I. Sanitary Movement Abroad
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Edwin Chadwick and the Poverty of Statistics
Medical History, 2002, 46: 21-40 Edwin Chadwick and the Poverty of Statistics JAMES HANLEY* In his 1842 Report on the sanitary condition of the labouring population of Great Britain, Edwin Chadwick demonstrated the existence of a mass of preventable illness and premature death in the community caused, he argued, by insanitary physical circumstances.' Although much of the evidence for the existence of this preventable mortality was anecdotal, Chadwick included a chapter of differential class-based death data which dramatically illustrated the extent to which insanitary physical circumstances shortened life. Chadwick's chosen statistical measure-the average age at which a given class of people died showed that what he called the "average period of life" or "chance of life" was as low as 17 for labourers in Manchester but as high as 52 for gentry in Rutlandshire.2 Although his statistics were widely quoted at the time,3 professional statisticians dismissed the data and historians ever since have paid little serious attention to it.4 In this paper I will argue that Chadwick's class-based average-age-at-death data were a central feature of the Sanitary report and that we cannot fully appreciate the argument or even the organization of the report without them. * James Hanley, PhD, Department of History, p. 223. Chadwick calculated his measure, which University of Winnipeg, 515 Portage Avenue, does not correspond to the modem notion of Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada R3B 2E9. "life expectancy", by adding up the ages of all who died and dividing the total by the number The support of the Social Sciences and who died. -
Scandal, Child Punishment and Policy Making in the Early Years of the New Poor Law Workhouse System
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Lincoln Institutional Repository ‘Great inhumanity’: Scandal, child punishment and policy making in the early years of the New Poor Law workhouse system SAMANTHA A. SHAVE UNIVERSITY OF LINCOLN ABSTRACT New Poor Law scandals have usually been examined either to demonstrate the cruelty of the workhouse regime or to illustrate the failings or brutality of union staff. Recent research has used these and similar moments of crisis to explore the relationship between local and central levels of welfare administration (the Boards of Guardians in unions across England and Wales and the Poor Law Commission in Somerset House in London) and how scandals in particular were pivotal in the development of further policies. This article examines both the inter-local and local-centre tensions and policy conseQuences of the Droxford Union and Fareham Union scandal (1836-37) which exposed the severity of workhouse punishments towards three young children. The paper illustrates the complexities of union co-operation and, as a result of the escalation of public knowledge into the cruelties and investigations thereafter, how the vested interests of individuals within a system manifested themselves in particular (in)actions and viewpoints. While the Commission was a reactive and flexible welfare authority, producing new policies and procedures in the aftermath of crises, the policies developed after this particular scandal made union staff, rather than the welfare system as a whole, individually responsible for the maltreatment and neglect of the poor. 1. Introduction Within the New Poor Law Union workhouse, inmates depended on the poor law for their complete subsistence: a roof, a bed, food, work and, for the young, an education. -
THE NAMES of OLD-ENGLISH MINT-TOWNS: THEIR ORIGINAL FORM and MEANING and THEIR EPIGRAPHICAL CORRUPTION—Continued
THE NAMES OF OLD-ENGLISH MINT-TOWNS: THEIR ORIGINAL FORM AND MEANING AND THEIR EPIGRAPHICAL CORRUPTION—Continued. BY ALFRED ANSCOMBE, F.R.HIST.SOC. II. THE NAMES OF OLD-ENGLISH MINT-TOWNS WHICH OCCUR IN THE SAXON CHRONICLES. CHAPTER II (L—Z). 45. Leicester. of Ligera ceastre " 917, K. The peace is broken by Danes — -ere- D ; -ra- B ; -re- C. " set Ligra ceastre' 918, C. The Lady Ethelfleda gets peaceful possession of the burg Legra-, B ; Ligran-, D. " Ligora ceaster " 942, ft. One of the Five Burghs of the Danes. -era-, B, C ; -ere- D. " jet Legra ceastre 943, D. Siege laid by King Edmund. The syllables -ora, -era, are worn fragments of wara, the gen. pi. of warn. This word has been explained already; v. 26, Canterbury, Part II, vol. ix, pp. 107, 108. Ligora.-then equals Ligwara-ceaster, i.e., the city of the Lig-waru. For the falling out of w Worcester (<Wiog- ora-ceaster) Canterbury (< Cant wara burh) and Nidarium (gen. pi. ; < Niduarium) may be compared. The distinction between the Old-English forms of Leicester and Chester lies in the presence or absence of the letter r. The meaning of #Ligwaru, the Ligfolk, has not yet been deter- mined owing- to the fact that Old-English scholars have not consulted o o their Welsh fellow-workers. In old romance the name for the central Naes of Old-English Mint-towns in the Saxon Chronicles. parts of England south of the Humber and Mersey is " Logres." This is Logre with the addition of the Norman-French 5 of the nominative case. -
Bristol: a City Divided? Ethnic Minority Disadvantage in Education and Employment
Intelligence for a multi-ethnic Britain January 2017 Bristol: a city divided? Ethnic Minority disadvantage in Education and Employment Summary This Briefing draws on data from the 2001 and 2011 Figure 1. Population 2001 and 2011. Censuses and workshop discussions of academic researchers, community representatives and service providers, to identify 2011 patterns and drivers of ethnic inequalities in Bristol, and potential solutions. The main findings are: 2001 • Ethnic minorities in Bristol experience greater disadvantage than in England and Wales as a whole in 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% education and employment and this is particularly so for White British Indian Black African Black African people. White Irish Pakistani Black Caribbean Gypsy or Irish Traveller Bangladeshi Other Black • There was a decrease in the proportion of young people White other Chinese Arab with no educational qualifications in Bristol, for all ethnic Mixed Other Asian Any other groups, between 2001 and 2011. • Black African young people are persistently disadvantaged Source: Census 2001 & 2011 in education compared to their White peers. • Addressing educational inequalities requires attention Ethnic minorities in Bristol experience greater disadvantage to: the unrepresentativeness of the curriculum, lack of than the national average in education and employment, diversity in teaching staff and school leadership and poor as shown in Tables 1 and 2. In Education, ethnic minorities engagement with parents. in England and Wales on average have higher proportions • Bristol was ranked 55th for employment inequality with qualifications than White British people but this is between White British and ethnic minorities. not the case in Bristol, and inequality for the Black African • People from Black African (19%), Other (15%) and Black Caribbean (12.7%) groups had persistently high levels of Measuring Local Ethnic Inequalities unemployment. -
Part II. the State of Epidemic, Epizootic, and Epiphytic Disease In
REPOKT ON EPIDEMICS, 18G1-2. 393 Part II. The State of Epidemic, Epizootic, and Epiphytic Disease in Great Britain, in 1861-62. By J. N. RADCLIFFE, M.R.C.S. The following Report refers to the twelve months ending November the 31st, 1862. In respect of epidemics, this Report is necessarily based on the different returns of the Registrars-General of England and Scotland, published during the period to which it relates. The information contained in these returns on outbreaks of epidemic disease, at the time of, or soon after, their occurrence, is very imperfect. No other source of information, however, exists, or if existing, is accessible. I propose to bring the different facts on epi- demics together in one connected view. The history thus formed will fall far short of what a scientific annual record of epidemic diseases should be; but the first step towards a more perfect history must be the systematic collation of exist- ing materials. It is necessary to remark that, in the subsequent report, I have, as a rule, substituted the term continued fever for the word typhus, so commonly made use of in the reports of local registrars, unless there is other evidence that the dis- ease referred to was typhus properly so-called. In the old nosological arrangement of the Registrar-General of England (still in use in Scotland, although rejected in this country), " typhus" is used as a synonym of continued fever. In the new arrangement adopted here, consistently with nosological " " more recent researches, the terms typhus", typhoid", and " relapsing" are made use of in place of the common designa- tion of continued fever; but in the official instructions to medical men for the registration of deaths, typhus is still directed to be used as the generic term of continued fever. -
Private Property and Public Health Reform in England 1830-70
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by MURAL - Maynooth University Research Archive Library Sot. Sci. led. Vol. 26, NO. I, pp. 187-199, 1988 0277-9536188 $3.00 + 0.00 Printed in Great Britain. All rights rese~~‘cd Copyright C 1988 Pcrgamon Journals Ltd PRIVATE PROPERTY AND PUBLIC HEALTH REFORM IN ENGLAND 1830-70 GERRY KEARNS Department of Geography, University of Liverpool, P.O. Box 147, Liverpool L69 3BX, England Abstract-British cities of the mid-nineteenth century were insanitary. In many cases lack of street paving, insuflicient water, proliferating cesspools and open sewers turned them into cloying, degrading and offensive mires. Many of the urban workers, too poor to pay rent sufficient to meet the costs of these environmental services, were shuffled among damp dingy rooms into which the sun shone feebly and in which their physical odours were confined against any draughts. The relations between landlord and tenant were circumscribed by the indebtedness of the former and the penury of the latter. Water, sewerage and housing standards were left to the sway of the market while the effective demand for them was limited by low real wages. In the largest cities this filth was dangerous as well as offensive and public health reforms became ever more pressing. Yet the form in which this legislation was secured and the manner in which it was implemented were not as straightforward as this sketch of their crying necessity might suggest. In this paper, the English public health movement of characterise the reforms that were achieved: did they the mid-nineteenth century is considered as part of aim to enable or replace private markets? The con- two histories: the history of government growth and fusion extends to the proper characterisation of the the history of environmentalist ideas. -
ARCHITECTURE, POWER, and POVERTY Emergence of the Union
ARCHITECTURE, POWER, AND POVERTY Emergence of the Union Workhouse Apparatus in the Early Nineteenth-Century England A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts by Gökhan Kodalak January 2015 2015, Gökhan Kodalak ABSTRACT This essay is about the interaction of architecture, power, and poverty. It is about the formative process of the union workhouse apparatus in the early nineteenth-century England, which is defined as a tripartite combination of institutional, architectural, and everyday mechanisms consisting of: legislators, official Poor Law discourse, and administrative networks; architects, workhouse buildings, and their reception in professional journals and popular media; and paupers, their everyday interactions, and ways of self-expression such as workhouse ward graffiti. A cross-scalar research is utilized throughout the essay to explore how the union workhouse apparatus came to be, how it disseminated in such a dramatic speed throughout the entire nation, how it shaped the treatment of pauperism as an experiment for the modern body-politic through the peculiar machinery of architecture, and how it functioned in local instances following the case study of Andover union workhouse. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Gökhan Kodalak is a PhD candidate in the program of History of Architecture and Urbanism at Cornell University. He received his bachelor’s degree in architectural design in 2007, and his master’s degree in architectural theory and history in 2011, both from Yıldız Technical University, Istanbul. He is a co-founding partner of ABOUTBLANK, an inter-disciplinary architecture office located in Istanbul, and has designed a number of award-winning architectural and urban design projects in national and international platforms. -
James Newlands and the Bounds of Public Health
JAMES NEWLANDS AND THE BOUNDS OF PUBLIC HEALTH Christopher Hamlin In spring 1848 James Newlands, ending his first year as Liverpool's municipal engineer, presented his first report to the health committee of the reformed borough council of Liverpool: a comprehensive agenda for the sanitary and social improvement of the town. Newlands and his report do not appear in the usual accounts of the revolution in public health, and his name is not prominent even in histories of Liverpool. Yet not only was Newlands (1813-71) Liverpool's first municipal engineer, but he was the first British municipal engineer in the modern sense. 1 His post came into existence under the same Liverpool Sanitary Act of 1846 that established W. H. Duncan, his better known colleague, as Liverpool's first medical officer. And just as Duncan did much to define what a 'medical officer of health' did, so Newlands' Liverpool career would do much to define 'municipal engineering', a profession that was only beginning to develop at his death in 1871. Especially important is whether the municipal engineer would function mainly as a servant of a borough council, a high-level implementer of its policy, or alternatively as an independent maker of municipal policy, a diagnostician of the city's key problems, a goad prompting and guiding council action and forwarding reform under the guise of neutral expertise.2 Like 1 William Ashworth, The Genesis of Modern British Town Planning (London, 1954), p. 58. 2 Brian D. White, A History of the Corporation of Liverpool, 1835-1914 (Liverpool, 1951), pp. -
The History of England A. F. Pollard
The History of England A study in political evolution A. F. Pollard, M.A., Litt.D. CONTENTS Chapter. I. The Foundations of England, 55 B.C.–A.D. 1066 II. The Submergence of England, 1066–1272 III. Emergence of the English People, 1272–1485 IV. The Progress of Nationalism, 1485–1603 V. The Struggle for Self-government, 1603–1815 VI. The Expansion of England, 1603–1815 VII. The Industrial Revolution VIII. A Century of Empire, 1815–1911 IX. English Democracy Chronological Table Bibliography Chapter I The Foundations of England 55 B.C.–A.D. 1066 "Ah, well," an American visitor is said to have soliloquized on the site of the battle of Hastings, "it is but a little island, and it has often been conquered." We have in these few pages to trace the evolution of a great empire, which has often conquered others, out of the little island which was often conquered itself. The mere incidents of this growth, which satisfied the childlike curiosity of earlier generations, hardly appeal to a public which is learning to look upon historical narrative not as a simple story, but as an interpretation of human development, and upon historical fact as the complex resultant of character and conditions; and introspective readers will look less for a list of facts and dates marking the milestones on this national march than for suggestions to explain the formation of the army, the spirit of its leaders and its men, the progress made, and the obstacles overcome. No solution of the problems presented by history will be complete until the knowledge of man is perfect; but we cannot approach the threshold of understanding without realizing that our national achievement has been the outcome of singular powers of assimilation, of adaptation to changing circumstances, and of elasticity of system. -
Housing Tenure Structure in England (2001)
1 Census Briefing Paper One Housing Tenure Structure in England (2001) Summary The aim of this briefing paper is to provide an accessible summary of information from the 2001 census. The main objective is to help the Housing Association sector and other social sector participants understand tenure patterns at national, regional, and local levels. The main findings are: • Across England, the dominant tenure is owner occupation (68% of 20,500,000 dwellings). The social rented sector is the second largest tenure (19%). Within this sector, local authority (LA) housing accounts for 13% and Housing Association (HA) housing for 6%. Dwellings by tenure at regional and national level Percentages of total dwellings Owner Shared Private rented Social rented Social rented Region Total occupied ownership sector sector (LA) sector (HA) London 56 1 17 17 9 100 South East 73 1 12 7 7 100 South West 72 1 13 8 6 100 East Midlands 72 1 10 14 4 100 Eastern 72 1 11 12 5 100 West Midlands 69 1 10 14 6 100 Yorkshire and 67 0 11 17 4 100 Humberside North East 63 0 9 22 5 100 North West 69 1 11 14 7 100 England (average) 68 1 12 13 6 100 England (thousands) 13,921 134 2,456 2,703 1,238 20,452 Source: Tenure 2001 table, Census data 2001 from the National Statistics Web Site • The proportions of social housing vary by region, from 27% in the North East to 14% in the South West. • In regions where the proportions of social sector dwellings are high, LA dwellings account for a disproportionately greater share of the social stock. -
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NBER Summer Institute - Development of the American Economy Private Water Supply in Nineteenth Century London: Re-assessing the Externalities Nicola Tynan Department of Economics George Mason University Fairfax, VA 22030 703-359-8876 (tel) 703-993-1133 (fax) [email protected] 25 June 2000 JEL Classification: D62, L95, N73, N83, R11 NBER Summer Institute - Development of the American Economy 2 Abstract Externalities played a major role in nineteenth century debates over private versus government ownership of water works in Britain and the US. Public health reformers argued that private water companies failed to internalize positive health externalities from filtration, wastewater removal, continuous supply and new connections. Evidence from London's experience with privately owned waterworks suggests that public health externalities from a pipe network were lower than critics assumed and were largely internalized by the companies. Negative externality shocks can be traced to rapid population growth, scientific uncertainty, and the institutional difficulties in moving from one sanitation technology to another. NBER Summer Institute - Development of the American Economy 1 1. Introduction Externalities played a primary role in nineteenth century debates over municipal versus private ownership of water works. Critics of private ownership argued that joint-stock companies failed to internalize a number of externalities, particularly the public health benefits of water supply. In many British and U.S. cities, this debate resulted in a switch from private to municipal ownership and control.1 Public health improvements in cities switching from private to public ownership provided ex post support for market failure. London's experience with private water companies throughout the nineteenth century suggests that the relationship between public health and ownership may be more complex than often assumed. -
1997 Chadwick Lecture—Is a Healthy North West Region Achievable in the 21St Century
370 J Epidemiol Community Health 1999;53:370–382 J Epidemiol Community Health: first published as 10.1136/jech.53.6.370 on 1 June 1999. Downloaded from 1997 Chadwick Lecture—Is a healthy North West Region achievable in the 21st century John Ashton best remembered today, and the subsequent Health of Towns Commission, to which he was Secretary, leading up to the first Public Health Act of 1848 of which he was the principal author. As a result of the act he became the paid Commissioner to the General Board of Health for its short life from 1848 to 1854. In between he had been centrally involved with the Police Act of 1839 and once his interest had been aroused by health matters he spent most of the remainder of his life immersed in questions of water, housing, sanitation, and sewerage, not to mention the cholera epidemics that aZicted the great towns in (1832 and 1848, 1854 and 1866) and the pressing question of cemeteries and the disposal of the dead. Towards the end of his life he still found the energy to engage with other issues such as education and mass transit. It was and is a for- midable list.1 So what were the conditions that so moti- vated Chadwick to the point of obsession? They are described at length in The Sanitary Figure 1 Edwin Chadwick. Condition and also feature strongly in the works of prominent novelists of the day such as The Edwin Chadwick, the very name evokes Uncommercial Traveller by Charles Dickens or powerful images of Britain at its most self con- Mary Barton by Elizabeth Gaskell (fig 3).2–4 But fident and expansive.