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A Corpus-Based Critical Discourse Analysis

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A Corpus-Based Critical Discourse Analysis “The Wreckognition”: Discourse of the British and the US Press on Germany's Recognition of Croatia and Slovenia: A Corpus-based Critical Discourse Analysis Masterarbeit zur Erlangung des akademischen Grades MASTER OF ARTS an der Geisteswissenschaftlichen Fakultät der Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz vorgelegt von Morana Lukač am Institut für Anglistik Begutachter: Univ.-Prof. Mag. Dr. Bernhard Kettemann Graz, im Juni 2012 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First of all, I would like to thank my supervisor Professor Bernhard Kettemann not only for his guidance in writing this thesis, but also for his constant encouragement and support of my academic work. Furthermore, I would like to thank Nancy Campbell, PhD who advanced my writing skills and provided her assistance in occasions too numerous to recall them all. Thanks also go to Professor Georg Marko for his technical support, and introducing me to the field of corpus linguistics. I would like to thank my colleagues at the Zadar Linguistics Department and Professor Hans Bickes with his students at the Department of German Studies at the University of Hannover for the fruitful discussions which stirred me in the right direction in my research. Additional thanks to Professor Ruth Wodak in the course of whose seminar the idea for this thesis was conceived and developed. I thank my former lecturers at my Croatian alma mater, Dr Marija Omazić, Dr Višnja Pavičić- Takač and Dr Mario Brdar, among others, who continuously take care of their students. Finally, this thesis would not be possible without the loving support of Zdenka, Slavica and Robert. 2 Contents 1. Introduction ......................................................................................................................................................... 4 2. Independence and Recognition of Croatia and Slovenia ........................................................................................ 6 3. Socio-Philosophical and Discourse Analytic Contextualization of the Media Reports on the German Recognition 13 3.1. The Public Sphere and the Media ...............................................................................................................14 3.2. Discourse, Media and Manipulation ...........................................................................................................17 4. Corpus-based critical discourse analysis and critical metaphor analysis................................................................22 4.1. Critical Discourse Analysis ........................................................................................................................22 4.2. Critical Metaphor Analysis ........................................................................................................................28 4.2.1. Corpus-based Critical Metaphor Analysis ..............................................................................................31 4.2.2. Research on metaphors in discourse ......................................................................................................32 5. Data ...................................................................................................................................................................34 6. Methodology: Implementation ............................................................................................................................37 7. Research Questions Revisited .............................................................................................................................37 8. Results ...............................................................................................................................................................38 8.1. Collocation analysis: Germany...................................................................................................................38 8.1.1. Premodifiers ..........................................................................................................................................38 8.1.2. Lexical verbs .........................................................................................................................................40 8.2. World War references: Semantic analysis...................................................................................................42 8.3. Corpus-based conceptual metaphor analysis ...............................................................................................44 8.3.1. REFUGEES ARE WATER ...................................................................................................................45 8.3.2. POLITICAL ENTITIES ARE HUMAN BODIES ..................................................................................48 8.3.3. NATIONALISM IS A DISEASE ..........................................................................................................55 8.3.4. ESTABLISHMENT OF A COUNTRY IS A BIRTH OF A CHILD .......................................................56 8.3.5. POLITICAL ENTITY IS A HOUSE......................................................................................................57 8.3.6. BALKANS ARE A POWDER KEG......................................................................................................59 8.3.7. POLITICS IS THEATRE ......................................................................................................................61 8.3.8. POLITICS IS WAR...............................................................................................................................62 8.3.9. GERMANY IS A COERCER ................................................................................................................63 9. Discussion ..........................................................................................................................................................66 10. Conclusion ....................................................................................................................................................69 Summary ...................................................................................................................................................................70 Zusammenfassung ......................................................................................................................................................71 Bibliography ..............................................................................................................................................................73 Sources ......................................................................................................................................................................80 3 1. Introduction “The reunification of Germany is not in the interests of Britain and Western Europe. It might look different from public pronouncements, in official communiqué at NATO meetings, but it is not worth paying ones attention to it. We do not want a united Germany.” Margaret Thatcher on 23 September, 1989 (Times 2009, Sept. 10) A series of articles in the British press, all stemming from a full-report by The Times (Times 2009, Sept. 10) featured and commented on Margaret Thatcher’s quoted statement. A general opposition towards German unification of then British Prime Minister Thatcher comes as no surprise, claims Michael Binyon (Recknagel 2009), the diplomatic correspondent for The Times, however, the context of the quoted passage does. Secret Kremlin documents released in 2009 showed that the above quoted words were exchanged between Thatcher and the Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev in 1989, several weeks before the Fall of the Berlin Wall. Thatcher sought alliance and proposed a joint effort to stop the unification. She went so far as to completely contradict the official Western and NATO attitudes towards German unification and proposed the continuation of the status quo. “Internal changes are happening in all Eastern European countries”, Thatcher acknowledges, “However, we would prefer if those processes were entirely internal, we would not interfere in them or push the de-communisation of Eastern Europe. I can say that the President of the United States is of the same position.” (Times 2009, Sept. 10) Nevertheless, Germany’s European partners gave their “grudging, basic” nod for German reunification in December 1989 in Strasbourg (Katzenstein 1997: 1) as they acknowledged that the on-going political changes were inevitable. The reserved nod did not come without a price, journalists (Sauga et al. 2010, Sept. 30) and analysts (Katzenstein 1997: 2) claim. The decision for the acceptance of a speedier reunification was made after a long discussion between the French President Mitterand and the German Foreign Minister Genscher. The German government accepted the agreement for the European Monetary Union and the European partners accepted the unification, or as the journalists writing for the Spiegel put it “the Deutsche Mark was sacrificed for reunification” (Sauga et al. 2010, Sept. 30). The consensus on making the steps towards a tighter union, now also based on economic ties, was possibly an assurance which made it clear for the partners where Germany’s heart lay, strongly tied to the interests of the European Community (EC). During the period after the Second World War the term “economic giant, political dwarf” was often used in relation to Germany. However, in the eve of the Fall of the Berlin Wall and the Iron Curtain, it became obvious that
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