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The Stories of People from Poor Rural Backgrounds in Sindh, Pakistan

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The Stories of People from Poor Rural Backgrounds in Sindh, Pakistan Making a Better Life: The Stories of People from Poor Rural Backgrounds in Sindh, Pakistan Ambreen Shahriar Submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Educational Studies, Goldsmiths, University of London June 2013 1 Declaration I hereby declare that this thesis has not been and will not be, submitted in whole or in part, to another University for the award of any other degree. Signature: __________________________________ Ambreen Shahriar 2 Acknowledgements This PhD has been a long journey for me, and my personal life changed much through the course of my studies. However, with my share of problems, struggles and responsibilities, the best thing was that this PhD was a sort of refuge. I would like to express my warmest gratitude to both my supervisors, who were unstinting with their time and patience. Professor Eve Gregory was unfailingly positive and supportive throughout, both academically and personally. I have gained a lifelong friend and mentor in her. Dr John Jessel was always encouraging and combined insight with incisiveness helping me understand different aspects of research clearly. I feel privileged to have worked under Dr John’s supervision. At the centre of this research are my seven participants. Their passion, commitment and strength have been a continuing example throughout my work. I hope I have done them justice. Special thanks are due to Dr Peter Winbourne and Prof. Ken Jones for their valuable feedback. I would also like to thank Joan Lofters and Myrna Felix for their support during all these years. Thanks are also due to Dr Klaus Bung, my proof-reader, for his insight into the English syntax. I would like to thank my family for their continuous love and support over the past years. For the unequivocal support of Shahriar, my husband, throughout, I cannot thank him enough. Malhaar, my son, has been a great relief in the stressful times during the final stages of my thesis. My late father-in-law, Abdul Jabbar Daudpota, had been a great source of encouragement and support throughout. If only he were here… I would, especially, like to thank my brother, Saquib, who with his fight against death, which he ultimately lost, taught a lesson ‘never give up’ and I understood the importance of life. I gratefully acknowledge the scholarships and bursaries that I received through this study from The University of Sindh, Pakistan; Goldsmiths, University of London UK; Higher Education Commission of Pakistan and Charles Wallace Trust. Besides some of the bursaries were received for presenting my work at different conferences, which also helped me greatly. It would not have been possible to conduct this research and write my thesis without the help and support of all the people mentioned above and a lot of other friends who read through my thesis and gave suggestions. My mere expression of thanks does not suffice. 3 Abstract This study analyses the stories of young people, both male and female, from rural and economically weak backgrounds. Participants in the present study come from the province of Sindh, Pakistan, and Sindhi is their first language. The data consist of the narratives of their lives. They deal with their attitudes and behaviours, actions and struggles, hurdles and hardships, expectations and desires. The participants talked about their family, home, village, surroundings, socio-economic problems, etc. My participants struggled to make ends meet economically and worked hard to improve their social position and that of their families. This study tries to interpret the observations of the interviews in terms of the theories and categories of Pierre Bourdieu (cultural, social, and symbolic capital; habitus, field, symbolic violence, practice, etc) and treats them as evidence of these theories. Symbolic Interactionism was used to interpret small-world lives of one-to-one interaction of individuals with individuals and artefacts and their roles. Narrative Analysis was applied to stories taken from two interviews. I investigated how young people from poor rural backgrounds progressed towards a better standard of living. The socio-economic position of my participants in the social structures of their native villages hindered or facilitated their progress towards their goals. By interacting with people and artefacts in their environment, my participants managed to improve their standing in wider society. By getting an education, they found a way to cope with their day-to-day problems. But they were hindered in these attempts by the restrictions inherent in the existing social structures. This study found that my participants had to overcome obstacles which were so great that many other people from the same background never succeeded in doing so. This study is an attempt to look at their lives and the world at large through their eyes. 4 Table of Contents Declaration 2 Acknowledgements 3 Abstract 4 Table of Contents 5 List of Figures 10 Participants of Research 11 1. Our Trajectories 12 1.1 Introduction 13 1.2 How the Journey Began 14 1.3 Structure of the Thesis 17 2. Sindh, Pakistan: People within their Context 21 2.1 Introduction 22 2.2 Pakistan: Geo-political evolution 23 2.3 Sindh: The history 25 2.4 Sindhis: Before and after Partition 28 2.4.1 Religion 32 2.4.2 Language 33 2.4.3 Education 35 2.4.4 Job Market 36 2.5 Summary 38 3. The Pilot Study 40 5 3.1 Introduction 41 3.2 Context – from the outside inwards 42 3.2.1 Research Participants 43 3.2.2 Researcher in the Research 44 3.3 Patterns that Separate 45 3.3.1 Personality and character 47 3.3.2 Social standing 48 3.3.3 Economic condition 51 3.3.4 Education 52 3.4 Analysis of the Narrative 53 3.4.1 Extract 1: Sarmad on ‘Money Matters’ 55 3.4.2 Extract 2: Aqeel on ‘Corporal Punishment’ 58 3.4.3 Extract 3: Sarmad on ‘Take Tuitions’ 60 3.5 Themes arising from the Data 63 3.5.1 Inclusion and Exclusion 63 3.5.2 Motivation: Intrinsic and Extrinsic 65 3.5.3 Discrimination 66 3.6 Focus of the Main Study 66 3.7 Summary 68 4. Theoretical Framework 70 4.1 Introduction 71 4.2 Bordieu’s Theory of Practice 72 4.3 Symbolic Interactionism 82 4.4 Summary 88 5. Final Preparation and Stepping into the Field 90 5.1 Introduction 91 5.2 Theoretical Considerations 92 6 5.2.1 Research Approach: Ethnographic 93 5.2.2 Research Methodology: Case Study 96 5.2.3 Research Tool: Life Story Interview 97 5.3 Research Procedure 101 5.3.1 Research Questions 105 5.3.2 Research Context 106 5.3.2.1 Research Participants 107 5.3.3 Data Collection 112 5.3.3.1 Reflexivity 113 5.3.3.2 Ethical Issues 116 5.3.4 Data Analysis 117 5.3.4.1 Issues of Translation 118 5.3.4.2 Issues of Evaluation 123 5.4 Summary 125 6. Stories from the Field 127 6.1 Introduction 128 6.2 Ahmar’s Story: Four slaps are enough 129 6.3 Abdur Razzak’s Story: Never give up 138 6.4 Shabana’s Story: The loneliness of a free spirit 144 6.5 Farhana’s Story: If only I’d been born a boy 158 6.6 Farwa’s Story: The turning point 164 6.7 Summary 172 7. Understanding the Stories 173 7.1 Introduction 174 7.2 Early Socialisation: Field and Capital 175 7.2.1 Roles and responsibilities as men and women 177 7.2.2 Education as a key to better life 181 7 7.3 Habitus developed through time 185 7.4 Symbolic Violence 189 7.5 Logic of Practice 191 7.6 Summary 195 8. A Close Look at Individual Voice 196 8.1 Introduction 197 8.2 What is Narrative Analysis? 198 8.2.1 Labov’s Model of Narrative Analysis 200 8.3 Self-respect and motivation: Ahmar 203 8.4 Choice and circumstances: Shabana 210 8.5 Summary 219 9. Concluding Thoughts 221 9.1 Introduction 222 9.2 My Theoretical Understanding 223 9.3 Reflections on the Research and Research Questions 225 9.4 Implications 229 9.4.1 Implication in the Pakistani Context 230 9.4.2 Implications of Theory and Findings 231 9.4.3 Implications for further research 232 9.5 Concluding Remarks 233 References 236 Appendices Appendix 1 - Map of Sindh during different periods of history 255 Appendix 2 - Education System in Pakistan 256 Appendix 3 - Classrooms in Different Types of Schools 259 8 Appendix 4 - Nikkah, the Islamic marriage 260 Appendix 5 - Ethnographic Enquiry versus Experimental Enquiry 261 Appendix 6 - Child Marriage in Medieval Europe 262 Appendix 7 - Seven Moments of Qualitative Research 263 Appendix 8 - The Map of Interviews 264 Appendix 9 - Sample of Interview Transcription 265 Glossary Glossary 1 - Terms from Sindhi/Pakistani context 270 Glossary 2 - My understanding of terms used in the thesis 272 9 List of Figures 3.1 Patterns in the Data 46-7 3.2 The Structure of Narrative in the Evaluation Model 55 3.3 Model of Narrative Structure - Sarmad 58 3.4 Social Reality 64 4.1 Bourdieu’s Conceptual Triad 73 4.2 Habitus 74 4.3 Power Struggle in Force Field 76 5.1 Research Design 92 5.2 Ethnographic Traits in my Research 94 5.3 My study is Ethnographic in nature 96 5.4 My Case Study Theory 97 5.5 Autobiography 99 5.6 Aspirations and Success Matrix 104 6.1 Shabana’s Family 146 8.1 Four Major Divisions of Narrative Analysis 200 8.2 A Comparison of Theories of Narrative Structure 201 8.3 Evaluation Model of Narrative Analysis 202 8.4 Narrative Structure of Shabana’s Story 218 10 Participants of Research Pilot Study Sarmad Male Aqeel Male Main Study Ahmar Male Abdur Razzak Male Shabana Female Farhana Female Farwa Female 11 1 Our Trajectories My father got me admission to college and I started going to college.
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