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Pakistan's 1951 Census Pakistan’s 1951 Census: State-Building in Post-Partition Sindh Sarah Ansari Royal Holloway, University of London, Egham, Surrey TW20 0EX, UK. [email protected] Keywords: Sindh; 1951 Census; citizenship; nation-building; state-building; Pakistan. Abstract: This article explores the carrying out of Pakistan’s first (1951) census from the perspective of contemporary developments in the southern province of Sindh. Conducted against the backdrop of Partition-related migration to and from the province, this attempt at population enumeration proved to be a mammoth bureaucratic undertaking on the part of the recently-created Pakistani state. The challenges that this exercise posed at the provincial level shed light on processes of attempted nation-building, as well as the centrality of population counting to the biopolitical management of citizenship, during a key period of transition in mid-twentieth century Sindh. …the Pakistan Census Commissioner appealed to every citizen of Pakistan to see that he is enumerated properly and none of his family members are missed out, that nobody is enumerated more than once, and the enumerator is given a truthful answer to all the questions…1 From the perspective of the Pakistani province of Sindh, Partition’s main impact was demographic: as a territorial unit, unlike the Punjab or Bengal, the province’s recently- acquired borders remained intact, but the existing balance between the different groups making up its pre-1947 population was upset by the arrival of Muslims in huge numbers from other parts of the subcontinent and, in due course, the departure of many of its non-Muslims for what had become India.2 After World War II growing support for the Muslim League’s manifesto in Muslim-majority provinces, had translated into an increasing proportion of Muslims in Sindh starting to welcome the idea of some kind of ‘Pakistan’ in the run-up to 1 The Pakistan Times (9 Feb. 1951). 2 Sarah Ansari, Life after Partition: Migration, Community and Strife in Sindh, 1947-1962 (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2005), pp. 46-73. 2 independence, whether or not they understood this to involve the creation of a separate sovereign ‘homeland’ for South Asia’s Muslims. 3 But what took them, like other contemporaries across South Asia, by surprise was the sheer size of the population transfer that accompanied the process of partitioning British India into two independent successor states. In this context, earlier sensitivities regarding the presence of ‘outsiders’ were revived, producing contradictions in the immediate post-Partition policies of Sindhi administrations: on the one hand, local Muslim politicians swung between welcoming incomers and cautioning against too many of them arriving; on the other, sometimes they urged non-Muslims to stay, while, on other occasions, facilitating (or even encouraging) the latter to leave.4 Sindhi ambivalence over what ‘Pakistan’ promised predated independence. By early August 1947, despite support for the creation of a separate Muslim state in the Sindh Legislative Assembly, there was nervousness about what the future held for the province itself. In the words of a contemporary observer: Many persons in Sind [sic] are beginning to wonder as to whether the establishment of the Pakistan Government in Karachi may not result in the province of Sind [sic] becoming swamped by an inflow of persons from other parts of the new Dominion, which will result in this province being reduced to an insignificant position.5 3 For recent different approaches towards understanding the political thinking that propelled the so-called Pakistan Movement, see Faisal Devji, Muslim Zion: Pakistan as a Political Idea (London: Hurst and Co., 2013) and Venkat Dhulipala, Creating a New Medina: State Power, Islam, and the Quest for Pakistan in Late Colonial North India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015). Both studies, however, focus primarily on the priorities and strategies of Muslims operating in parts of the subcontinent where they constituted a local minority. There has been far less interest in late directed towards accounting for how and why Muslims in so-called ‘Muslim-majority’ provinces came to support the Muslim League agenda, and so, in this respect, studies such as David Gilmartin’s ‘classic’ Empire and Islam: Punjab and the Making of Pakistan (Berkeley CA., University of California Press, 1988) remain key to our understanding, just as Ayesha Jalal’s The Sole Spokesman: Jinnah, the Muslim League, and the Demand for Pakistan (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985) underlined the importance of taking account of the contingent factors at work in Indian politics after 1939. 4 Ansari, Life after Partition, Chapter 4. 5 Transmission of a copy of an editorial in the Daily Gazette (5 Aug. 1947) entitled ‘Sind’s Place in Pakistan’, US Consulate Karachi, Despatch 77, 8 Aug. 1947, 845F.01/8-847, United States National Archives (henceforth USNA). 3 As this newspaper editorial suggested, the question of how independence would affect Sindh had already become a source of concern, with reports at the time (correctly it would appear) predicting that the issue was likely to cause serious friction in the longer-term. Not surprisingly perhaps, numerical anxieties—usually regarding people but about other matters as well—then proceeded to underpin political debates and disagreements regarding Sindh's place in post-Partition Pakistan. It was in this fluid—political and demographic—context that Pakistan’s first national census was carried out in 1951. Conducted against the backdrop of Partition-related migration, it represented a mammoth bureaucratic undertaking on the part of the (still very new) Pakistani state, made tricky by the ongoing uncertainties generated by millions of people so recently on the move. At a provincial level, Sindh presented the census organizers with a particular set of tricky challenges linked to the demographic upheavals that the region was still experiencing. One specific difficulty that they faced was that census delimitation in the province had—in practice—to be based on very rough estimates of population, with potential inaccuracies linked to the continued arrival of migrants, their frequent changes in residence, and—importantly for local census officials—the lack of any proper record regarding the huge number of temporary dwellings that had been springing up since August 1947. In 1949 there were still an estimated 45,000 to 95,000 refugees in unofficial camps, while at least the same number again were to be found living in temporary shelters, all of which posed complications for the collection of census data.6 Likewise—to judge from contemporary reports—in the event it proved easier to count people located in rural parts of Sindh than in towns and cities: the disruptions to urban life caused by Partition-related migration presented more practical 6 Dawn (3 March 1949); ‘Status of Refugee Problem in West Pakistan’, Despatch 475, 9 Nov. 1949, 845F.48/11-949, USNA. 4 difficulties than in the (relatively more) settled countryside.7 The arrival of hundreds of thousands of muhajirs, together with over-spill migrants from other parts of Pakistan, posed enormous practical difficulties for administrators and enumerators at a time when the local bureaucracy lacked manpower and experience. Without doubt, as the carrying-out of Pakistan’s 1951 census in Sindh highlighted, and as historians and other social scientists now acknowledge, Partition was an extended process that dragged on for many years in terms of the practical—nation-building—tasks that it posed. Pakistan may have come into existence at the stroke of midnight on 14/15 August 1947, but as a state created from scratch it remained a ‘work in progress’ for long after its founding moment.8 Its first census, therefore, needs also to be viewed as a deliberate attempt at state- building, its effectiveness hinging not just on how systematically it categorised, enumerated and documented the population, but also on Pakistan’s recently-created citizens themselves sharing responsibility for the exercise working smoothly. Building on Foucault’s argument that “modern ‘governmentality’ takes population as its object”,9 many now view enumeration as “a critical modality of governmentality”: after all, “what kind of statistics are collected, 7 First Census of Pakistan 1951: Administrative Report, Part Two: The Reports of the Provincial Superintendents of Census Operations (Karachi: Government of Pakistan Press, 1953), Chapter 11 – Karachi (henceforth Karachi Report), p.123 8 See, among other studies on the afterlife of Partition, Yasmin Khan, The Great Partition: The Making of India and Pakistan (London: Yale University Press, 2007), Vazira Fazila-Yacoobali Zamindar, The Long Partition and the Making of Modern South Asia: Refugees, Boundaries, Histories (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007), T. Y. Tan and G. Kudaisya, The Aftermath of Partition in South Asia (London: Routledge, 2000); Yasmin Khan, ‘The Ending of an Empire: From Imagined Communities to Nation States in India and Pakistan’, in The Iconography of Independence: Freedoms at Midnight, eds. Robert Holland, Susan Williams and Terry Barringer (London and New York: Routledge, 2010), pp. 47-56. For a contemporary assessment of the challenges faced by Pakistan immediately after Partition, see Richard Symonds, ‘State Making in Pakistan’, Far Eastern Survey, Vol. 19, no. 5 (8 March 1950), pp. 45-50. 9 Bruce Curtis, ‘Foucault on Governmentality and Population: The Impossible
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