Monitoring Report Based on the Results of the Second Half of 2018 Detector Media
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Public Broadcasting in Ukraine
РОЗДІЛ 1 ДЕРЖАВНЕ МОВЛЕННЯ: ВІД ПРОПАГАНДИ ДО АДМІНРЕСУРСУ Svitlana Ostapa, Vadym Miskyi, Ihor Rozkladai under the general editorship of Natalia Lyhachova Svitlana Ostapa, Vadym Miskyi, Ihor Rozkladai Miskyi, Ihor Rozkladai Svitlana Ostapa, Vadym PUBLIC BROADCASTING IN UKRAINE: History of Creation and Challenges PUBLIC BROADCASTING IN UKRAINE: HISTORY OF CREATION AND CHALLENGES IN UKRAINE: HISTORY OF CREATION PUBLIC BROADCASTING 1 2 Svitlana Ostapa, Vadym Miskyi, Ihor Rozkladai under the general editorship of Natalia Lyhachova PUBLIC BROADCASTING IN UKRAINE: History of Creation and Challenges UDC 654.19 О 76 Production of this brochure was made possible with the financial support from the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Denmark and the Government of Sweden. The content of the brochure is the sole responsibility of Detector Media NGO and does not necessarily reflect the po- sition of the National Endowment for Democracy, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Denmark, or the Government of Sweden. S.V. Ostapa, V.V. Miskyi, I.Ye. Rozkladai under the general editorship of Natalia Lyhachova. О 76 Public broadcasting in Ukraine: History of Creation and Challenges. — Kyiv: VIOL PRINTING HOUSE LLC, 2018. — 168 p. Fig. Media experts directly involved in the establishment of the Public Broadcasting in Ukraine reveal the history of the transformation of state broadcasters into the National Public Broadcasting Company of Ukraine. It was a path from advocating for the legislation necessary for the formation of a legal entity and its first steps. This brochure also describes the main challenges faced by the National Public Broadcasting Company of Ukraine at the end of the first two years of its operation. -
For Free Distribution
ELECTIONS LeGAL ASSESSMENT US AMBASSADOR GeOFFREY PYATT IN UKRAINE OF THE 2014 RuSSO-UKRAINIAN WAR ON CHALLENGES FOR UKRAINE № 14 (80) NOVEMBER 2014 WWW.UKRAINIANWEEK.COM Featuring selected content from The Economist FOR FREE DISTRIBUTION |CONTENTS BRIEFING Lobbymocracy: Ukraine does not have Rapid Response Elections: The victory adequate support in the West, either in of pro-European parties must be put political circles, or among experts. The to work toward rapid and irreversible situation with the mass media and civil reforms. Otherwise it will quickly turn society is slightly better into an equally impressive defeat 28 4 Leonidas Donskis: An imagined dialogue on several clichés and misperceptions POLITICS 30 Starting a New Life, Voting as Before: Elections in the Donbas NEIGHBOURS 8 Russia’s gangster regime – the real story Broken Democracy on the Frontline: “Unhappy, poorly dressed people, 31 mostly elderly, trudged to the polls Karen Dawisha, the author of Putin’s to cast their votes for one of the Kleptocracy, on the loyalty of the Russian richest people in Donetsk Oblast” President’s team, the role of Ukraine in his grip 10 on power, and on Russia’s money in Europe Poroshenko’s Blunders: 32 The President’s bloc is painfully The Bear, Master of itsT aiga Lair: reminiscent of previous political Russians support the Kremlin’s path towards self-isolation projects that failed bitterly and confrontation with the West, ignoring the fact that they don’t have a realistic chance of becoming another 12 pole of influence in the world 2014 -
Editorial by Nicolás Smirnoff
WWW.PRENSARIO.TV WWW.PRENSARIO.TV //// EDITORIAL BY NICOLÁS SMIRNOFF CEE: ups & downs at the new digital era Central & Eastern Europe is going forward through the new digital era with its own tips. The region has suffered a deep crisis from 2008 to 2017- 2018, with many economies Prensario just standing up. This has International meant rare investment pow- er and long-term plans, but at the same time the change ©2018 EDITORIAL PRENSARIO SRL PAYMENTS TO THE ORDER OF moves fast and comparing to EDITORIAL PRENSARIO SRL other territories, CEE shows OR BY CREDIT CARD. REGISTRO NACIONAL DE DERECHO strong digital poles and de- DE AUTOR Nº 10878 velopment appeals. Argentina: In favor, most of the biggest broadcast- OTT platforms? It is what main broadcasters Las Casas 3535 ers are group of channels that include many of the world are doing, to compete better in CP: 1238 the new converged market and to generate Buenos Aires, Argentina countries, so it is easier to set up cross region- Tel: (+54-11) 4924-7908 al plans and to generate high-scale moves. proper synergies. If content business moves Fax: (+54-11) 4925-2507 On the opposite, there are many different to franchise management, it is important to USA: languages and audiences, so it is difficult to be flexible enough to any formula. 12307 SW 133 Court - Suite #1432 spread solutions that work to every context. This Natpe Budapest? It promises to be bet- Miami, Florida 33186-USA Phone: (305) 890-1813 Russia is a big Internet pole and now it is ter than last ones, with the region going up Email: [email protected] also a big production hub for international and the need of pushing more and more col- Website: www.prensario.tv companies setting up studios or coproduc- laborations. -
Non-Enforcement of Court Decisions
01 July – 30 September 2020 QUARTERLY REPORT REPORT FOCUS: NON-ENFORCEMENT OF COURT DECISIONS THE BOC IS FUNDED through the Multi-donor Account for Ukraine set up at the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) in 2014. The donors of the Multi-donor Account for Ukraine include: the European the Netherlands Union Denmark Norway Finland Poland France Sweden Germany Switzerland Italy the United Kingdom Japan the United States 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS Foreword of the Business Ombudsman 04 Q3 2020 at a glance 06 1. COMPLAINTS TRENDS 08 1.1. Volume and nature of complaints received 08 1.2. Timelines of the preliminary review of complaints 13 1.3. Number of investigations conducted and grounds for dismissing complaints 13 1.4. Timelines of conducting investigations 15 1.5. State bodies subject to the most complaints 16 1.6. Geographical distribution of complaints received 18 1.7. Complainants’ portrait 19 1.8. Report focus: non-enforcement of court decisions 22 1.9. Feedback 30 2. SUMMARY OF KEY MATTERS AND FOLLOW-UP OF RECOMMENDATIONS 32 2.1. Information on closed cases and recommendations provided 32 2.2. Systemic issues identified and solved 38 2.3. Summary of important investigations 40 3. COOPERATION WITH STAKEHOLDERS 68 3.1. The status of the draft law #3607 “On the Business Ombudsman Institution in Ukraine” 68 3.2. Cooperation with state bodies 71 3.3. Regional webinars with the Ministry for Development of Economy, Trade and Agriculture 72 3.4. Knowledge webinars with ACC and UNBA 73 3.5. Public outreach and communications 75 The BOC and the Council are used interchangeably throughout the text to refer to the Business Ombudsman Council. -
Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine's 2019 Elections
Études de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Reports 25 KREMLIN-LINKED FORCES IN UKRAINE’S 2019 ELECTIONS On the Brink of Revenge? Vladislav INOZEMTSEV February 2019 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-981-7 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2019 How to quote this document: Vladislav Inozemtsev, “Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine’s 2019 Elections: On the Brink of Revenge?”, Russie.NEI.Reports, No. 25, Ifri, February 2019. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Dr Vladislav Inozemtsev (b. 1968) is a Russian economist and political researcher since 1999, with a PhD in Economics. In 1996 he founded the Moscow-based Center for Post-Industrial Studies and has been its Director ever since. In recent years, he served as Senior or Visiting Fellow with the Institut fur die Wissenschaften vom Menschen in Vienna, with the Polski Instytut Studiów Zaawansowanych in Warsaw, Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik in Berlin, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and the Johns Hopkins University in Washington. -
Temptation to Control
PrESS frEEDOM IN UKRAINE : TEMPTATION TO CONTROL ////////////////// REPORT BY JEAN-FRANÇOIS JULLIARD AND ELSA VIDAL ////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// AUGUST 2010 /////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// PRESS FREEDOM: REPORT OF FACT-FINDING VISIT TO UKRAINE ///////////////////////////////////////////////////////// 2 Natalia Negrey / public action at Mykhaylivska Square in Kiev in November of 2009 Many journalists, free speech organisations and opposition parliamentarians are concerned to see the government becoming more and more remote and impenetrable. During a public meeting on 20 July between Reporters Without Borders and members of the Ukrainian parliament’s Committee of Enquiry into Freedom of Expression, parliamentarian Andrei Shevchenko deplored not only the increase in press freedom violations but also, and above all, the disturbing and challenging lack of reaction from the government. The data gathered by the organisation in the course of its monitoring of Ukraine confirms that there has been a significant increase in reports of press freedom violations since Viktor Yanukovych’s election as president in February. LEGISlaTIVE ISSUES The government’s desire to control journalists is reflected in the legislative domain. Reporters Without Borders visited Ukraine from 19 to 21 July in order to accomplish The Commission for Establishing Freedom the first part of an evaluation of the press freedom situation. of Expression, which was attached to the presi- It met national and local media representatives, members of press freedom dent’s office, was dissolved without explanation NGOs (Stop Censorship, Telekritika, SNUJ and IMI), ruling party and opposition parliamentarians and representatives of the prosecutor-general’s office. on 2 April by a decree posted on the president’s At the end of this initial visit, Reporters Without Borders gave a news conference website on 9 April. -
The Pennsylvania State University Schreyer Honors College
THE PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIVERSITY SCHREYER HONORS COLLEGE DEPARTMENT OF GLOBAL AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES OLIGARCHIC PLURALISM IN THE 2014 EUROMAIDAN: HOW THE RISE OF OLIGARCHS IN GOVERNMENT SHAPED DEMOCRACY UN UKRAINE SIOBHAN FRANCES LEONARD SPRING 2020 A thesis Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a baccalaureate degree with honors in Comparative Literature and International Studies with honors in Global and International Studies Reviewed and approved* by the following: JOSEPH WRIGHT PROFESSOR OF POLITICAL SCIENCE Thesis Supervisor JONATHAN ABEL PROFESSOR OF COMPARATIVE LITERATURE AND JAPANESE Honors Adviser * Electronic approvals are on file. ABSTRACT During the 1990s, Ukraine experienced a change in its political system, becoming a nominal liberal democratic with contested multiparty elections in combination with post-Soviet oligarch community. These newly established dimensions impacted two major revolutionary periods in Ukraine, dating from 1992-2004 and 2005-2014, reaching a climax of violent civil unrest during the Ukrainian Revolution of 2014. The Ukrainian Revolution, also known as the Euromaidan and Revolution of Dignity, illustrates the stages of modernization in a post-Soviet society. The Euromaidan mobilized a variety of regional and ethno-linguistic groups to demand political and economic reform. Members of oligarch clans, consisting mostly of ethnically Russian economic elites, are often appointed in regional government positions largely in the East, and hold substantial power in Ukrainian politics. My research question poses: “How did oligarchic concentration of economic and media power influence government functions such as public service delivery, and shape corruption patterns preceding the protest uprising in 2014?” In my thesis, I seek to study the impact of oligarch clans as holding centralized power, and how this system may affect Ukrainian national politics as seen under the leadership of former democratically elected, Pro-Russian president, Viktor Yanukovych, during the Ukrainian Revolution of 2014. -
OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights Election Observation Mission Russian Federation Presidential Election, 18 March 2018
OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights Election Observation Mission Russian Federation Presidential Election, 18 March 2018 INTERIM REPORT 5 February – 1 March 2018 2 March 2018 I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • The Russian Federation will hold a presidential election on 18 March 2018. The Central Election Commission (CEC) registered eight candidates, seven fielded by political parties and one, the incumbent president, as a self-nominated candidate standing for a second consecutive and a fourth overall term. One candidate is a woman. • Several amendments to the election legislation were adopted since the last presidential election, most recently in December 2017, responding to some previous ODIHR recommendations. A number of other recommendations, including those pertaining to guarantees for freedom of assembly, association and expression, remain to be addressed. • The campaign is generally low-key but has become more visible following the 23 February Defenders of Fatherland Day celebrations. Meanwhile, outdoor campaign events are limited in visibility. By contrast, concurrent get-out-the-vote initiatives, with a view to ensuring a high voter turnout, launched by a multitude of actors including local authorities, private and state enterprises, feature prominently across the country. • The presidential election is administered a by four-tiered election administration that serves a five- year term. Preparations for the elections are underway and legal deadlines have so far been respected. The CEC has held regular, public, at times live-streamed, sessions with extensive discussions on various issues including alleged interference by local authorities into the electoral process. A comprehensive voter information campaign, launched by the CEC, is ongoing. • The number of registered voters in the Russian Federation as of 1 January is 108,968,869, including 1,875,408 voters abroad. -
This Is War. You're Part of It.__Slawsky.Pdf
“THIS IS WAR. YOU’RE PART OF IT.” The conflict between mainstream and alternative media before, during, and after Ukraine’s Euromaidan _______________________ Renee Bernadette Slawsky Master’s Candidate for Eurasian, Russian, and East European Studies Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service Georgetown University May 6, 2016 Table of Contents I. Introduction………………………………………………………………2 II. Theory: The mediatization of war………………………………………..3 a. Three phases of mediatization………………………………………...5 b. Third axis: Greater uncertainty in decision-making………..………...8 c. Summary……………………………………………………………...9 III. The media in Ukraine: Before Euromaidan…………………………….10 a. Initial changes in the 1990s………………………………………….10 b. The Orange Revolution……………………………………………...13 c. Mainstream media before Euromaidan……………………………...16 d. Summary.………………………………………………….……..… 22 IV. The media in Ukraine: Euromaidan and the rise of alternative media.…23 a. Role of social media…………………………………………………23 b. Mainstream media during Euromaidan……………………………...25 c. Rise of alternative media…………………………………………….27 V. The media in Ukraine: After Euromaidan, war with Russia……………30 a. Mainstream media on the war in eastern Ukraine……….…………..31 b. More alternative media focused on war in eastern Ukraine….……...34 c. Outside influences and computer-assisted reporting……………..…36 VI. The Ukrainian government and its information………………………...39 VII. Analysis and discussion………………………………………………...43 VIII. For further research……...………………………………………….…..46 IX. Conclusion…………………………………………………………...…48 I. Introduction Slawsky 1 “This is war. You’re part of it.” - Appeal of Ukrainian civil society organization to a group of international journalists Albeit unintentionally, this appeal in February 2014 by a Ukrainian civil society organization to a gathered group of journalists from around the world sums up the interaction between Ukraine’s recent crises and the media. News media no longer stands separate from conflict. -
Ukraine | Freedom House Page 1 of 5
Ukraine | Freedom House Page 1 of 5 Ukraine freedomhouse.org Україна Note: The scores and narrative for Ukraine do not reflect conditions in Russian-occupied Crimea, which is assessed in a separate report. Status change explanation: Ukraine’s status improved from Not Free to Partly Free due to profound changes in the media environment after the fall of President Viktor Yanukovych’s government in February, despite a rise in attacks on journalists during the Euromaidan protests of early 2014 and the subsequent conflict in eastern Ukraine. The level of government hostility and legal pressure faced by journalists decreased, as did political pressure on state-owned outlets. The media also benefited from improvements to the law on access to information and the increased independence of the broadcasting regulator. Conditions for press freedom in Ukraine were affected by tumultuous political events in 2014. During the first two months of the year, a protest movement known as Euromaidan occupied central Kyiv and withstood waves of attacks by security forces loyal to President Viktor Yanukovych, who ultimately fled the country in late February. Russian forces then occupied Crimea and actively supported separatist militants in Ukraine’s two easternmost regions, Donetsk and Luhansk. Even as fighting escalated in the east, the country held democratic elections for the presidency and parliament in May and October, respectively. These events led to an overall improvement in the media environment, although concerns remain, especially regarding the government’s handling of pro-Russian propaganda, the concentration of ownership of private outlets in the hands of a small group of wealthy businessmen, and the high levels of violence against journalists in the country, especially in the east. -
Channels in RED Are Temporarily Not Working
Channels in RED are temporarily not working Nova & Ote TV Sky Italy Sky Deutschland Sky UK Albanian Nova Cinema 1 AXN 13th Street Animal Planet 3 Plus Nova Cinema 2 AXN SciFi Boomerang At The Races ABC News Ote Cinema 1 Boing Cartoon Network BBC 1 Agon Channel Ote Cinema 2 Caccia e Pesca Discovery BBC 2 Albanian screen Ote Cinema 3 Canale 5 Film Action BBC 3 Alsat M Village Cinema Cartoonito Film Cinema BBC 4 ATV HDTurk Sundance CI Crime Investigation Film Comedy BT Sports 1 Bang Bang FOX Cielo Film Hits BT Sports 2 BBF FOXlife Comedy Central Film Select CBS Drama Big Brother 1 Greek VIP Cinema Discovery Film Star Channel 5 Club TV Sports Plus Discovery Science FOX Chelsea FC Cufo TV Action 24 Discovery World Kabel 1 Clubland Doma Motorvision Disney Junior Kika Colors Elrodi TV Discovery Dmax Nat Geo Comedy Central Explorer Shkence Discovery Showcase Eurosport 1 Nat Geo Wild Dave Film Aktion Discovery ID Eurosport 2 ORF1 Discovery Film Autor Discovery Science eXplora ORF2 Discovery History Film Drame History Channel Focus ProSieben Discovery Investigation Film Dy National Geographic Fox RTL Discovery Science Film Hits NatGeo Wild Fox Animation RTL 2 Disney Channel Film Komedi Animal Planet Fox Comedy RTL Crime Dmax Film Nje Travel Fox Crime RTL Nitro E4 Film Thriller E! Entertainment Fox Life RTL Passion Film 4 Folk+ TLC Fox Sport 1 SAT 1 Five Folklorit MTV Greece Fox Sport 2 Sky Action Five USA Fox MAD TV Gambero Rosso Sky Atlantic Gold Fox Crime MAD Hits History Sky Cinema History Channel Fox Life NOVA MAD Greekz Horror Channel Sky -
Предвыборный Дискурс Украинских СМИ: Политические Стратегии Медиаконцерна «Starlightmedia» (На Примере Газеты «Факты И Комментарии»)
Гуманитарный вектор. 2012. № 2 (30) Политология УДК 070.12.(070.13, 070.481) ББК Ч612.113 Ольга Викторовна Дегтярёва, аспирант, Санкт-Петербургский государственный университет (Санкт-Петербург, Россия), e-mail: [email protected] Предвыборный дискурс украинских СМИ: политические стратегии медиаконцерна «StarLightMedia» (на примере газеты «Факты и комментарии») Впервые в отечественной историографии политические стратегии кон- кретного украинского медиаконцерна стали центральным предметом научного исследования. Однако при рассмотрении вопросов управления украинским ме- диабизнесом нельзя обойти вниманием вопросы политического и социально- го влияния медиаиндустрии. Поэтому автор проанализировал предвыборный дискурс публикаций газеты «Факты и комментарии» накануне парламентских выборов 2002 г. и показал механизмы отражения политических приоритетов владельца медиаконцерна «StarLightMedia», в состав которого входит изда- ние. При исследовании стратегии медиапредприятия автор пришёл к выводу, что для владельца СМИ в Украине служат не столько источником прибыли, сколько инструментом лоббирования собственных интересов. «Факты и ком- ментарии» представили парламентские выборы 2002 г. как дело только поли- тиков, а не как шанс и обязанность избирателей изменить ситуацию. Циклич- ное повторение выборов на страницах газеты ослабило внимание избирателей и превратило событие в тривиальное действие «сезонного», «сериального» характера. Оппозиционные силы были представлены как нарушители обще- ственной стабильности. Таким образом, владелец медиакомпании