Implications of the Gulf Crisis on the ﻋﻧوان اﻟﻣوﺿوع

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Implications of the Gulf Crisis on the ﻋﻧوان اﻟﻣوﺿوع Pressing Scenarios : ωϭοϭϣϟ΍ϡγ΍ Implications of the Gulf Crisis on the : ωϭοϭϣϟ΍ϥ΍ϭϧϋ Situation in Yemen 14/07/2017 : έηϧϟ΍ΦϳέΎΗ ϑρΎϋΩϣΣ΃ : ΏΗΎϛϟ΍ϡγ΍ : ωϭοϭϣϟ΍ 9/29/2021 3:29:37 PM 1 / 3 The conflict in Yemen did not fall out of the scope of being affected by the diplomatic crisis between Qatar and other Gulf Cooperation Council members- Saudi Arabia, UAE and Bahrain. That is because the Yemen conflict is one of the key causes of the Gulf crisis, where Qatar supports terrorist organizations and rebel militias in the country. This support contradicts the goals set for the Saudi-led Coalition, the documents of the 2013 Riyad Agreement and its 2014 supplementary agreement. The illegitimate Qatari practices in Yemen promoted the command of the Arab Coalition to terminate Doha¶s participation on June 5, 2017. Qatar¶s Role in YemenThe following constitute the timeline of the Qatari role in Yemen over the past years. 1- Mediation in the so-called six Saada wars: Qatar¶s effective intervention in Yemen was initiated by its mediation in the Saada wars between the Yemeni state and the Houthi rebels in the period between 2004 and 2010. Then, Doha was able to play a prominent role managing to create strong relations with parties involved in the Yemeni conflict. 2- Supporting the Yemeni Revolution against the now-ousted president Ali Abudllah Saleh: Qatar¶s position in this regard was clear from the onset of the Revolution in 2011, when Doha backed the protests against Saleh. Moreover, it became a party to the Gulf Cooperation Council¶s initiative for political transition in Yemen. Doha was also keen on ensuring that the Yemeni Congregation for Reform, also known as al-Islah, which is the political arm of the Muslim Brotherhood in Yemen, would play a prominent role in the political process in the country. 3- Taking up a role in the Arab Coalition set up to regain legitimacy in Yemen: During the coup d¶etat in September 2014, the Houthi group stormed the state¶s security institutions and ministries. Later, as the developments unravelled, President Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi resigned after the Houthis attacked the presidential palace on January 19, 2015. The developments prompted the Saudi-led Arab Coalition to launch Operation Decisive Storm in March 2015 to reinstate Yemen¶s legitimate government. Qatar backed and participated in the military operations.4- Backing al-Islah Party: Over the past years, Qatar sought to strengthen the influence of the Muslim Brotherhood in Yemen through al-Islah Party, which is the Brotherhood¶s faction in Yemen. It provides financial and logistic support, and even plays a role in enabling the party¶s senior leaders to assume the highest government positions. These include Vice President Ali Mohsen Saleh al-Ahmar, as well as government ministers belonging to this party. Yemen¶s ReactionsSoon after the Arab Coalition members announced the termination of Qatar¶s participation in the military operations in Yemen, following the current diplomatic crisis, Yemeni reactions came out as follows: 1- The legitimate government¶s backing for boycotting Qatar: Yemen¶s legitimate government headed by the President Hadi has reaffirmed its support for the Arab Coalition¶s measures against Qatar i.e. termination of the Qatari Armed Forces¶participation in the Coalition¶s military operations in Yemen. Hadi¶s government also severed its diplomatic relations with Qatar over its support for extremist groups and rebel militias. 2- Rift between the rebels: Division among the rebels over the current Gulf crisis has surfaced, which can be considered as a continuation of recent persistent disagreement between the Houthis and former president Ali Abdullah Saleh. The Houthis declared their support for Qatar against the other three Gulf countries and Egypt. This was voiced by Mohammed Ali al-Houthi, President of the Revolutionary Committee or Revolutionary Council, in a post on his official account on Facebook where he said, ³We condemn the measures targeting Qatar. We are prepared to cooperate with it, and recommend that the tendency to isolate Qatar should be reconsidered.´Moreover, the General People's Congress, led by ousted president Ali Abdullah Saleh, took a different stance towards Doha and backed the four states¶cutting relations with Qatar, which the party described the latter as a supporter of terrorist organizations, namely ISIS and al- Qaeda. However, the party also denounced the military offensives led by Saudi Arabia in Yemen. 3- Elusive Brotherhood: The al- Islah party¶s approach to the Gulf crisis showed its keenness to preserve its interests through pursuing elusive tactics. On the one hand, the party has not issued an official statement to clarify its position on severing relations with Qatar. Yet, all it did in this regard was a statement by Mohammed al-Saadi, its Assistant Secretary General, who is also Minister of Planning and International Cooperation in the Yemeni legitimate government, in which he reaffirmed the party¶s support for the government¶s decision to terminate Qatar¶s participation in the Arab Coalition and severe diplomatic relations with Doha. On the other hand, a non-official standpoint by the party¶s prominent figures surfaced. These figures even attacked Saudi Arabia and the UAE. Yemeni journalist and activist Tawakkol Karman expressed its opposition to expelling Qatar from the Arab Coalition.Crisis¶RepercussionsIf it continues, the Gulf crisis is likely to have consequences on the conflict in Yemen of which the following stand out: 1- The Arab Coalition¶s military operations will not be impacted: The Yemeni government forces, supported by the Arab Coalition forces, continues to conduct military operations in the perimeter of the capital Sanaa to take control of more territories in the lead up to recapture the city from the rebels. It is not expected that these military operations would be impacted by the termination of Qatar¶s participation in the Arab Coalition due to the fact that Saudi Arabia and the UAE have enough capabilities to make up for the Qatari military presence. That is, Doha participated in the Coalition¶s operations with ten jet fighters, 1000 troops and 200 armoured vehicles. 2- Saudi-UAE coordination in Yemen would be enhanced: The two states - Saudi Arabia and the UAE- recognize the fact that Qatar will seek to cause division and rifts within the ranks of the Arab Coalition in Yemen using its agents in Yemen. Therefore, Saudi Arabia and the UAE are likely to seek to expand their continued coordination about military operations and the developments taking place in Yemen so as to prevent Qatar from carrying out its subversive agenda in this country. 3- A possible Qatari-Iranian deal for Yemen: The current Gulf crisis has showed stronger rapprochement between Iran and Qatar. This was evidenced by Tehran¶s siding with Doha, and the opening of Iranian airspace for Qatari airplanes. Iran¶s aim is to capitalize on the current crisis and make the maximum possible benefit in its standoff with the Gulf Arab countries. Moreover, Qatar may use Iran as a bargaining chip to put pressure on Saudi Arabia and the UAE regarding Yemen, especially because Iran maintains strong ties with the rebel Houthi militia. 4- Qatar would increase its support for the Muslim Brotherhood in Yemen: Although the official position of the Yemeni Congregation for Reform, or al-Islah party, is ambiguous, its elements and the youth in particular took a stand with Qatar against the four boycotting countries. This would mean that this party, which is a Muslim Brotherhood affiliate, is considered one of the tools that Doha can resort to in case it decides to escalate against Saudi Arabia and the UAE to impact their interests in Yemen. 5- Provoking instability in South Yemen: Over the recent years, Qatar had its own intentions for South Yemen and sought to impact the interests of the Arab Coalition members in this region. Consequently, Doha, perhaps, would count on its proponents in Aden and the southern provinces to cause turbulence and increase pressure and exact heavier military and economic costs on the Coalition member states. 6- Qatar would intensify offensive media campaigns against the Arab Coalition in Yemen: In fact, this has surfaced in the last few days where Qatar¶s Al Jazeera media network focussed, once again, on the Yemeni issue, and aired reports criticizing the policies and practices of the Coalition members in the country. Such practices include claims regarding human rights violations in areas under the control of the Yemeni legitimate government and the members of the Coalition. It is therefore likely that these antagonistic anti-Arab Coalition media campaigns will intensify, if the Gulf crisis is to take an escalatory trajectory in the coming period. 9/29/2021 3:29:37 PM 2 / 3 9/29/2021 3:29:37 PM 3 / 3.
Recommended publications
  • Women and Participation in the Arab Uprisings: a Struggle for Justice
    Distr. LIMITED E/ESCWA/SDD/2013/Technical Paper.13 26 December 2013 ORIGINAL: ENGLISH ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COMMISSION FOR WESTERN ASIA (ESCWA) WOMEN AND PARTICIPATION IN THE ARAB UPRISINGS: A STRUGGLE FOR JUSTICE New York, 2013 13-0381 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This paper constitutes part of the research conducted by the Social Participatory Development Section within the Social Development Division to advocate the principles of social justice, participation and citizenship. Specifically, the paper discusses the pivotal role of women in the democratic movements that swept the region three years ago and the challenges they faced in the process. The paper argues that the increased participation of women and their commendable struggle against gender-based injustices have not yet translated into greater freedoms or increased political participation. More critically, in a region dominated by a patriarchal mindset, violence against women has become a means to an end and a tool to exercise control over society. If the demands for bread, freedom and social justice are not linked to discourses aimed at achieving gender justice, the goals of the Arab revolutions will remain elusive. This paper was co-authored by Ms. Dina Tannir, Social Affairs Officer, and Ms. Vivienne Badaan, Research Assistant, and has benefited from the overall guidance and comments of Ms. Maha Yahya, Chief, Social Participatory Development Section. iii iv CONTENTS Page Acknowledgements .................................................................................................................... iii Chapter I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. GENDERING ARAB REVOLUTIONS: WHAT WOMEN WANT ......................... 2 A. The centrality of gender to Arab revolutions............................................................ 2 B. Participation par excellence: Activism among Arab women.................................... 3 III. CHANGING LANES: THE STRUGGLE OVER WOMEN’S BODIES .................
    [Show full text]
  • Yemen Sheila Carapico University of Richmond, [email protected]
    University of Richmond UR Scholarship Repository Political Science Faculty Publications Political Science 2013 Yemen Sheila Carapico University of Richmond, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.richmond.edu/polisci-faculty-publications Part of the International Relations Commons, and the Near and Middle Eastern Studies Commons Recommended Citation Carapico, Sheila. "Yemen." In Dispatches from the Arab Spring: Understanding the New Middle East, edited by Paul Amar and Vijay Prashad, 101-121. New Delhi, India: LeftWord Books, 2013. This Book Chapter is brought to you for free and open access by the Political Science at UR Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of UR Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Yemen SHEILA CARAPICO IN FEBRUARY 2011, Tawakkol Karman stood on a stage outside Sanaa University. A microphone in one hand and the other clenched defiantly above her head, reading from a list of demands, she led tens of thou­ sands of cheering, flag-waving demonstrators in calls for peaceful politi­ cal change. She was to become not so much the leader as the figurehead ofYemen's uprising. On other days and in other cities, other citizens led the chants: men and women and sometimes, for effect, little children. These mass public performances enacted a veritable civic revolution in a poverty-stricken country where previous activist surges never produced democratic transitions but nonetheless did shape national history. Drawing on the Tunisiari and Egyptian inspirations as well as homegrown protest legacies, in 2011 Yemenis occupied the national commons as never before.
    [Show full text]
  • FEATURE Yemeni Activist on Her Homeland, Politics, Terror, Democracy FEATURE Daily Sabah > Life > Feature Yemeni Activist on Her Homeland, Politics, Terror, Democracy
    2/21/2018 Yemeni activist on her homeland, politics, terror, democracy - Daily Sabah FEATURE Yemeni activist on her homeland, politics, terror, democracy FEATURE Daily Sabah > Life > Feature Yemeni activist on her homeland, politics, terror, democracy HILAL KAPLAN @hilal_kaplan ISTANBUL Published February 14, 2018 Nobel Peace Prize laureate Tawakkol Karman of Yemen smiles during a news conference as part of the Nobel Women’s Initiative to gather a first­hand account of the ongoing violence against women, Tegucigalpa, Honduras, Oct. 24, 2017. Activist, politician, journalist and Nobel Peace Prize laureate are only some of the terms used to describe Tawakkol Karman, who dares to stand against unjust interventions of the United Arab Emirates in Yemen nown as the "Mother of the Revolution," Yemen's Tawakkol K Karman is one of the most influential women in the Arab world. She was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2011, at the age of 32, in recognition of her work in nonviolent struggle for the safety of women, women's rights and for her full participation in peacebuilding work in Yemen. Daily Sabah columnist Hilal Kaplan met with Karman to talk about the United Arab Emirates' influence and policies in Yemen as well as Saudi officials' remarks on President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Turkey's stance regarding the status of Jerusalem, Operation Olive Branch, the coup attempt of the Gülenist Terror Group (FETÖ) and Turkey's fight for democracy. Daily Sabah: Ms. Karman, you have stated that the United Arab Emirates is destabilizing Yemen. You have even gone further to say that "the UAE is only a collapsible paper tower." Can you explain how you see the UAE's role in Yemen? Tawakkol Karman: Every step taken in Yemen by the UAE is against Yemen's interest.
    [Show full text]
  • Yemen's National Dialogue
    arab uprisings Yemen’s National Dialogue March 21, 2013 MOHAMMED HUWAIS/AFP/GETTY IMAGES HUWAIS/AFP/GETTY MOHAMMED POMEPS Briefings 19 Contents Overcoming the Pitfalls of Yemen’s National Dialogue . 5 Consolidating Uncertainty in Yemen . 7 Can Yemen be a Nation United? . 10 Yemen’s Southern Intifada . 13 Best Friends Forever for Yemen’s Revolutionaries? . 18 A Shake Up in Yemen’s GPC? . 21 Hot Pants: A Visit to Ousted Yemeni Leader Ali Abdullah Saleh’s New Presidential Museum . .. 23 Triage for a fracturing Yemen . 26 Building a Yemeni state while losing a nation . 32 Yemen’s Rocky Roadmap . 35 Don’t call Yemen a “failed state” . 38 The Project on Middle East Political Science The Project on Middle East Political Science (POMEPS) is a collaborative network which aims to increase the impact of political scientists specializing in the study of the Middle East in the public sphere and in the academic community . POMEPS, directed by Marc Lynch, is based at the Institute for Middle East Studies at the George Washington University and is supported by the Carnegie Corporation and the Social Science Research Council . It is a co-sponsor of the Middle East Channel (http://mideast .foreignpolicy .com) . For more information, see http://www .pomeps .org . Online Article Index Overcoming the Pitfalls of Yemen’s National Dialogue http://mideast .foreignpolicy .com/posts/2013/03/18/overcoming_the_pitfalls_of_yemen_s_national_dialogue Consolidating Uncertainty in Yemen http://mideast .foreignpolicy .com/posts/2013/02/22/consolidating_uncertainty_in_yemen
    [Show full text]
  • UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA, IRVINE the Arab Spring Abroad
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, IRVINE The Arab Spring Abroad: Mobilization among Syrian, Libyan, and Yemeni Diasporas in the U.S. and Great Britain DISSERTATION Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in Sociology by Dana M. Moss Dissertation Committee: Distinguished Professor David A. Snow, Chair Chancellor’s Professor Charles Ragin Professor Judith Stepan-Norris Professor David S. Meyer Associate Professor Yang Su 2016 © 2016 Dana M. Moss DEDICATION To my husband William Picard, an exceptional partner and a true activist; and to my wonderfully supportive and loving parents, Nancy Watts and John Moss. Thank you for everything, always. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF ACRONYMS iv LIST OF FIGURES v LIST OF TABLES vi ACKNOWLEDGMENTS vii CURRICULUM VITAE viii ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION xiv INTRODUCTION 1 PART I: THE DYNAMICS OF DIASPORA MOVEMENT EMERGENCE CHAPTER 1: Diaspora Activism before the Arab Spring 30 CHAPTER 2: The Resurgence and Emergence of Transnational Diaspora Mobilization during the Arab Spring 70 PART II: THE ROLES OF THE DIASPORAS IN THE REVOLUTIONS 126 CHAPTER 3: The Libyan Case 132 CHAPTER 4: The Syrian Case 169 CHAPTER 5: The Yemeni Case 219 PART III: SHORT-TERM OUTCOMES OF THE ARAB SPRING CHAPTER 6: The Effects of Episodic Transnational Mobilization on Diaspora Politics 247 CHAPTER 7: Conclusion and Implications 270 REFERENCES 283 ENDNOTES 292 iii LIST OF ACRONYMS FSA Free Syria Army ISIS The Islamic State of Iraq and Al-Sham, or Daesh NFSL National Front for the Salvation
    [Show full text]
  • 1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background the Yemen Civil War Is
    CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background The Yemen civil war is currently in its fifth year, but tensions within the country have existed for many years. The conflict in Yemen has been labelled as the worst humanitarian crisis in the world by the United Nations (UN) and is categorized as a man-made phenomenon. According to the UN, 80% of the population of Yemen need humanitarian assistance, with 2/3 of its population considered to be food insecure while 1/3 of its population is suffering from extreme levels of hunger and most districts in Yemen at risk of famine. As the conditions in Yemen continue to deteriorate, the world’s largest cholera outbreak occurred in Yemen in 2017 with a reported one million infected.1 Prior to the conflict itself, Yemen has been among the poorest countries in the Arab Peninsula. However, that is contradictory considering the natural resources that Yemen possess, such as minerals and oil, and its strategical location of being adjacent to the Red Sea.2 Yemen has a large natural reserve of natural gasses and minerals, with over 490 billion cubic meters as of 2010. These minerals include the likes of silver, gold, zinc, cobalt and nickel. The conflict in Yemen is a result of a civil war between the Houthi, with the help of Former President Saleh, and the Yemen government that is represented by 1 UNOCHA. “Yemen.” Humanitarian Needs Overview 2019, 2019. https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/2019_Yemen_HNO_FINAL.pdf. 2 Sophy Owuor, “What Are The Major Natural Resources Of Yemen?” WorldAtlas, February 19, 2019.
    [Show full text]
  • Institutional Change and the Egyptian Presence in Yemen 1962-19671
    1 Importing the Revolution: Institutional change and the Egyptian presence in Yemen 1962-19671 Joshua Rogers Accepted version. Published 2018 in Marc Owen Jones, Ross Porter and Marc Valeri (eds.): Gulfization of the Arab World. Berlin, London: Gerlach, pp. 113-133. Abstract Between 1962 and 1967, Egypt launched a large-scale military intervention to support the government of the newly formed Yemen Arab Republic. Some 70,000 Egyptian military personnel and hundreds of civilian advisors were deployed with the stated aim to ‘modernize Yemeni institutions’ and ‘bring Yemen out of the Middle Ages.’ This article tells the story of this significant top-down and externally-driven transformation, focusing on changes in the military and formal government administration in the Yemen Arab Republic and drawing on hitherto unavailable Egyptian archival material. Highlighting both the significant ambiguity in the Egyptian state-building project itself, as well as the unintended consequences that ensued as Egyptian plans collided with existing power structures; it traces the impact of Egyptian intervention on new state institutions, their modes of functioning, and the articulation of these ‘modern’ institutions, particularly the military and new central ministries, with established tribal and village-based power structures. 1. Introduction On the night of 26 September 1962, a column of T-34 tanks trundled through the streets of Sana‗a and surrounded the palace of the new Imam of Yemen, Mu ammad al-Badr,2 who had succeeded his father Imam ‘ mad (r.1948-62) only one week earlier. Opening fire shortly before midnight, the Yemeni Free Officers announced the ‗26 September Revolution‘ on Radio Sana‗a and declared the formation of a new state: the Yemen Arab Republic (YAR).
    [Show full text]
  • Egyptian Foreign Policy (Special Reference After the 25Th of January Revolution)
    UNIVERSIDAD COMPLUTENSE DE MADRID FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS POLÍTICAS Y SOCIOLOGÍA DEPARTAMENTO DE DERECHO INTERNACIONAL PÚBLICO Y RELACIONES INTERNACIONALES TESIS DOCTORAL Egyptian foreign policy (special reference after The 25th of January Revolution) MEMORIA PARA OPTAR AL GRADO DE DOCTORA PRESENTADA POR Rania Ahmed Hemaid DIRECTOR Najib Abu-Warda Madrid, 2018 © Rania Ahmed Hemaid, 2017 UNIVERSIDAD COMPLUTENSE DE MADRID Facultad de Ciencias Políticas Y Socioligía Departamento de Derecho Internacional Público y Relaciones Internacionales Doctoral Program Political Sciences PHD dissertation Egyptian Foreign Policy (Special Reference after The 25th of January Revolution) POLÍTICA EXTERIOR EGIPCIA (ESPECIAL REFERENCIA DESPUÉS DE LA REVOLUCIÓN DEL 25 DE ENERO) Elaborated by Rania Ahmed Hemaid Under the Supervision of Prof. Dr. Najib Abu- Warda Professor of International Relations in the Faculty of Information Sciences, Complutense University of Madrid Madrid, 2017 Ph.D. Dissertation Presented to the Complutense University of Madrid for obtaining the doctoral degree in Political Science by Ms. Rania Ahmed Hemaid, under the supervision of Prof. Dr. Najib Abu- Warda Professor of International Relations, Faculty of Information Sciences, Complutense University of Madrid. University: Complutense University of Madrid. Department: International Public Law and International Relations (International Studies). Program: Doctorate in Political Science. Director: Prof. Dr. Najib Abu- Warda. Academic Year: 2017 Madrid, 2017 DEDICATION Dedication To my dearest parents may god rest their souls in peace and to my only family my sister whom without her support and love I would not have conducted this piece of work ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Acknowledgments I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my advisor Prof. Dr. Najib Abu- Warda for the continuous support of my Ph.D.
    [Show full text]
  • Iran and Yemen; Study the Reflection of the Islamic Revolution of Iran on Yemen and Its Results
    Iran and Yemen; Study the Reflection of the Islamic Revolution of Iran on Yemen and Its Results Amir Reza Emami¹, Fatemeh Zare² ¹,2 Graduate of Political Science (International Relations), Department of Law and Political Science, Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Yazd, Yazd University, Iran. Abstract The Islamic Revolution of Iran took place in 1789 and was the first successful revolution inspired by Islam. Undoubtedly, this revolution had repercussions on the peripheral and semi-peripheral countries of Iran, and among the semi-peripheral countries of Iran, which was affected by the Iranian revolution, was Yemen. In the following years, with the beginning of the Arab Spring (Islamic Awakening), this country underwent changes and protest movements were formed in it, the content of which was very close to the foundations of the Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1789. These protests and anti-government movements in Yemen at the time led to the revolution and ultimately to the victory of the Yemeni Houthis and the Ansarullah movement. But what could be the consequences of this event in Yemen? Do these results include the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran? In fact, the main question of this research is what are the results of the reflection of the Islamic Revolution of Iran on Yemen. Therefore, this study seeks to first examine the reflection of the Islamic Revolution in Yemen and then explain its results. The method of the present research is qualitative and based on descriptive-analytical and the method of collecting data and information is based on documentary studies, libraries and reputable research and extension science journals and various statistics.
    [Show full text]
  • Armed Conflict Alone Does Not Explain the Devastation of Yemen's Health
    Commentary BMJ Glob Health: first published as 10.1136/bmjgh-2020-004740 on 23 February 2021. Downloaded from Armed conflict alone does not explain the devastation of Yemen’s health system 1 2 3,4 Tayseer AlKarim, Aula Abbara , Bothaina Attal To cite: AlKarim T, Abbara A, Driven by the prolonged internal conflict, Summary box Attal B. Armed conflict external aggression, economic decline and alone does not explain the scarcity of resources, Yemen faces the world’s Armed conflict alone in Yemen cannot explain the devastation of Yemen’s health 1 ► system. BMJ Global Health worst humanitarian crisis. The ongoing devastating humanitarian situation with other, non- 2021;6:e004740. doi:10.1136/ violence has played a fundamental role in conflict factors also culpable. bmjgh-2020-004740 shaping this humanitarian crisis. However, ► The traditional role of the central government has violence alone cannot account for the extent been incapacitated and replaced by an archipelago Handling editor Seye Abimbola of suffering across the country and the collapse of proto- states. of the health system; other factors need to be ► Fragmentation, poor coordination, poor transparency Received 13 December 2020 and weak governance have adversely affected the Accepted 15 December 2020 considered with the aim of drawing strategies to respond to the present and future health humanitarian response. The mandate of the United Nations (UN) to operate and humanitarian needs. ► through the governmental framework is invalid in the modern armed conflict and it needs to be developed. BACKGROUND TO THE CONFLICT ► The ongoing conflict has created war- business dy- namics that further systemised the corruption and Half a decade of relentless hostilities between patronage networks in the country, which in turn has state and non- state actors, backed by regional deprived Yemenis from equal and dignified access to and international powers, have devastated humanitarian aid.
    [Show full text]
  • Women's Rights and Civic Activism in Yemen's Endless
    WHAT THE WOMEN SAY We Will Survive: Women’s Rights and Civic Activism in Yemen’s Endless War International International Civil Society Action Network Winter 2016 Brief 14 Key Issues • Civilian casualties topped 8100 as bombing and shelling continued in January 2016. The UN states that 80% of Yemen’s population is in need of emergency aid, and some 65% have no access to basic healthcare. • Oxfam reports that rates of early marriage for girls are escalating due to the hardships of war and over 30% of displaced families headed by women facing greater difficulties accessing aid. • The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights found that "almost two-thirds of reported civilian deaths had allegedly been caused by coalition airstrikes, which were also responsible for almost two-thirds of damaged or destroyed civilian public buildings including schools, hospitals, food and beverage factories. • Despite the war, Yemen has a vibrant political landscape and an appetite for For Women’s Rights, Peace, and Security Peace, Rights, Women’s For grassroots change. Retaining that vibrancy, bolstering civil society and channeling ICAN it into an inclusive peace process—should be a key objective of any international ICAN is a registered non-profit, US involvement in Yemen. based organization whose mission is • The last five years gave a new generation of female activists the tools and the to support civil society activism in confidence to demand their rightful place in the next phase of Yemeni democracy. promoting women’s rights, peace and • In the National Dialogue Conference (NDC) women made important advances in human security in countries affected by conflict, transition and closed ensuring their effective political participation) and securing rights in the draft political space.
    [Show full text]
  • Page 01 Jan 29.Indd
    www.thepeninsulaqatar.com BUSINESS | 14 SPORT | 23 Fed keeps rates It’s make or breakreak unchanged and to for Qatar in AFCFC mmonitor global cues U23 play-off FRIDAY 29 JANUARY 2016 • 19 Rabia II 1437 • Volume 20 • Number 6690 thepeninsulaqatar @peninsulaqatar @peninsula_qatar Independent Emir meets Italian President in Rome schools to see major changes ruled out the possibility of a down- sizing of employees following the The term restructuring. ‘Independent school’ The Specification and Stand- ardisation Authority — which was and the position of under the Ministry of Environment school operators and not mentioned in the new struc- ture of the Ministry of Municipality may be revoked and Environment — is expected to become an independent entity, said the daily. All new ministries will have The Peninsula an undersecretary and assistant undersecretaries. Nominations for the undersecretaries are expected to be forwarded to the Cabinet over DOHA: With the abolition of the the next two weeks. Supreme Education Council (SEC) The new Ministry of Public and the establishment of the Ministry Health, which has taken over the of Education and Higher Education, responsibilities of the Supreme the state-run Independent schools Council of Health (SCH), will also are expected to see major structural regulate the Primary Healthcare changes. Corporation (PHCC) that runs the The term ‘Independent school’ primary health centres across the may be cancelled and facilities may country and Hamad Medical Cor- remain as boys and girls schools, poration (HMC) that manages the according to Al Sharq. public hospitals. If this happens, the position This ministry will have an of school operators may also be undersecretary and three assistant revoked and the schools will be undersecretaries for public health.
    [Show full text]