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The earliest representation of the Turk in art appeared in Venetian Quattrocento Anti-Thesis Antagonist paintings as a result of the increasing com- Images of mercial activities of Venice, which played a role as the main connection between the Turk in Europe and the Levant (Raby 17). The per- ception of the image of the Turk varied Early Modern depending on the conflicts between Venice and the Ottomans, usually pro- European Games voked by religious and political propa- ganda. Gentile Bellini’s circa 1480 portrait of Mehmed the Conqueror, who con- quered Constantinople, is one of such rare early examples that reflected an apprecia- tion of an incognito enemy before the early modern period, which had faded Ömer Fatih Parlak over the course of time as tensions increased. Bellini, who started a short- “The Turk” is a multifaceted concept that perspective to the image of the Turk by lived early Renaissance Orientalism, was emerged in the late Middle Ages in shedding light on its representations in commissioned by Mehmed II, whose pri- Europe, and has gained new faces over early modern European board games and vate patronage was “eclectic with a strong the course of time until today. Being pri- playing cards; thus, contributing to a nou- interest in both historical and contempo- marily a Muslim, the Turk usually con- velle scholarly interest on the image of rary Western culture” (Raby 7).1 The forma- noted the antichrist, infidel, and the ulti- the Turk. It argues that, belonging to a tion of the Holy League of 1571 against the mate enemy. With such attributed familiar but relatively obscure world of Ottomans was celebrated in Venice with a qualities, the concept influenced games, board games and playing cards procession in which “the Gran Turco [was European art and literature by providing have the potential to reinforce an antith- represented] as a huge dragon with a a subject with negative visual and textual esis to the negative image of the Turk. crescent on its head” (Gombrich 63). representations. Current scholarly corpus Similarly, the 1683 Battle of Vienna, which about representations of the Turk suffi- Keywords: Image of the Turk, Board marked a decisive victory for European ciently investigates the subject, yet, with- Games, Playing Cards, Early Modern forces over the Ottomans, was glorified by out offering different reading and conclu- Period, the Ottomans commissioned artists who symbolized the sion. This paper aims at introducing a new Turk in like manner. Such celebrations

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inspired not only artistic but also ludic historical sources is highly ubiquitous. lications, but also translations of docu- expressions.2 Delicate yet significant new approaches ments regarding the Turks.2 In spite of this, have yielded a more multifaceted image early modern humanists situated the Turk The Turk, with all these qualities, became that argues for a revision to the simplistic into a different context by classicizing a part of cultural productions in art and dichotomy of a positive Europe vs. a neg- them in accordance with classical anti­ literature. Their terrible image was re-pro- ative Turk. As a researcher on this topic, I quity, as a result of which the Turk was duced by artists and writers who needed find the image of the Turk in early modern identified with Scythians (the epitome of an antagonist in their works. Winning a European board games and playing cards barbarism).3 The humanists’ insufficient war against the Turk was glorified in paint- particularly promising, bearing the poten- knowledge on one hand, and their grow- ings depicting enslaved Turkish soldiers, tial to provide a counterargument to the ing interest about the Turk on the other, broken scimitars and Ottoman flags on mainstream image of the Turk in other resulted with an imagined Turk. This the ground. Titian’s 1573-75 “Allegory of media as well. approach of the humanists towards “the the Battle of Lepanto” represents an exam- Considering the long history of wars Turk” resonates with what Stephen ple of such a depiction commemorating between the Ottomans and the Europeans, Greenblatt calls “engaged representa- victory against the Turk. Robert Daborne’s the image of the Turk may have emerged tions”: representations override the objec- 1612 play “A Christian Turn’d Turk” out of a perception of fear, threat and tive knowledge, as a result of which the expressed a deep anxiety of Christians’ aggressive military conditions. Thus, points of departure (in our case, of the conversion to Islam. Religious conversion according to many scholarly publications, humanists) are the very imagination (of the was regarded as the most gruesome vic- the Turk was seen as the enemy, antichrist, Turk). Studies on how wide the image of tory that Turks could gain at a personal infidel, barbarian, and terror of the world. the Turk spread to the world with European level. Despite the growing interest, early mod- colonialism and missionaries and how ern writers’ insufficient knowledge about fragmented it could get in relation to the The image of the Turk from the point of the Ottomans consolidated an imagined geographical and cultural distance show view of the Europeans has been broadly Turk that was widely circulated in many that the image of the Turk travelled faster investigated by researchers from different early modern publications. James Hankins than the Turks themselves.4 fields whose views have been revolving states that he collected more than four However, there are examples in represen- around unfavorable connotations attri­ hundred texts on the necessity of a cru- tations of the Turk in the early modern buted to the Turks from the time they sade against the Turk, written by more period suggesting differing views which became a topic in Europe in the 15th cen- than fifty humanists and printed between should not be disregarded. While tradi- tury. These connotations are so strong that 1451-81, and this number is by no means tional historiography claims that Muslim it seems impossible to propose a different complete (Hankins 112). In parallel, communities became inexistent in Europe reading that claims otherwise, due to the Ottoman advances in Balkans, especially after the Spanish Reconquista, this notion fact that the repetitive negative image in in the 15th century, attracted not only pub- of a homogenous Europe has been criti-

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cized by Tijana Krstic. Krstic collected the ever-present Muslim strata in Europe under four groups: slaves and captives, merchants, diplomats and travelers, and scholars (Krstic 671-693). Although slavery and captivity are closely related to wars, these groups had constant interaction with the two parties beyond militaristic practices. The intensity of diplomatic “net- works of contacts” and the Ottoman “go- betweens” in the Mediterranean polities highlighted by Emrah Safa Gürkan are novel scholarly contributions to this end (Gürkan 107-128). Anders Ingram’s thor- ough inspection of the frequently refer- Figure 1: Meister PW’s playing cards; Turkish King and the Over Knave. The British Museum, Inv. Num: enced works of Richard Knolles on the 1878,1012.41, 1878,1012.24. Ottomans, on the other hand, reveals that while addressing the Ottomans as “the ludic way (Jessen 102-103). Thanks to the of the cards. In this regard, Albrecht terror of the world”, this early modern developments in printing technology pio- Dürer’s contribution to the early depic- English historian had a different mindset neered by Johannes Gutenberg, early tions of the Turk is both paradigmatic and that the current scholarship has neglected modern European societies could access controversial. As Raby noted in his “Venice, in its interpretation. (Ingram, p.3) This printed playing cards and board games, Dürer and the Oriental Mode” (25), during recent research on the familiarity with Turks with playing cards in particular enjoying $ķRERSlRSTVISITTO6ENICEINTHROUGH and Muslims necessitates a reevaluation of an unprecedented popularity. Since the 1505, all Orientals in his works (mostly the earlier consensus of a purely negative production of pictures on the playing Biblical characters) were Ottomans, wear- image of the Turk, which will be conducted cards required skillful woodcut and etch- ing distinctive Ottoman headwear such as in an exemplary fashion on the level of ing artists, unique pieces of art were pro- the turban, taj and börk. However, he also card and board games in this article. duced in this medium by leading German drew Turks in compliance with exoticism Renaissance artists, some of whom also and by no means derogative.5 His The Turk as a Biblical Enemy were engaged in the production of other /RIENTALSINmUENCEDOTHERWOODCUTARTISTS Early modern board games and playing genres such as Biblical illustrations. The and card makers alike in establishing a cards form a part of cultural production IMAGEOFTHE4URKWASREmECTEDINTHEIR “German” image of the Turk.6 EXPRESSINGREmECTIONSOFTHESOCIETYINA exotic and uncanny appearance on most

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One of the earliest German woodcut art- Nonetheless, the Turkish King represents ists was Meister PW, whose initials appear power, fear and threat. on a number of works. Although little is In conclusion, the German depictions of known about him, he lived and produced Turks on early modern playing cards draw his woodcuts in Cologne in the last half of ONAVESTIMENTARYICONOGRAPHYlRSTAPPAR- the 15th century. Besides illustrations for ent in Dürer’s work and connect the Turk the Bible, he produced playing cards, ICONOGRAPHICALLYWITHNEGATIVElGURESOF among which a round deck is the most biblical salvation history. notable. Produced around 1500, this round DECKOFCARDSHASlVESUITS SOMEOFWHICH The Static Turk CONTAINTHElRSTKNOWNDEPICTIONSOFTHE Giuseppe Maria Mitelli (1634–1718), a Turk on a playing card: a Turkish King, Bolognese artist, produced his board Over Knave (Ober) and Under Knave games and caricatures during a period (Unter) (Figure 1). The almost identical when the Ottomans and the Europeans appearance between Meister PW’s Turks (mainly the Habsburgs and the Venetians) and Dürer’s demonstrates that the former were engaged in a number of military con- was familiar with the Orientals depicted by mICTS -ITELLI ILLUSTRATED THE 4URK AS THE the latter.7 enemy, generally representing bad luck and the least possible advantage. Turks Peter Flötner (1490-1546), another German are static and cannot be chosen to play, in card-maker, introduced the Turk in his some instances even positing the Turk as deck to German card players as the King the opponent against which all the players of Hearts. The Turkish King and his deputy Figure 2: Peter Flötner’s 1535-1540 playing cards; play to win the game. With these qualities, Turkish King of Hearts on the bottom right. The were depicted murdering three children Mitelli’s Turks constitute fundamental dif- British Museum, Inv. Num: 1900, 0127.2.1-48. (Figure 2). As Rainer Schoch argues in ferences from that of the above-men- “Das Flötner’sche Kartenspiel”, it is remi- royalties from around the world: the King tioned German playing cards. niscent of the biblical story “The Massacre of Denmark, King of Native Americans, OFTHE)NNOCENTSv"EHINDTHElGURES AN and the Emperor of the Holy Roman Mitelli’s “The Game of the Eagle (Il gioco army camp can be seen with tents and sol- Empire (Maximilian I or Charles V). The del aquila)”, for instance, was published diers, who are in celebration. The rest of presentation of the Turkish King card in some time after the 1683 Battle of Vienna the cards in the deck portray a carni- this fashion shows a contradiction with the (Figure 3). According to the game’s valesque world with imaginary situations, other images in the deck, in terms of com- instructions, the players put coins into the absurdity, and ordinary people, as well as position and religious references. circle in the center of the page. Depending

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combination (1-1): When throwing his dice games.8 Interestingly, some of the best combination, the player pays 3 coins. On examples of such games belonged to the the other hand, the Imperial Eagle pro- elites of Habsburg Empire, which had to tects all European commanders under its UNDERTAKEALONG LASTINGCONmICT CENTERED wings. All of them bear the letter T.1, mean- relationship with the Ottomans through- ing the player should take 1 coin from the out the early modern period. pot. A double six dice combination will A prime example of this tradition is a chess take all the coins as they correspond to the set produced in southern Germany combination of the Imperial Eagle. around the mid-16th century (Figure 4). The depiction of the Turks in the game is The chess board has an unconventional strikingly grotesque, with grades of grief 8 × 15 squares and 53 chess pieces, which and astonishment visible on their faces. raises doubts as to whether it was ever The Turk in the center, presumably the played. The pieces include winged stal- Sultan, is chained up like all the other Turks. The Imperial Eagle holds the chains of the enslaved Pashas. In marked opposi- tion, the chivalric European commanders are protected by the Eagle.

Figure 3: Giuseppe Maria Mitelli’s Game of the The Knightly Turk? Eagle; after 1683. The British Museum Inv. Num: Although fewer in number, some board 1852, 0612.458. games and playing cards represent a on the number of eyes on the dice thrown markedly different image of the Turk. The by the players, they either pay coins to the Turk in these games bears neither nega- pot or take coins from the pot. The possi- tive aspects, as in the German tradition, ble combinations of eyes on the dice are nor are they static, as in the games of represented as contestants in a European- Mitelli discussed above. On the contrary, Turkish struggle. The Ottoman comman- they are part of the game and placed on Figure 4: Chess set with Turkish, Spanish and ders, who are the result of a throw of dice an equal level with Europeans. This con- 'ERMANlGURESTH#ENTURY3OUTH'ERMANY Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien, Inv. Num: PA 34 containing at least one dice with one eye, tradiction derives in part from the com- and PA 772 bear the letter P.1, which means paying out plexity of the gaming world that may one coin. The sole exception in this is the sometimes manifest its own reality: ene- Pasha of Vidin, who has the minimum dice mies in reality can become friends in

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counters in this game resemble medal- lions and were perhaps produced by medallion artists of the time. The example in Viennese Kunsthistorisches Museum is comprised of 27 counters, who all are ren- dered in the shape of royal persons of the 16th century, among whom Sultan Süleyman (1494-1566) is also present (Figure 5). Produced around 1535-40 in Augsburg, the counter illustrates the Ottoman sultan in a realistic way, refrain- ing from any negative depiction. In paral- lel with the above chess set, the counter is a part of the game on equal terms with Figure 5: A game piece representing Sultan the other pieces/peoples. Süleyman, 16th Century Augsburg. Kunsthistori- sches Museum Wien, Inv. Num: 3859 A curious deck of English fortune-telling lions with black, yellow and red colors on cards is also worth mentioning in this con- THEIRWINGS 4URKISHlGURESWITHSHIELD text (Figure 6). Dateable to the early 1700s, ANDMACE 3PANISHlGURESANDA'ERMAN the deck was produced and sold by a king and queen. This unique set implies London-based stationer called John Figure 6: Some of the cards from Lenthall’s fortune- that the Turk is part of a combined army Lenthall and comprises the typical 52 telling cards. Mahomett in bottom-left, early 18th century. The British Museum Inv. Num: 1896, OF %UROPE -OREOVER  THE 4URK lGHTS cards in 4 suits (hearts, diamonds, clubs 0501.942 against a common enemy together with and spades). The King cards represent his European friends. In other words, the four biblical rulers (Holofernes, Pharaoh, fortune-telling and astrological signs, like perception of the Turk in this set mani- Nimrod and Herod), and the Queens rep- zodiac diagrams (Wayland 12-21). fests an antithesis to the image of the resent four famous women from ancient Turk in some sort of opposition that has times (Proserpina, Semiramis, Dido and From the instructions written by Lenthall been discussed so far. Clytemnestra). The Knaves include, as on the “Use” cards, the knaves, who hold inscribed on the tops of the cards, Cupid, three books in their hands, lead the player A similar perspective can be seen in a set Wat Tyler, John Hewson and a certain TOAZODIACCARDBEFORElNDINGTHEANSWER of a board game called langenpuff, which Mahomett in an Oriental costume. Other Mahomett is, accordingly, a guide that was played with counters and dice. The cards include a number of implications for takes the player from one stage to another

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Ömer Fatih Parlak in search of his/her fortune. From this per- literature was predominantly negative. texts. As in other instances, the arbitrari- spective, in terms of composition and Europe, seen as the land of the infidels ness and complexity of the gaming world is a Ph.D candidate in the Autonomous functionality within the game, Mahomett (dār-ı küffār) was the ultimate enemy seem to have accommodated different University of Barcelona and a member does not bear a negative connotation.9 opposing Islam.10 opposed traditions in the representation of a research team supervised by In conclusion, the image of the “positive of the Turk, as presented in this paper. Professor María José Vega (UAB). He is Turk” in the examples presented in this The fact that the positive examples dis- investigating the image of the Turk and article forms an antithesis to the well- cussed above come mainly from more the function of the Turkish character known and widespread negative image of expensively wrought games played (or in games played in early modern the Turk. Although the image is multifac- exhibited) by the European aristocracy Europe. He is an active member of eted and cannot be generalized by a sim- allows the question of whether this posi- the International Board Game Studies plistic dichotomy, the overall conflictive tive image was restricted to aristocratic Association and the Society of Turkic, nature of the relationship between the circles, which also showed great interest in Ottoman and Turkish Studies (GTOT) Ottomans and Europe caused both posi- Oriental fashion.11 In this context, the pre- in University of Hamburg. His research tive and negative imaginations in the dominance of a negative image of the interests lie in the area of early modern minds of early modern Europeans. In this Turk in games presumably played by com- Europe with special emphasis on context, it should be noted that the image mon people suggests a more negative reflections of the image of the Turk in of the European in early modern Ottoman perception of the Turk in these social con- European arts and literature. email: [email protected]

Notes advance and power, the the 17th century (Witzmann Italian, English and German 2 Nancy Bisaha employs spectacle of its celebration “Das Spiel Der Mächtigen”, languages. See, Schwoebel, a closer analysis on the went beyond the battle so British Museum Inv. “The Shadow of the Crescent: question of the Turk in early 1 The Ottoman defeat as to cause a downfall of the No:1896,0501.251). The Renaissance Image modern humanist writing, against a European coalition invincible image of the Turk of the Turk”, B. de Graaf, rooting the issue from the resulted in large celebrations (Jordan; Gombrich 62-8). 2 Robert Schwoebel states Nieuwkoop, 1967. medieval tradition of crusade that helped change the The 1683 Great Siege of that, due to the curiosity literature as a genre, which Ottomans’ invincible image Vienna comprised even more emerged in Europe about was re-devised by humanists and increased the sense diverse European forces the Turk, the 1480 Ottoman at the expense of their of a united Europe. The than that of Lepanto, and the siege of the island of Rhodes, humanist views. See, Bisaha, 1571 Battle of Lepanto, victory was celebrated as in for example, covered three “Creating East and West: for example, temporarily post-Lepanto celebrations. history books, one of which Renaissance Humanists and united the Catholic powers There are two known decks was printed ten times the Ottoman Turks”, University of Europe; Habsburgs, of cards thematizing the 1683 between the years 1480-83 of Pennsylvania Press, Venetians and the Papal Siege of Vienna, published and translated from Latin to Philadelphia, 2004. States. Although the battle in Vienna in the beginning of did not stop the Ottoman ––›

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––› 3 As Paulino Toledo claims, 6 Dürer’s Orientals included 10 A reflection of the Turk Works Cited Hollander, Hans; Hollander, there had already been an some irrelevancies to their in art shaped by a shared Barbara. Spielwelten der image of the Turk in 16th original appearance, which trading interest in early Kunst - Kunstkammerspiele: Bisaha, Nancy. Creating century Chile carried by the were also copied by German modern Netherlands was Eine Ausstellung des East and West: Renaissance Spanish Conquistadors long artists. Similarities between discussed in Michael Wintle Kunsthistorischen Museums Humanists and the Ottoman before the Turks travelled to his Orientals’ footwear, for “Islam as Europe’s ‘Other’ Wien ; Kunsthistorisches Turks. Pennsylvania UP, 2004. Chile. See: Toledo, “Türkler instance, can be followed in the Long Term: Some Museum Wien, 21 May - 2 ve Hıristiyanlar Arasında” Adlı in figures 1 and 2, made by Discontinuities” in History. August 1998. Edited by Gombrich, E. H. “Celebrations Komedide Türk İmgesinin different artists. The Journal of the Historical Wilfried Seipel, Skira, 1998. in Venice of the Holy Biçimlenmesi” in Kumrular Association, 2016, pp. 42-61. League and of the Victory (Ed.) Dünyada Türk İmgesi, 7 See Dürer’s “The Whore Ingram, “Writing the of Lepanto.” Studies in Kitap Press, Istanbul, 2005; of Babylon” for a better 11 For the European interest in Ottomans: Turkish History Renaissance and Baroque Art “İslam Korkusu: Kökenleri ve comparison. Oriental dress and motives, in Early Modern England”, presented to Anthony Blunt, Türklerin Rolü”, Doğan Kitap see Charlotte Jirousek “More Palgrave Macmillian, 2015. 1967, pp. 62-68. Press, Istanbul, 2012. 8 See Caillois “Man, Play and Than Oriental Splendor: Games”; and Huizinga “Homo European and Ottoman Jessen, Lee Kelly Greenblatt, Stephen. 4 As Paulino Toledo claims, Ludens”. Headgear, 1380-1580”, in “Renaissance Futures: Marvelous Possessions: The there had already been an Dress 1995 (22) pp: 22-33; Chance, Prediction, and Play Wonder of the New World. image of the Turk in 16th 9 This can be better Onur Inal “Women’s Fashions in Northern European Visual Chicago UP, 1991. century Chile carried by the explained by the fact in Transition: Ottoman Culture, c. 1480-1550”, pp. Spanish Conquistadors long that England followed a Borderlands and the 102-103. Gürkan, “Mediating before the Turks travelled to different, rather neutral, Anglo- Ottoman Exchange Boundaries: Mediterranean Chile. See: Toledo, ““Türkler pathway in its relationship of Costumes” in Journal of Jordan, Jenny. „Imagined Go-Betweens and Cross- ve Hıristiyanlar Arasında” Adlı with the Ottomans than World History, Vol. 22, No. 2, Lepanto: Turks, Mapbooks, Confessional Diplomacy in Komedide Türk İmgesinin other Continental countries. pp: 243-272; “Turquerie”. The Intrigue, and Spectacular Constantinople, 1560-1600” Biçimlenmesi” in Kumrular In search of access to Metropolitan Museum of Art in the Sixteenth Century Journal of Early Modern (Ed.) Dünyada Türk İmgesi, Mediterranean waters, Bulletin, New Series, Vol. 26, Construction of 1571.“, UCLA, History 19, 2015, pp: 107-128. Kitap Press, Istanbul, 2005; England formed an alliance No. 5, 1968, pp. 225-239. 2004. “İslam Korkusu: Kökenleri ve with the Ottoman vassal state Hankins, James. “Renaissance Türklerin Rolü”, Doğan Kitap of Morocco. Nabil Matar Kumrular, Özlem. Dunyada Crusaders: Humanist Press, Istanbul, 2012. states that during the early Turk Imgesi. Kitap Yayınevi, Crusade Literature in the Age 17th century, there were so 2005. of Mehmed II.” Dumbarton 5 A comparison of Dürer’s many British workers in North ---. Islâm Korkusu: oK kenleri Oaks Papers, vol. 49, 1995, p. 1508 Martyrdom of Ten Africa that they established Ve Turklerin Rolu. Dogan 111. Thousand and 1523 portrait their own lobby. Kitap, 2012. of Süleyman the Magnificent Hoffmann, Detlef. Kartenspiel clearly shows different ––› Des Meisters Pw. Heimeran approaches to the subject: Verlag, 1974. while the former thematizes the Turk in a religious enemy context, the latter implies curiosity.

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––› Krstic, “Islam and Muslims in The Journal of the Playing- Early Modern Europe”. Early Card Society, vol. 7, no. 1, Modern European History 1978, pp. 12-21. Accessed 24 1350-1750, Oxford UP, pp: Nov. 2016. 671-693.

Raby, Julian. Venice, Durer, and the Oriental Mode. Islamic Art Publications, 1982. ---. “A Sultan of Paradox: Mehmed the Conqueror as a Patron of the Arts”. Oxford Art Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1, 1982, pp. 3-8.

Schoch, Rainar. Das Flötner’sche Kartenspiel. Piatnik, 1993. Schwoebel, Robert. The Shadow of the Crescent: The Renaissance Image of the Turk „(1453-1517) „. B. de Graaf, 1967.

Smoller, Laura A. „Playing Cards and Popular Culture in Sixteenth-Century Nuremberg.“ Sixteenth Century Journal, vol. 17, no. 2, 1986, p. 183.

Vitkus, Daniel J, and N I. Matar. Piracy, Slavery, and Redemption: Barbary Captivity Narratives from Early Modern England. Columbia UP, 2001.

Wayland, Virginia, and Harold ISSN: 2196-629X Wayland. “Lenthall Pack No. http://dx.doi.org/10.17192/ XVIII [fortune-telling cards].” meta.2017.8.6048

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