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I

. OPPERt· MERION TOWNSHIP. WINTERING 1777/78

THE 'HISfORy'OF. J .. PETER MUHLENBERG'S HEADQUARTERS:.:" BY .', . Beth Ann Twiss

~.. ,'. t': ~

WINTERING 1777/78

The History of Peter Muhlenberg's Headquarters

Beth Ann Twiss

History 300D

Honors Thesis / Penn TABLE OF CONTENTS,

Page

1. ARRIVAL AT VALLEY FORGE • 1

II. HISTORY OF MOORE HOUSE 5

\11. PETER MUHLENBERG'S WINTER 18 IV. CONCLUSION . . . 23 APPENDIX A. MOORE FAMILY TREE 25

APPENDIX B.. PLk~S 27

APPENDIX C. PICTURES 34

APPENDIX D.MAP 40

BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . 42

.--. I. ARRIVAL AT VALLEY FORGE

On October 29, 1777, orders were issued to the Continental 1 Army to be ready at a moment's notice to march to winter quarters.

Despite continual repetition of these orders, the troops did not

leave that day or the next day. Not until November 11 did the Army

begin to move north and west out· of the immediate Philadelphia area.

It crossed the Schuylkill River at Swedesford, spent the night on the

Gulph Hills, and finally arrived at its. destination~ Valley Forge, on December 12.

The choice of Valley Forge for winter quarters had not been an

unanimous decision of the officers; rather, it was a compromise.

General George Washington wished to go to Wilmington~ Delaware in order

that the Army could conduct guerrilla warfare against the BritishJwho

were entrenched in Philadelphia. However, Brigadier-general Peter

Muhlenberg suggested Reading, Pennsylvania to Washington in a letter

of December 1.2 While Muhlenberg agreed tha tit would be beneficial to

"annoy" the enemy, 3 he thought that other disadvantages outweighed this

small gain. In Wilmington, the British Army would be too close for

comfort, especially since the American Army would inevitably dwindle in

1 "Orderly Book of General John Peter Gabriel Muhlenberg, March 26- December 20, 1777," The Pennsylvania I-Iagazine of His tory and Biography, XXXV (1911), 162.

2Worthington Chauncey Ford, "Defenses of Philadelphia in 1777," The Pennsylvania Magazine, XX (1896),398-400.

3Ibid., 398. I'~"

'-.- ,,' '''.'- .... -.' 2

numbers during the winter. He recommended Reading because from there

the Americans could prevent the sacking of New Jersey and quickly

reach New York if the British should suddenly switch the base of their

operations., Perhaps the Continental Army even could be split between

Reading and either Lancaster or Easton. Easton offered the additional

advantage of further distance from Philadelphia. Thus, there would be .f'ewe;("- '1s&s refugees from Philadelphia whom the Army would have to protect, and

there would; be more available housing for· the sick. But with the final

choice of Valley Forge, another advantage was accrued. The Army CQuld 4 keep the land secure from British foragers.

Yet, the installation of the American Ar~y ruined this land and

hurt the people who lived there, for the troops were short of supplies.

Even before the Army had arrived at Valley Forge, this problem had

manifested itself.', In November, Washington haJ announced a reward to

" ..' - whomever could "Produce the Best Substitute for shoes made out of Raw

Hides. ,,5 In fact, the shortage of shoes had been a factor in the deci­

sion to quarter the troops rather than conduct a winter campaign.6

Attempting to alleviate shortages while at Valley Forge, the soldiers 7 took food, timber, fences, and animals from the farmer residents. This

practice started as soon as the Army arrived, and -it began to build

houses for the camp.

4 "Orderly Book of Muhlenberg," 300.

SIbid., 184.

6Worthington Chauncey Ford, "Defenses of Philadelphia, in 1777," The Pennsylvania Magazine, XXI (1897), 54.

7Henry Woodman, The History of Valley Forge (Oaks, Pa.: John U. Frances, Sr., 1920), p. 74. 3

The huts J?uil t to h()use the soldiers were explici tlydescribed 8 in the orders of December 18. The brigadier-generals appointed field officers for each regiment to supervise the construction. The regiment was then divided into squads o·ftwelve men, each with a set of tools ~

A twelve-dollar reward would be given .to the squad which built their hut in "the most Nicest and most W~rkmanshiplike Manner.,,9 Dimensions were set at fourteen by sixteen feet with wood and clay walls eighteen inches thicK and six and a half fee thigh. A door atone end would balance the clay fireplace at the other. Due toa wood shortage,

Washington desired an alternative to clapboards. on the walls. Therefore, an one hundred-dollar reward was offered· to anyone who .could devise a cheap substitute. Further,when cutting firewood, trunks of trees that 10 measured sixteen,to eighteen feet were to be saved. Officers were to , \ prevent vandalism ~f the camp.

However, despite these precautions, the Army had to rely heavily 11 on the inhabitants. Straw was levied for beds, but·often provisions were acquired through plunder. The troops stole food, and some iocal houses were destroyed for timber. By the end of the encampment, a few c1t1zens. . were ask' 1ng f or rest1tut1on... 12 When the Army left in May, its mark remained on the land.

8 "Orderly Book of Muhlenberg," 301-2.

9Ibid., 302.

10Ibid. Order of December 20, 1777.

llIbid.

l2William J. Buck, History of Montgomery County (Norristown: E.L. Acker, 1859), p. 55. 4

The fields are destitute of vegetation and the lands~ once so highly productive~ lie uncultivated and without enclosure. The trees of the forest are cut dmm and nothing but the stumps left remaining . • • 13 .

Another imposition on the inhabitants was the quartering of the

of ficers • While the lower rank:i.ugoffic.er.s had huts a t the ;-ear of

the regiments, the higher ranking officers were stationed in various·

residences surrounding and within the campground. For instance~

Washington ,?perated out of the modest home of Issac Potts on the north-

west corner of the encampment. Brigadier-general Muhlenberg) on the 14 other hand, stayed at the small Moore residence on Trout Run, a half

a mile southeast of the most eastern entrenchments. The area was

occupied by the brigades of Patterson and Weedon as well as.by those

of Muhlenberg. They all were protected by the forts of two locals, \ \. 15 Mordecai and John Moore. ,. • -,

13Woodman~ History of Valley Forge, 92. Woodman was the descendant of a resident and wrote this account in 1850.

l4Trout Run is also called Mashi~c Creek, and some trout do still live there despite industrial surroundings.

15 See map of Valley Forge Encampment, Appendix D. 5

II. HISTORY OF MOORE HOUSE

The Moore family of which Mordecai and John Moore were descendants arrived in Upper Merion Township from England in the early eighteenth century. At that time, mos t o·f the township was part of Le ti tia Penn's

Manor of Mount Joy. Her father originally deeded her 5000 acres in

1683, but in subsequent years, Letitia and her husband, William Aubrey, l acquired additional adjoining tracts. However, shortly after the turn of the century,· the Aubreys began to sell portions of the Manor to . 2 settlers. John Moore, "described in the conveyance as a carpenter," bought 400 acres of this land from a David Powell in 1709.

Within the next seventy years, the land passed through three 3 generations of the .. Moore family. When the firs t John 1100re died was not certain, but in.l7lS, an Orphan's Court petition was filed in

Philadelphia County for a John Moore. Perhaps this John was the original settler's son, because in 1734, a John Moore owned ISO acres of Upper 4 Merion land indicating a division of the 400-acre plot.. This son of the settler probably died sometime in the mid-1700's. In fact, the

1 John H. Reed, "Benjamin Eastburn," The Bulletin of the Historical Society of Montgomery County, XVI (Spring, 1967), p. 301.

2Ellwood Roberts, ed., Biographical Annals of 110ntgomery County, Pennsylvania, Vol. ~ (New York: T.S. Benham and Co. and Lewis Publish­ ing Co., 1904), p. 497.

4J •Do Scott, Combination Atlas Map of Montgomery County, Pennsyl­ vania (Philadelphi~/: J.L. Smith, 1877), po 26. 6

Philadelphia Index of Wills and Administrations did record a will of a

John Moore in l7~6. His tract of land then would have passed to his

son, another namesake. This John Moore owned 294 acres at his death on 5 January 1, 1778. It was he for whom a fort at Valley Forge was named, 6 and it was his home in which General Muhlenberg was quartered.

John's house was cramped with his family of five children and the

General, for it consisted of only one room with a full basement and 7 garret. The earliest description of this building was in the Window 8 Pane Tax o·f 1798,) ". at which time the house was owned by Richard Moore,

John v s son. Yet, undoubtedly, this was the building in which Muhlenberg

stayed because .it was probably built before 1750. While there was no

documentaty evidence of the construction date, the small size, irregular

plan, and asymmetrical facade suggested an early date. Building in the , \ ". first half of the 'eighteenth century, especially by rural people,- tended

" to meet personal exigencies rather than following aesthetic principles.

Therefore, it was not rare to find houses which did not follow the early

Georgian style of absolute symmetry and multiple rooms. Either the

5 The number of acres are stated in Deed Book 3, page 193, in Montgomery County, and the death date is verified by many of the authors, including Edward Hocker and Henry Woodman.

6 Though I found no writings by Muhlenberg which mentioned the Moores or his soujourn in their home, all of the secondary sources r read said that Muhlenberg stayed in the Moore house. Assuming this to be so, the oldest extant section of house must have served as the Brigadier's quarters since it is the building of 1798 and probably dates from before 1750.

7The full garret may be what caused author, Edward Pinkowski (Washington's OfficersSleptHere, 1912), to declare that the house had two floors, each with a room.

8The 1798 Direct Federal Tax is commonly called the ''Window Pane Tax." 7

settler~ John Moore, or his son probably built the house in-a typical

- farmhouse plan with one all-purpose room and a large fireplace. Since 9 the Moores were only small farmers, they were not able to expand

their dwelling. -Therefore, the 1798 description -probably duplicated

-the details of the house as it stood in the winter of 1771-and 1778.

Combining the information recor~ded in the \Undow Pane Tax with

that gathered through a 'careful observation,the original bUilding could

be discerned from the current larger structure. It was fifteen by

twenty~ feet with eighteen-inch thick walls _of stone. The front facade 'R\,),/\- faced Trout €feek to the south. On the inside, stairs in the northwest

corner wound up to the garret and down to the basement. The east wall

did not form a straight line but jogged to accommodate a walk-in fire- , 10 place with a bake:-oven. Below, in the basement,there was a fireplace

of equal size. According to the Tax Records, there were two windows:of " --nine lights apiece in the first story and one of six lights in thegarret~

However, of the three present windows, which two were the windows

described in l798? None of the windows had any distinguishing charac':"

teristic signifying a later addition. Though the lone window on the

north wall was surrounded by cracked plaster, it seemed unlikely that

it was added later. Without this window, the house would have been dark

and poorly ventilated. The two windows on the south side both seemed

original because of their even placement across the facade. W'hile:_,l'

9Substantiated through examination of Upper Herion Tax Records for the years 1773, 1774, 1775, 1782, and an undated record before 1781.

10The existence of the bake-oven is based on conjecture. To the right of the fireplace something has been plastered over. Examination of the solidity of the walls all around the fireplace indicate a hollo\o1 space. The height, size, and position all suggest a bake-oven. 8

inside the fireplace blocked the east end of the eastern window from.

view, the irregular plan o·f the house accommodated it .11 The exterior

asymmetrical· arrangement. which was created of a door flanKed by two 12 windows to one side was typical of the area. Considering the thickness

and solidity of the stone walls which made it hardri to acid- windows later,

there probably always were three openings. One of them was not taxed

though, because it did not have glass in it. Perhaps it was covered with parchment or shutters or even was a door. Most likely, this glass-

less window was.the.rear one, presenting the public with a richer facade.

The house vas described above remained little changed from its

construction in the first half of the century until nearly 1800. Then

Richard who inherited the house from his father, the third John Hoore, ., began to alter it~ Between 1798 when the house was assessed for the . 13 . Window Pane Tax and 1823 when it was inventoried in Richard's will,

the house grew enormously. Its owner had accumulated some wealth and

taste, and his home reflected that.

He had begun life as simply as his ancestors. Born on October 2,

1758, he had spent his childhood in the one-room house with his nine 14 siblings, four of whom reached adulthood. A young man during the

liThe jog fo·rmed by the bake-oven exists in the basement founda­ tion indicating that the variation was planned from the beginning.

12Hany houses exist in the immediate area with this asymmetrical arrangement. It is especially popular in three-story houses similar to this house after Richard's later additions. 13 There was also a stone barn and a wagonhouse. A well stood directly to the east of the house. 14 Roberts, Biographical Annals, p. 497. 9

Revolution, he apparently married Abigail Eastburn somtime between

1789 and 1791, because while he was listed on the tax rolls as "single" in 1789, he was fully assessed in 1791. They, in turn, raised three

15 'iI children, Edwin, Samuel, and Eliza~ .in the his toric house. . Richard prospered as a farmer and began to buy land, first from his brother.

When John Moore had died in 1778, he had divided his 294 acres among his children. Son John and daughter Anne split 147 acres; the other 147 acres were divided among children, Richard; Jonathan, and

Rachael. On March 28, 1787, the younger John sold 35 acres of his

~n. h er~tance . to R'~c h ar d f or f'~ve s h'll'~' 1ngs. 16 Richard added to this acquisition over the years, increasing his holdings from 120 acres in

1791 to 150 acres in 1809. Of course, his. tax assessment rose accord­ 17 ingly, from $392" in 1791 to $1844 in 1809. When Richard died in . 18 November Qf 1823, the inventory of his personal estate equalled $9,278.06.

Included in this sum was a much larger house; Richard had remodelled his birthplace at least three times.

First, the house had grown up, becoming th,ree stories. Sometime after 1798, Richard converted the original garret into a full second. story with a fireplace above the first floor one. A door was added at

15The will of Richard Moore, certified November 5, 1823.

16 Montgomery County Deed Book 3, pages 193-4.

17Upper Merion Tax Records, 1789-1910. Richard was assessor in 1800 and 1801.

l8The inventory of the personal estate of Richard Moore, November 12, 1823. 10

the back of the first floor to balance a window on the second. However

· I • vC£l;fn~l,f. d h . 19 th1.S aoor 1.nCOn~Rb.y opene onto t e sta1.rs. Then a full third

story. was added, but probably at a later date, as indicated by the

stress evident in the' exteribrplas ter.· The steps to this new floor

continued aroun·d the steps from the first floor.. 20 While t h e first an d

second floor had windows of the same size ~~J~9~;' the windows on the

third floor were only half that size. The house in this form resembled 21 many stone houses in the area. However, Richard again remodeled

his house, and this time dras tically. Perhaps this large alteration

occurred after 1812 when his mother who lived with him died. But when:'"

~. . ever it happened, the house suddenly became a mansion of sorts.

The house as it looked in 1823, the year of Richard's. death, was • 22 a long stone structure, probably stuccoed. The new western half of

the huilding exemplified a typical fiverart Georgian plan showing

_ Richard's awareness of current architectural styles. Two windows flanked

a central door. Above there were five windows. This arrangement was

duplicated at the rear of the house. though the door was slightly off-

cen ter to accommada te the staircase. All windows had the taller,

thinner proportions of the Federal style. The central hallway with the

stairs was balanced on both floors by a room to left and right. Each

19For this reason, it is doubtful that this door was part of the original structure but was only added for aesthetics. ,20 The top of these steps can now be seen by peering through a window from the garret of the "Georgian" addition into this space.

2lMany of these houses are extant along Ridge Pike, west of Norris­ town and in Gulph Mills. A prime example of the window arrangement is the Eagleville Hotel. 22 . Stucco was usually put on stone structures to prevent water seepage early in their life. Harold Eberlin, The Architecture of Colonial America (Boston: Little, Brown, and Col, 1915), p. 245 •

• -,._ •••>~ 00:- _. .~ ~•• - ~. , - ..... -.... " 11

of these rooms had a fireplace decorated with delicate fluted columns characteristic of the Federal style. Another feature of this style was the higher ceilings. These ceilings were ·115 inches high whereas the ceilings in the old section were 87 inches. From the outside, the juxaposition of these two sections showed an obvious difference in age.

In an attempt to remedy this aesthetic problem, Richard made a few other changes. He had the roof of the old section lowered to match that of the adoition, thus converting the third story back into a garret. 23 However, this new roofline cut the third floor windows in half. From the outside, though, another Federal feature appeared: eye-brow windows. These small windows peeped out from under the simple cornice which now ran the entire length of the house. Inside, the second floor of the two sections were joined by a short run of steps. Richard- also divided the first floor of the original building into a kitchen and a pantry. Thus, his new house as recorded at his 'death had five rooms, a kitchen, a pantry, a cellar, and two garrets. \

When Richard died.·in early November of 1823, he willed this estate . o.ho to his son, Edwin. EdwinAlived there until his death a±&e, but he did not make any great alterations. Therefore, the house stood as Richard had constructed it until the twentieth century. In the Census of 1850, 24 Edwin had real estate equalling $18,000. Hhen he died on February 15,

23 The top half of these windows can be seeri inside the garret over the original section.·

24 . . HilHam T. Parsons, ed., "The U.S. Census of l850,Montgomery County," The Bulletin of the Historical Society of Montgomery County, XIV (Fall 1964), p. 286. 12

1894, his children, Joseph, Daniel, Edwin, and Eliza, jointly inherited 25 the house and this property. . . r: They. in turn, sold the house to Frederick A. Poth in June of lp03.

This estate of .192.0158 acres "withbuildings, woods, water sources, [and}

passageways,,26 sold for $23,321.50. Poth,. as· owner of F.A. Poth and

. Sons Brewery in Philadelphia, could well afford this pric~ ~ . The Moore

house was not his only residence either. He owned homes in Philadelphia

and Jeffersonville as well. Unfortunately, he was not able to enjoy

this new country residence fo·r long; he died on January 21, 1905. His

will ordered his executors, two sons and two sons-in-law, to sell all 27 but two of the houses. They decided to sell the Moore house.

On October 26, 1905, Poth's executors sold it to Edward W. Binns

of Pittsburgh. A~cording to a survey done by Joseph T. Foulke in May, 28 1903, this estate ~Ftual1y had 192.0168 acres. Despite the fact that 0.,-. ._', this assessment was larger thaW,earlier one, the land sold for less. 29 Binns bought it for $18,000. ) Neither Poth nor Binns did any noticeable remodeling; however, the

next owner greatly altered the appearance of the building. Alexander D.

'./J f 25 Aff.lp..yavit 0 Death for Edwin Moore and Montgomery County Deed Book 505, pages 364-6.

26 Deed Book 505, page 366.

27The will of Frederick Poth, written May 1, 1898.

28 Montgomery County Deed Book 544, page 124.

29Ibid., page 126. 13

Irwin of Irwin and Leighton, Inc., a contracting concern, bought this 30 historic house for a summer residence on May 1, 1918. In addition, he purchased land with a grist mill that Edward Binns had acquired in 31 1906. Irwin renamed the whole estate the "Winter Quarters F~mt.t132

Beginning in the 1930's, he hired the architect, Brognard Okie, to deS1gn "1 arge a dd""1t10ns. 33 First, in 1932, Irwin added a west wing which shaped the building into an ell. This two st..... ory wing contained a large room with six windows and a fireplace on each floor. At the same time, Okie used the stone from an 1820 outhouse to build a guest house. Irwin also had Okie extend the house to the east. In 1946, a smaller but more complex addition was built over the old well. There were three rooms on the first floor. A new fireplace backed up to the fireplace of the 'original house. None of the other rooms in this sec- tion had fireplaces though, because a furnace was installed by th~ well.

On the second floor, there were two bedrooms and two baths. However, one of these bathrooms did not connect with the new addition but ser- viced the older part of the house. Its door opened into the first addition of Richard HooreYs, the second floor over the original house.

Irwin remodeled this section of the house too. Sometime between

Richard's death in 1823 and the time of this remodeling in 1946, this

30need Book 766, pages 557-560.

31Ibid., p. 558.

32Edward Pinkowski, Washington's Officers Slept Here (Phi1ade.lphia: Sunshine Press, 1953), p. 188.

33Ibid., p. 187. 14

second floor section had been divided into two rooms. The larger of

these rooms was at the east end with the fireplace. In this room, 34 Irwin had the ceiling raised up into the garret. Consequently, the

eye-brow windows could be seen from the inside in this room. Okie,

the architect, cleverly replastered this interior so that the walls

curved in at the top, setting these small windows into dormers. He

also plastered over the fireplace in such a way that that wall bowed

out into the room. Because of these alterations, the garret over this

section was no longer useable. Therefore, the original winding stair-

case was removed. A straight staircase was inserted in its place which

connected this second floor section with the Georgian plan first floor

section. With the completion of these alterations and the addition of

many porches, the'. building had developed to its present plan.

Alexander Irwin not only changed the appearance of the house· but

-also the appea~~e of the property. Besides the guest house of 1932,

he embellished his estate with servants V quarters, a stable, a bath- 35 house, a swimming pool, and a grape arbor. Also, he attempted to

alter the road which cut across his property. Named Moore Road for

the original settlers, the road passed by the west end of the house.

Opened to the public in 1810, it had been relocated by Binns in 1910

34 Ibid., p. 188.

35 "Planners Eye Ex-Muhlenberg HQ; Interest Show, No Negotia­ tions," The King of Prussia Courier, Spring, 1970, p. 1. The guest house, bathhouse, and two stables remain.

I 15

. and by Irwin in 1920. 36 However, Irwin desired to have the road closed II to the public because it was useless, inconvenient, and burdensome to

the taxpayers."37 For two years. the controversy raged. . The Valley

Forge Park Commission wanted the road open because of the historical

significance of the Moore house. The area's residents also resented the

.conversion of the road to a private one for the benefitof.the "wealthy

landowner who uses his house mainly as a place to play and for the regale

of his guests from Philadelphia.,,38 In the end, the public won, and

the road remained open .

.The public also won when the Moore house was purchased by Upper

Merion Township on January 31. 1972. 39 .. Alexander Irwin had begun to

sell his property bit by bit in 1951. Most of it went to the Pennsyl-

vania Turnpike Commission in 1954 and to the real estate developers, \ ., Cabot, Cabo:t, and 'Forbes, Inc., in 1957. The tract of land with the

.- Moore house was deeded to Cabot, Cabot, and Forbes for their King of

Prussia Industrial Park on November 1, 1957. The total package of 4000

acres cost $2,489,000. While offices began to go up all around, the

Moore house stood empty. The developers, realizing the historic nature

36Date for Binns from Scrapbook of Edward W. Hocker of Times­ Herald articles, "Hearing Held at Court House on Moore Road, June 19, 1937. Date for Irwin from Pinkowski, Washington's Officers, p. 187.

37"Hearing Held at Court House on Moore Road," June 19, 1937.

38 . Scrapbook of Edward W. Hocker, "Moore Road," October 26, 1936.

39 Montgomery County Deed Book 3731, page 515. 16

. 40 of the building, did not think they should remove it. However, they

had no use for the house. Finally, the building was leased to the 41 Upper Merion Cultural Center in 1968. By 1970, it was evident to

Cabot, Cabot, and Forbes and the Township that the s ta tus of the build- . 42 ing needed to be made more permanent. Therefore. both parties entered 43 into negotiations. Initially, the developers asked $35,000 an acre, 44 but the final price was $100,000 for 5.004 acres.

When the Upper Merion Board of Supervisors approved the acquisition

in November of 1971, it proposed plans for the historic site. It desired 45 to maintain the land as a "natural area.". The site had many varieties

of frui t and shade trees and was also a haven for small animals and 46 geese. The Moore house. was to be restored for $35,000. However,

due to a lack of~hese monies, restoration was not done.

This situation may soon change though. The Upper Merion Parks

--and Recreation Department which operates out of the Moore House is

seeking the placement of the building on the National Register of " . Pl· 47 H~stor~c aces. This act would make federal~nies available for

restoration. But even while waiting for this face1ift, the building

40Discussion with Jack Loller of the Philadelphia Office of Cabot, Cabot, and Forbes, December 28, 1978. 41 "CC Takes a Look at Past Decade," The King of Prussia Courier, May 27, 1971, p. 1. 42 "Planners Eye Ex-Muhlenberg HQ," Spring, 1970, p. 1-

43Ibid.

44Deed Book 3731, page 515. 45 "Board Approves $100,000 Purchase of Irwin Estate," The King of Prussia Courier, November 11, 1971, p .. 1- 46Ibid. ' 47The process of application to the National Register is currently underway. This paper is to be included to trace the development of the house. 17

continues to grow. This time, it has assumed new functions. It

. currently houses the Upper Merion Cultural Center, the Brotherhood

Temple Brith Achim, the Valley Fo·rge Camera Club, the GflRow~eek 48 Model Railroad Club, and a yoga group. Thus, the Moore house has a new name, "the Upper Merion Community Center." to add to its historic

repertoire as "Muhlenberg's Headquarters" and "The Winter Quarters Farm."

48"Historic Register Next for Community Center"? The King of Prussia Courier, August 16, 1978, p. 1. . 18

III. PETER MUHLENBERG'S WINTER

The winter that Pe ter Muhlenberg spent with the Moore family was

not particularly an exciting one, Without a campaign, there was little

for a brigadier to do besides keep order and attend to daily duties. l

For instance, there were many court martials of both great, like of "Mad"·

Anthony Wayne, 2 and small, like of Instant Major Robertson. The latter

was an adjutant of the Thirteenth Virgina Regiment under Muhlenberg.

The Brigadier:-general had ordered Robertson to confiscate all the liquor

within the regiment only later to discover that he had consumed it all.

Consequently, on March 3, 1778, the adjutant was charged with drunkeness . . 3 and found gUl.lty·.

Since there was not much other activity, Muhlenberg was able to . . _ spend some of the winter travelling. He took day trips to see his

parents who were residing in nearby Trappe. However, his visits endan-

gered them all. In fact, the officer's life was threatened when British 4 spies shot at him as he left after his Christmas visit of December 26.

IRecorded in "The Orderly Book of Muhlenberg."

2Edward Hocker, The Fighting Parson of the American Revolution (Philadelphia: By the Author, 1936), p. 90.

3Ibid., p. 252-3.

4Henry A. Muhlenberg, The Life of Major~General Peter Muhlenberg of the Revolutionary Army (Philadelphia: Carey and Hart, 1849), p. 125. 19

Nonetheless, he returned to Trappe May 23. 5 The Brigadier-general also

took leave from Valley Forge to visit his family in Woodstock, Virginia.

His departure for Virginia coincided with John Moore's death on January

1. Whether Muhlenberg left for purely personal reasons or out of

respect for the grief of the Moores, he returned abruptly at the end

of February to attend to his own affairs.

A Congressional resolve in March of 1778 reordered the ranks of

the Virginia generals and thus threatened Muhlenberg's honor and capa­ 6 bilities as a leader. Peter Muhlenberg had been the top ranking officer

from Virginia since February 21, 1777. However, now, William Woodford

who had resigned in 1776 from Huhlenberg's present position wished to

reenter the service. Therefore, Congress reinstated Woodford as the

firs t general of', the s ta te and demo ted Huh1enberg to second-in-command .

Muhlenberg deeply 'resented this change. Not only did it· wound his • '" ", - pride but he believed that it cut his effectiveness as a leader. Demo- tion by the Congress signified to his men its dissatisfaction with his

work. Therefore, Muhlenberg feared that his troops would not follow

his orders' anymore, and his ability to assist in the American cause

would be curtailed. This condemnation seemed particularly unfair be- 7 cause he had shown himself to be a very competent soldier and general.

5 . A.W. Wallace, The Muhlenbergs of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia: Universi ty of Pennsylvan,ia Press, 1950), p. 162.

6 I Muhlenberg, The Life of Muhlenberg, p. 136.

7Ibid., p. 130-1. Argu¢ments presented in letter to Board of War, March 7, 1778.

21

Virginia generals had not been intended to indicate the competencies or incompetencies of the generals involved .. In fact, Congress appla}lded

Muhlenberg's "burning zeal for the service."ll With Woodford's death 12 in 1780, Muhlenberg again became the first general from Virginia.

Even while he was threatening to resign, Muhlenberg was able to 13 use his official power to free a prisoner. In May of 1778, Christopher

Sauer was arrested and taken to Valley Forge by American troops on the suspicion that he was a Tory. Muhlenberg of German heritage became alarmed because Sauer, also a German, operated a publishing company for the benefit of the large German-speaking population of Pennsylvania.

Consequently, the Brigadier made a direct appeal on May 27 to Washington for Sauer's release. Two days later, Sauer was free. Unfortunately, at a later date, Sauer did not have the benefit of high ranking council, and he was convicted of treason. 14

Muhlenberg made better judgements concerning the resumption of military activity. By June, the Army was ready to leave Valley Forge, but the officers could not agree on the necessity of or strategy for the spring campaign. Muhlenberg heartily supported a spring campaign, . 15 especially against New York • As he told Washington, the troops needed

. IlJournals of the Continental Congress (Washington, D.C.: Govern­ ment Printing Office, 1909), Vol. XV, p. 1418. 12 Muhlenberg, The Life of Muhlenberg, p. 217. ,13 There is a discrepancy in the exact date in May. J.G. Francis ("Provident's Part in Provisioning the Camp at Valley Forge," Bulletin of Montgomery County, Vol. I, April 1939, p. 272) claims May 22 and Edward Hocker (Fighting Parson, p. 101) claims May 24.

I4Hocker, Fighting Parson, p. 101-2. 15 Muhlenberg, The Life of Muhlenberg, p. 143-8. Undated letter to Washington. 22

a battle psychologically; the winter had been a long one. However,

Philadelphia posed too great a risk. If the Americans moved north,

they could get fresh supplies and ney1 men, and undoubtedly, the British

would not continue to' hold Philadelphia and New York .. Therefore, Hlaf Muhlenberg suggested/fthe Continental Army proceed to New York under

the foil of attacking Philadelphia. The Council of War,held on June

17, wisely adopted this proposal unanimously,16 for as the troops began

to leave Valley Forge the next day, the British emptied Philadelphia and

headed for New York.

While the Moore family then lost its distinguished visitor of the

winter, they were visited again in 1787. But this time, it was George

Washington and not Peter Muhlenberg who descended upon them. During

the Constitutional Convention, Washington ventured out for a holiday

from the Philadelphia summer heat. He arrived with Gouverneur Morris '~f.:.~\~f't tto ;' ,;-'. S \ S _ at hj,g Upper Merion estate on July 30 to fish in Trout Run on the Moore 9 s .

property. The next day,after Hashington took a private tour of the

old campgrounds, he returned to the Moore's house to dine with Robert

Morris, his wife, and Jane Moore. That night, Washington stayed in

the same small one-room house where Muhlenberg had slept. However, he . 17 returned to the city the next morning, undoubtedly to larger quarters.

16Ibid., p. 148.

17 John C. Fitzpatrick, ed., The Diaries of George Washington: 1748-1799, Vol. III: 1786-1788 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1925), p. 230.

, ~ - ."' . :::.~' - . - ""-'~'"-.-''' -._,,0'. :·.".-;-'i~' ~, ,- .'.- -. :"!- ,. 23

IV. CONCLUSION

The large rambling stone house which today houses the Upper Merion

Community Center was only a small one-room building in 1777. Yet~ when the Continental Army limped into the Valley Forge area, it needed quarters--any type of quarters. Consequently, Brigadier-general Peter

Muhlenberg moved in with the Moore family of seven, though its house was only slightly larger than the'soldiers' huts. Yet, despite t,he size, the house did insulate Muhlenberg from some of the misfortunes l of the harsh Valley Forge winter. Unfortunately~Muhlenberg was still plagued with problems, personal ones. His demotion in rank made him ponder resignation, and only a firm, confident commander prevented it.

While Muhlenberg 'still was not confident of his continued service in the Army when he left the Moore house in June of 1778, he did go on to distinguish himself time and again, both as a general and later as a po1itician~ All of his accomplishments were recognized by the State government when, in 1877, Muhlenberg was chosen as one of the two most influential Pennsylvanians in state history, and his statue was erected 2 in Statuary Hall of the National Capital.

His home of the winter of 1777 to 1778, however, disappeared into oblivion. Despite the distinguished guests who had stayed there in the

lMajor Minnis described the bad conditions to James Thacher. Thacher, Military Journal During the American Revolutionary War, From 1775-1783 (Boston: Richardson and Lord, 1823), p. 153.

2 Hocker, The Fighting Parson, p. 175. 24

eighteenth century. the family continued to live there quietly farming

their land until the twentieth century. As Richard had prospered,

the house had grow. Then it grew again when the pastoral setting a. attracted wealthy men who desired ... country home'. Yet, with the rapid

development of the Industrial Park, the historic building came close

to demolition. But, happily, the Moore house is finally being allowed

to serve the public again, not by quartering a general but by offering

the residents of the community a place to learn and grow. As the

Upper Merion Community Center, it can well fulfill this purpose. Its

stone walls of long standin&having protected generals. ind~strial

magnates, and farmers,. have much to teach.

','

.. ,;~ .. : ..". ~ .,.,;' . ".' ,': -... -. '.-. -~ "-- ."~."'~-' ,.," . .. ;..- ." 25

APPENDIX A '.\ MOORE FAMILY TREE •

-John (d. 1715?) ~ (d. 1756?) I r-'-' _·_-··-..·--·r·-· ...... -··:· .. ·..· .. ··· .. ··· .. -r·"- .. ··· .... ·· .. ··-···· ...... ".. ··r .. -- .. -.. ~·· ..· ...... ·---·-j .. ·-·-·----, Catherine John Reese Sarah Richard Nordecai (1725-?) (1720- (1727- (1730-?) (17.31- (1735- 1778) 1751) 1757) 1802) + Jane III c+ o ::r (1729-1812) o

~'lPhebe r--- .. -_.. __ ...... -r--...... -...... '.. (liza (oSe~h 1835-1) 1 3 -1) •Ul ... + + '+ + N Issac Ambler Jennie Emily Emma '" 27

APPENDIX B

PLANS

These floor plans trace the probable development of the Moore House from construction to present.

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r~cI = 1'i"1{P Or Llr>d<>-.-k>.d.

\

• 34

APPENDIX C

PICTURES

Photographs of the house showing architectural features and current uses. Also, a picture of the house around 1900 from Edward Hocker's The Fighting Parson of the American Revolution (1923). uo" use on "uou··.n '-'Uc." "R;n o "d , G-ill ;>:' ",ills ty?ifies asyu~e t r i c~l facad e of s o ~e e ~l houses i n ~ea . Door to one sit~ of windows i s on f c.:::: s i cie of house ::r o ~l

,J' ~ "J) .; ". ::::. , · C.~7. o~ on H )J.:. gC - .... 1\. .... , h _ _ ..... t hr ea - s~ 0:ry wind.oi·; rl icD.arc.. · s house af'\..er f iIz-c. Standi nr; on first fl () o~ in 1932 Hing Uack i"to Gec~gian (1798-1223) additi on. Where hiO s t eps are W2,S front door to this Central staircase ~ l d rear door

In r oom 0: GeG= ~ian 'Dart of h o ~sz . Detail of fireplace Hit.n

•r:-ecier _ c.- 1.... s.,."J,.' -'l e FoociHo rk• • Steos- on left, t \.;entiuth c(!r:~ury alterc.tion to reach floor of olcest s ect i on. p,

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In• 1C_",-r'1t o' w';)"'1"'"~ •• b c·.1.... _-"';r_ _ ...:>...c·t l~loo_ '~_ . fireplace \'rhicb b?.cks 'up to ori;3ir_ :tl eighteenth c Gnt. ury one. !tea:!:' of ·c:ai:(;-c,v(.fl r:ould have been ut l eft . both this ~ uc::: ar.d original roo~ used :or pottery cla2 ~cL . Same . room, eastern wall. Uriginal fireplace behind present chalkboard. Bowed plaster added by Irwin. Narrow door punched through 18 inch wall to 1 bathroom. Now a classroom. __~ ;; :::: 0 :'" tha :'ioorc Hous e h'!': 2 C(\ i s hott 0 ;'.0 ::.. ~:;: :: (. . c h ~;s ~h C! ·oui::'ding . F !'" O!,l l eft -: is!.:;; t.. :.. '~ :'::' i.o n , :'!'le eldest section (sr::.;.11 :::'-0:, c: ', ;:r:d o \ ' I ~ 1.ll:d. er eaves), and Geor 6ian ( 1793-:.. 2?) ) a t.ciiti on . (Change in gable i l",i c C' ; ::s , ; he ~' e 1932 addition forms rit,ht 2.11 ' . ) :..::.,rch i s tWentieth century. - _.-" J'j

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• 40

· ......

... APPENDIX D MAP

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• SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. Atlases

Hopkins, G.M., and Co., Atlas of the Coutny of Montgomery and the State of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia: Edward Busch, 1871.

Naeff, M.A. Property Atlas of Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. Philadelphia: J .. L. Smith, 1893.

Scott, J.D. Atlas of Montgomery County, 1877.

Ii. Books

Bean, Theodore W., ed. History of Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. Philadelphia: E"Q"erts and PeGk, 1884.

Buck, William, J. History of Montgomery County \.Jithin the Schuylkill Valley. Norristownn: E.L. Acker, 1859.

Eberlien, Harold. Architecture of Colonial America. Boston: Little,. Brown, and Col, 1915.

Fitzpatrick, John C., ed., The Diaries of George Washington: 1748-1799. Vol. III: 1786-1788. Boston: Houghton . Mifflin Co ., 1925.

Hocker, Edward W. The Fighting Parson of the American Revolution. Philadelphia: By the author, 1936.

Hunsicker, Clinton S. Montgomery County, Pennsylvania: A History. New York: Lewis History Publishing Co., Inc., 1923.

Journal of the Continental Congress: 1774-1789. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1907.

Muhlenberg, Henry A. The Life of Major-General Peter Muhlenberg of the Revolutionary Army. Philadelphia: Carey and Hart, 1849.

Pennsylvania Archives. Vol. XV: Minutes of the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania. Harrisburg: Theodore Fenn and Co., 1853. 43

Pinkowski, Edward. '. ,Washington's Officers Slept Here,. Philadelphia: Sunshine Press, 1953. The National Park Service at Valley Forge warns that this book has many errors but that it also contains some • information which cannot be found elsewhere. Roberts, Ellwood, ed. Biographical Annals of Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. New York: T.S. Benham and Co.~ and Lewis Publishing Co., 1904.

Stoudt, John Joseph. Ordeal at Valley Forge'. Philadelphia:' University of Pennsylvania Press, 1963.

Thacher, James. Military Journal During the American Revolutionary War, From 1775-1783. Boston: Richardson and Lord, 1823.

Valley. Forge Orderly Book of General George Weedon of the Continental Army Under the Command of General George Washington in

Campaign of 1777-8. New York: Dodd t Mead,and eo.~ 1902.

Wallace, Paul A.W. The Muhlenbergsof Pennsylvania. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1950.

Woodman, Henry. The History of Valley Forge. Oaks, Pa: John U. Frances, Sr.~' 1920. ·Written 1850.

III .Newspaper~

The King of Prussia Courier. lice Takes a Look at Past Decade," May 27, 1971.

"Board Approves $100,000 Purchase of Irwin Estate," November 11, 1971.

"Historic Register Next for Community Center?" August 16, 1978.

"Planners Eye Ex-Muhlenberg HQ; Interest Shown, No . Negotiations," Spring, 1970.

IV. Journals

"Assessment of Damages Done by the British, 1777-78, Upper Merion,1I The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, XXV (1901), 557.

Ford, Worthington Chauncey. "Defenses of Phi1adelphis in 1777." The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, XXI (1897), 54-5. 44

"Fyee Inhabitants in Upper Merion Townshi-p in the County of Montgomery, State of Pennsylvania According to the .. Census of 1850." The Bulletin of the Historical Society of Montgomery County, XIV (Fall, 1964), 247-303.

Hocker, Edward, "Montgomery County History," The Bulletin of the Historical Society of Montgomery County, XII (Fall, 1959), 5-273.

"Orderly Book of General John Peter Gabriel Muhlenberg, March 26- December 20, 1777," the Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, XXXV (1911). 156-87, 290-303;

Richards, H.M.M. "Valley Forge and the Pennsylvania-Germans," .Proceedings of the Pennsylvania-German Soci'ety, XXVI (November 2, 1961).

Roberts, Ellwood. "Valley Forge Campground." The Bulletin of the Historical Society of Montgomery County, XIV (Fall~ 1964), 338-53.

V. Sources ,at the City Hall Annex, Philadelphia (Hol,ds the archives of Upper Merion Township before 1784) ,

Tax Records 1773,1774,1775, undated year before 1781, and 1782.-

Administrations of Wills John Moore Inventory, November 1, 1756. John Moore Orphan Court Proceed~ng. January 5, 1715. There are many more John Moore listings but I was either unable to attain them and thus evaluate them or they

I did not 'seem to be the Upper Merion John Moores for whom I was searching.

VI. Sources at theWolfsohn Memorial Library, Kin& of Prussia (Local history file)

,Newspaper artic'les by Ed. Dybicz, a local historian, unattributed. "July Fourth Recalls Historic Activity in U.M." "Old Assessment Records Include Hatches, Dogs," January, 1967. "Township History Recalled by New Petition." "Trace History of Cultural Center House," October 22, 1968.

Maps, unattributed. Subp1an: Swedesburg, 1912. Upper Merion Map, 1876. 45

e--.. VII. Sources at the Montgomery County Historical Society, Norristown Scrapbooks of Edward W. Hocker, articles from The Times-Herald of Norristown. Compiled in 1948.

"Bitter Battle Eleven Years Ago Over Closing of Moore Road,'" April 28, 1949.

"Hearing Held at Court House on Moore Road," June 19, 1937. I, ' "Moore Road," (editorial) October 2, 1936.

"Mordecai R. Moore Had a Large Share in Norristown's Real Estate Development, ':' Nove mber 18, 1938.

"Road Dispute Before Court Again Today~" October 26, 1936.

Tax Assessments for Upper Merion Township. r,i Direct Hindow Pane Tax, 1798.

Yearly Assessment, 1789-1810.

VIII. Sources in the Archives of Montgomery County

Deeds dating from 1784 are kept at the Recorder of Deeds, Montgomery County Court House.

Wills, Inventories, and Aclministrations after 1784 are at the Montgomery County Annex Building, Norristown.

IX. Assistance Given By:

David Broida and Ron Taylor of the Upper Merion Parks and Recreation Department who are working on the application , to the National Register of Historic Places.

Roland Fleischer of the Art History Department of The Pennsylvania I State University gave me advice on the possible development I~ of ,the Moore House. . Jack Loller of the Philadelphia Office of Cabot, Cabot, and Forbes, Inc. talked to me about their ownership of the building.

John Reed, a local historian, did initial' research on the building in 1970 when the Board of Supervisors was considering buying the property with the Moore house.