Hemaid, under the supervision of Prof. Dr. Najib Abu- Warda Professor of International Relations, Faculty of Information Sciences, Complutense University of Madrid. University: Complutense University of Madrid. Department: International Public Law and International Relations (International Studies). Program: Doctorate in Political Science. Director: Prof. Dr. Najib Abu- Warda. Academic Year: 2017 Madrid, 2017 DEDICATION Dedication To my dearest parents may god rest their souls in peace and to my only family my sister whom without her support and love I would not have conducted this piece of work ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Acknowledgments I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my advisor Prof. Dr. Najib Abu- Warda for the continuous support of my Ph.D.
    [Show full text]
  • Armed Conflict Alone Does Not Explain the Devastation of Yemen's Health
    Commentary BMJ Glob Health: first published as 10.1136/bmjgh-2020-004740 on 23 February 2021. Downloaded from Armed conflict alone does not explain the devastation of Yemen’s health system 1 2 3,4 Tayseer AlKarim, Aula Abbara , Bothaina Attal To cite: AlKarim T, Abbara A, Driven by the prolonged internal conflict, Summary box Attal B. Armed conflict external aggression, economic decline and alone does not explain the scarcity of resources, Yemen faces the world’s Armed conflict alone in Yemen cannot explain the devastation of Yemen’s health 1 ► system. BMJ Global Health worst humanitarian crisis. The ongoing devastating humanitarian situation with other, non- 2021;6:e004740. doi:10.1136/ violence has played a fundamental role in conflict factors also culpable. bmjgh-2020-004740 shaping this humanitarian crisis. However, ► The traditional role of the central government has violence alone cannot account for the extent been incapacitated and replaced by an archipelago Handling editor Seye Abimbola of suffering across the country and the collapse of proto- states. of the health system; other factors need to be ► Fragmentation, poor coordination, poor transparency Received 13 December 2020 and weak governance have adversely affected the Accepted 15 December 2020 considered with the aim of drawing strategies to respond to the present and future health humanitarian response. The mandate of the United Nations (UN) to operate and humanitarian needs. ► through the governmental framework is invalid in the modern armed conflict and it needs to be developed. BACKGROUND TO THE CONFLICT ► The ongoing conflict has created war- business dy- namics that further systemised the corruption and Half a decade of relentless hostilities between patronage networks in the country, which in turn has state and non- state actors, backed by regional deprived Yemenis from equal and dignified access to and international powers, have devastated humanitarian aid.
    [Show full text]
  • Page 01 Jan 29.Indd
    www.thepeninsulaqatar.com BUSINESS | 14 SPORT | 23 Fed keeps rates It’s make or breakreak unchanged and to for Qatar in AFCFC mmonitor global cues U23 play-off FRIDAY 29 JANUARY 2016 • 19 Rabia II 1437 • Volume 20 • Number 6690 thepeninsulaqatar @peninsulaqatar @peninsula_qatar Independent Emir meets Italian President in Rome schools to see major changes ruled out the possibility of a down- sizing of employees following the The term restructuring. ‘Independent school’ The Specification and Stand- ardisation Authority — which was and the position of under the Ministry of Environment school operators and not mentioned in the new struc- ture of the Ministry of Municipality may be revoked and Environment — is expected to become an independent entity, said the daily. All new ministries will have The Peninsula an undersecretary and assistant undersecretaries. Nominations for the undersecretaries are expected to be forwarded to the Cabinet over DOHA: With the abolition of the the next two weeks. Supreme Education Council (SEC) The new Ministry of Public and the establishment of the Ministry Health, which has taken over the of Education and Higher Education, responsibilities of the Supreme the state-run Independent schools Council of Health (SCH), will also are expected to see major structural regulate the Primary Healthcare changes. Corporation (PHCC) that runs the The term ‘Independent school’ primary health centres across the may be cancelled and facilities may country and Hamad Medical Cor- remain as boys and girls schools, poration (HMC) that manages the according to Al Sharq. public hospitals. If this happens, the position This ministry will have an of school operators may also be undersecretary and three assistant revoked and the schools will be undersecretaries for public health.
    [Show full text]
  • PPWG Assessment – Yemen Prepared for the United States Atrocity Early Warning Task Force
    PPWG Assessment – Yemen Prepared for the United States Atrocity Early Warning Task Force Conflict Background: Yemen’s political instability began after a 2011 Arab Spring uprising that ousted President Ali Abdullah Saleh from power. Then Vice President Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi, became Yemen’s interim president for what was supposed to be a two-year term, as they moved to a more representative form of government with regular elections. In 2014, channeling the frustration of many Yemenis’ complaints of rampant corruption, unemployment, increase in fuel prices, and the subsequent unrest across Yemen including calls for an independent Southern Yemen, the Houthis took control of Yemen. They entered Sana’a in September with the assistance of ex- president Saleh, and put Hadi under house arrest. Saudi Arabia, having already fought with the Houthis in support of Saleh in 2009, were alarmed by the Houthis’ control of large parts of Yemen. After the Houthis took control of Sana’a, Yemen’s warring political factions began internal Yemeni peace negotiations, and were on the verge of a power-sharing deal mediated by former UN envoy Jamal Benomar. In press reports, Benomar indicated that he was completely unaware that Saudi Arabia would begin aid-raids while he was still in Sana’a on his diplomatic mission. With the stated goal of reinstating Hadi to power, Saudi Arabia formed a coalition of nine Arab countries including its major supporter in the war, the United Arab Emirates, and all Gulf Cooperation Council countries except Oman. Saudi Arabia framed the conflict in sectarian terms insisting Iran was supporting the Houthis, an indigenous group.
    [Show full text]
  • Pushing Al-Qaeda out of Yemen Impossible Due to Its Ties with Government
    Received by NSD/F A.RA Regi~tration Unjt 08/03/2018 11 :42:04 AM 81312018 Pushing AJ"Qaeda out of Yemen Impossible Due to Its Ties with Govemmen. t . .. ' . Homepage ~ Opinion Published by Ahmed Muthana in Opinion Pushing Al-Qaeda out of Yemen Impossible Due to Its Ties with Government f,',, Yemeni government fighters closing in on an al-Qaeda location in the Hadramawt province. Photo: Saleh Al Obeidi, AFP Five days after President Donald J. Trump took office, he directed his first military action against the al-Qaeda group in the Ar.J.}?ian Peninsula (AQAP), consid~red to be one of al-Qaeda's most dangerous branches. Despite the attempts to push al-Qaeda out of Yemen and the American drone operations aimed at degrading AQAP, all efforts have I . https://theglobepost.com/2018/08!02/al~qaeda-yemen-al--islah/ampn_twitter _impressfon=true 1/5 Received by NSD/F ARA Registration ,Unit 08/03/2018 11 :42:04 AM Received by NSD/FARA ~egistration Unit _08/03/2018 l l:42:04·AM 8/3/2018 Pushing Al=a_~e_da o_u~ of Y~m~n ln:ip9~_sibl_e D.ue ta _l_t~ "J'.i~s .wi!h Go~emn:ient Separatists fronithe Southern Resistance Forces, backed by the_u:s. arid the Uriited Atab Emirates, managed to defeat the te"rrorist group in most of south Yemen. However, the al~Qaeda branch is stronger than evet fo the north of the country. For the legitimate_government of President Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi, cutting ties with AQAP is an almost impossible mission.
    [Show full text]
  • Yemen May 2021
    Yemen Decision adopted unanimously by the IPU Governing Council at its 207th session (Virtual session, 25 May 2021) Yemeni members of parliament vote in Sana’a on 24 June 2000 to approve the 12 June border agreement signed with Saudi Arabia © Khaled Fazaa/AFP YEM09 - Abd al-Hameed Saif al-Batra’ YEM-57 - Mansour Ali Yahya Maflah al-Hanq YEM-10 - Insaf Ali Mohamed Mayou YEM-58 - Nasr Zayd Mahi al-Din YEM-11 - Ja'abal Mohamed Salem Mohsin Ta'iman YEM-59 - Hiba Allah Ali Saghir Sharim YEM-12 - Abd al-Rahman Ibrahim Abdah Nashtan YEM-60 - Abd Allah Saad Sharaf Abas al-Namani YEM-13 - Abd al-Khalek Abd al-Hafed Ben Shihoun YEM-61 - Abd al-Razaq Maslah al-Hijri YEM-14 - Abd al-Khalek Abdah Ahmad al-Barkani YEM-62 - Abd al-Karim Ahmad Yahya al-Sinissi YEM-15 - Mohamed Qasem Mohamed al-Naqib YEM-63 - Abd al-Karim Mohamed Mach’ouf al-Aslami YEM-16 - Mohamed Maqbal Ali Hasan al-Hamiri YEM-64 - Abd al-Aziz Abd al-Jabar Ghaleb Dabwan YEM-17 - Mafdal Ismail al-Abara YEM-65 - Othman Hasin Fayed Majli YEM-18 - Haza' Saad Mathar Yahya al-Masouri YEM-66 - Fathi Tawfiq Abd al-Rahim Mathar YEM-19 - Amine Mohamed al-Saloui YEM-67 - Mohsin Ali Omar Baserah YEM-20 - Abd al-Rahman Hasin Ali al-A'shbi YEM-68 - Isaac al’Qa’hm YEM-21 - Abd al-Aziz Ahmad Ali Mohamed Ja'bari YEM-69 - Ali Hassan Ahmad Jilan YEM-22 - Abd al-Wahab Mahmoud Ali Ma'wadah YEM-70 - Ibrahim Chouaib Mohamed al-Facheq YEM-23 - Ali Hasin Naser Ahmad al-A'nsi YEM-71 - Amine Ali Mohamed al-Akimi YEM-24 - Ali Mohamed Ahmad al-Ma'mari YEM-72 - Hamid Abd-Allah Saghir Ahmad al-Jabarati YEM-25 - Ali
    [Show full text]
  • Implications of the Gulf Crisis on the ﻋﻧوان اﻟﻣوﺿوع
    Pressing Scenarios : ωϭοϭϣϟ΍ϡγ΍ Implications of the Gulf Crisis on the : ωϭοϭϣϟ΍ϥ΍ϭϧϋ Situation in Yemen 14/07/2017 : έηϧϟ΍ΦϳέΎΗ ϑρΎϋΩϣΣ΃ : ΏΗΎϛϟ΍ϡγ΍ : ωϭοϭϣϟ΍ 9/29/2021 3:29:37 PM 1 / 3 The conflict in Yemen did not fall out of the scope of being affected by the diplomatic crisis between Qatar and other Gulf Cooperation Council members- Saudi Arabia, UAE and Bahrain. That is because the Yemen conflict is one of the key causes of the Gulf crisis, where Qatar supports terrorist organizations and rebel militias in the country. This support contradicts the goals set for the Saudi-led Coalition, the documents of the 2013 Riyad Agreement and its 2014 supplementary agreement. The illegitimate Qatari practices in Yemen promoted the command of the Arab Coalition to terminate Doha¶s participation on June 5, 2017. Qatar¶s Role in YemenThe following constitute the timeline of the Qatari role in Yemen over the past years. 1- Mediation in the so-called six Saada wars: Qatar¶s effective intervention in Yemen was initiated by its mediation in the Saada wars between the Yemeni state and the Houthi rebels in the period between 2004 and 2010. Then, Doha was able to play a prominent role managing to create strong relations with parties involved in the Yemeni conflict. 2- Supporting the Yemeni Revolution against the now-ousted president Ali Abudllah Saleh: Qatar¶s position in this regard was clear from the onset of the Revolution in 2011, when Doha backed the protests against Saleh. Moreover, it became a party to the Gulf Cooperation Council¶s initiative for political transition in Yemen.
    [Show full text]
  • Arab League 2019 Topic: Yemen - Rethinking Approaches to Reaching Political Stability
    Arab League 2019 Topic: Yemen - Rethinking Approaches to Reaching Political Stability Topic Overview As the Yemeni Civil War approaches its fifth year, the death toll continues to mount, reaching around 91,600 deaths in 2019. To understand the war in Yemen, it is important to first grapple with the complexity of the conflict and recognize that the situation remains dynamic and changing. In one sense, the war in Yemen is a civil war pitting the legitimate Yemeni government led by Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi against the Houthi insurgents. In another, the war is a regional proxy conflict between Saudi Arabia and Iran as the two powers attempt to establish regional hegemony at the expense of the other.4 ​ Historical Overview The war began in 2011 when the Yemen president, Ali Abdullah Saleh was forced to hand over his power to Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi. Hadi’s administration was hobbled by a variety of destabilizing factors. He struggled to deal with Yemen’s issues with corruption, unemployment, food scarcity, and the jihadist groups increasingly aggravated by those issues. The last of these challenges for Hadi would metastasize into broad and well organized regional militia that ultimately succeeded in ousting him from the capital of Sanaa. This group was the Houthis, and they succeeded in taking over the capital in late 2014, forcing Hadi to retreat to Yemen’s eastern 1 provinces. The Houthi movement, which champions the Aaidi Shia Muslims, continued to grow stronger. They took advantage of the new weak government and took control of the Saada province and its neighboring areas.
    [Show full text]
  • Annual Report 2016 Civiliansinconflict.Org E [email protected] T +12025586958 RECOGNIZE
    Annual Report 2016 RECOGNIZE. PREVENT. PROTECT. AMEND. PROTECT. PREVENT. RECOGNIZE. T +1 202 558 6958 E [email protected] civiliansinconflict.org One Conflict After Another, We’re Building a New Expectation in War: That the Tragedy of Civilian Losses Will Never Be Ignored. TABLE OF CONTENTS Letter from the Board Chair 2 Letter from the Executive Director 3 Our Mission/Our Vision 4 Our Work 5 Where We Work 6 AFRICA Nigeria 8 Somalia 12 The Central African Republic (CAR) 14 The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) 15 South Sudan 18 MIDDLE EAST & SOUTH ASIA Afghanistan 21 Iraq 22 Syria 24 Yemen 26 EUROPE Ukraine 28 US & INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS NATO 29 US 32 UN 33 Financial Statements 34 Supporters 36 Our Team 37 CIVIC/Christopher Allbritton COVER A Syrian woman stands looking at destroyed buildings in Aleppo’s formerly rebel-held al-Shaar neighborhood on January 21, 2017, a month after government forces retook the northern Syrian city from rebel fighters. Getty Images/AFP/Louai Beshara Report designed by Dena Verdesca. I want to thank CIVIC for bringing us together...I have heard many things that I will go back to discuss with my commander for action. —Nigerian Army Major Badare of 28th Taskforce Brigade 1 LETTER FROM THE BOARD CHAIR Friends: These days are difficult ones for proponents of human rights. Even so, it still seems possible to make headway in some places on issues of concern to human rights advocates. These include the issue on which Center for Civilians in Conflict (CIVIC) focuses: the protection of civilians against harm in armed conflicts.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of Post-Conflict Reconstruction (Pdf)
    POMEPS STUDIES 30 Te Politics of Post-Conflict Reconstruction September 2018 Contents Introduction ...................................................................................3 Seeing Like a State-builder: Replication of Donor Reconstruction Dilemmas in Syria .................8 Frances Z. Brown, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace & University of Oxford Reconstructing Authoritarianism: Te Politics and Political Economy of Postconflict Reconstruction in Syria ...........................14 Steven Heydemann, Smith College & Te Brookings Institution Legal Pluralism and Justice in Iraq after ISIL ......................................................22 Jacqueline Parry, Institute for Regional and International Studies, American University of Iraqi Sulaimani Physical and Societal (Re)construction in Nineveh post Islamic State ................................28 Dylan O’Driscoll, Humanitarian and Conflict Response Institute (HCRI), University of Manchester Postwar Reconciliation and Fragile Peace in Algeria ...............................................34 Caroline Abadeer, Minerva/Jennings Randolph Peace Scholar at the United States Institute of Peace Yuree Noh, Postdoctoral Research Fellow at Harvard University’s Middle East Initiative, Belfer Center Algeria’s Peace Process: Spoilers, Failures and Successes ............................................38 Dalia Ghanem-Yazbeck, Resident Scholar, Carnegie Middle East Center Lebanon and the fog of reconstruction ..........................................................44 Deen Sharp,
    [Show full text]
  • Do Undeveloped Interests Drive Widening Disagreements Among
    Artical Name : Do undeveloped Interests Drive Widening Disagreements among Allies in the Middle East? Artical Subject : Do undeveloped Interests Drive Widening Disagreements among Allies in the Middle East? Publish Date: 30/08/2017 Auther Name: Future for Advanced Research and Studies Subject : In the Middle East, increasing divergence and regression now dominate relations between allies. These allies are either political parties and militias involved in domestic conflicts, partners in ruling coalitions involved in relations with neighboring countries, or regional and international powers involved in expanding regional conflicts or suffering from strained bilateral relations. One explanation of these various domestic and extraterritorial situations is that the interests of the allies are compromised. That is, it is no longer possible to keep disagreements as behind-closed-doors secrets after they evolved to wars of words and actions on the ground by the allied rebel groups in Yemen, for instance, where this impacts the upward trajectory of the conflict. Moreover, it is possible to manage, only temporarily, existing disagreements between Iran and Russia over the fate of Bashar al-Assad, the future of Shiite militias, Russia¶s strategic relations with Israel as well as Iran¶s designs for an overland corridor to the Mediterranean via Syria. The various patterns of these existing disagreements can be summarized as follows: 1- Disagreement between internal powers inside states. A good instance is Yemen. The current rift between the allies of yesterday i.e. forces loyal to the now-ousted president Ali Abdullah Saleh and the rebel Houthi group, represents a shift from their close ties that lasted for the past three years since the Houthi militants, backed by Saleh forces, rebelled against the legitimate government and together seized power in the capital Sanaa on September 21, 2014.
    [Show full text]