How to Swear in Maliseet-Passamaquoddy and Penobscot

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

How to Swear in Maliseet-Passamaquoddy and Penobscot How to Swear in Maliseet-Passamaquoddy and Penobscot Philip S. LeSourd Indiana University Conor McDonough Quinn Massachusetts Institute of Technology Abstract. In the Eastern Algonquian languages Maliseet-Passamaquoddy and Penobscot, evaluative forms of verbs are derived by inserting one of several morphemes, not meaningful in themselves, within the verb stem. Corresponding derivatives of nouns and particles are formed by suffixation. This article documents the shapes that these derivatives take and the ways in which they are used to express anger, scorn, impatience, or intensity. Comparative evidence suggests that the source of these formations is an old process by which morphemes making reference to intimate body parts and other off-color concepts were added to verbs and nouns. 1. Introduction The Eastern Algonquian languages Maliseet-Passamaquoddy and Penobscot employ a system of morphological modifications of nouns, verbs, and particles to indicate anger, scorn, impatience, or intensity—and sometimes to show approval or to signal closeness.1 Forms of the type in question were noted in Penobscot by Speck (1918), who referred to them as objurgatives, from the verb objurgate ‘reproach or denounce vehemently’, and we adopt Speck’s term here. The objurgative forms of verbs raise particularly interesting issues, since they are derived (descriptively speaking) by inserting one of several morphemes, specialized for this use, within the verb stem. This article provides an analysis of the objurgative forms of Maliseet- Passamaquoddy and Penobscot and illustrates their use. Maliseet and Passamaquoddy are mutually intelligible dialects of a single language. Maliseet is spoken today primarily in several communities along the Saint John River in New Brunswick and in the area around Houlton in Aroostook Co., Maine. Passamaquoddy is spoken in two communities in the St. Croix Valley in Washington Co., Maine. Estimates from the mid-1990s place the total number of fluent speakers of the two dialects at around 500, a minority of the population (Leavitt 1996:1). Penobscot, spoken into the 1990s at Indian Island in the Penobscot Valley of Maine, is a dialect of Eastern Abenaki. The two languages were long in contact and share a large proportion of their vocabulary. One of the textual examples of an objurgative verb form pointed out by Speck in his Penobscot work is presented in (1), while three Maliseet-Passamaquoddy examples are given in (2). The objurgative morphemes are in boldface. Corresponding non-objurgative forms are provided for comparison. It will be observed that the other components of the stems are subject to different modifications in the two types of forms. These are the result of regular morphophonological processes, to which we return below. 2 (1) a. nòhkcm-i, nct-clcm-ccé-hte-law-á wáp-skw. grandmother-VOC 1-away-OBJURG-strike-by.projectile-DIR white-bear ‘Grandmother, I have shot that damn White Bear.’ (Pen., Speck 1918:240, our translation) cf. nct-clcm-íhte-law-á ‘I shot him’ (Pen., Siebert 1996a:155) (2) a. Naka nìt=te=hc=4na qen-al4kittiye-hp4nol-t-uhtí-hti-t. and then=EMPH=FUT=too length-OBJURG-fight-RECIP-MPL-PROX.PL-3AN ‘And then they (pl.) would go on fighting like hell with each other, too.’ (Mal.) cf. qen-ihp4nol-tí-mok ‘during the war (i.e., while people are fighting)’ (MPD), with unspecified subject suffix -mok b. Wòt=kahk skàt meht-4liqe-nè-w. this.PROX=CONTRAST not finish-OBJURG-die-(3)-NEG ‘This damn thing (a bear) isn’t dead after all!’ (Pass.) cf. mehc-íne ‘he dies, is dead’ (Pass.) c. Téhpu=yaq qeni=l-ahké-hti-t 4tuhk-ol only=REPORT length=thus-throw-PROX.PL-3AN deer-OBV.SG 3 naka mace-luttiye-phuwá-n0-ya. and away-OBJURG-flee-N-PROX.PL ‘They just dropped the deer and ran the hell away.’ (Pass.; Newell 1974:5, retranscribed) cf. mace-phúwe ‘he runs away’ (Pass.) The way objurgative morphemes are inserted into verb stems may remind readers of the process of Expletive Insertion in English, analyzed by McCarthy (1982), which gives rise to forms like fan-fuckin-tastic. McCarthy proposed a morphological rule of Expletive Insertion for English that operates in terms of the prosodic structure of the word, inserting the expletive at the edge of a foot. The distribution of the objurgative morphemes of Maliseet-Passamaquoddy and Penobscot is not prosodically conditioned, however, but is entirely a matter of morphology: the position that an objurgative morpheme occupies within a stem is a function of a tightly organized system of stem structure. Moreover, we will see that the process by which objurgative forms are derived may not, in the end, involve insertion. It should be noted as well that Zonneveld (1984) has argued that English Expletive Insertion may better be analyzed as a language game rather than a rule of grammar. However this may be, the Algonquian process that concerns us here is unquestionably a grammatical phenomenon. The stems of Algonquian verbs typically have either a bipartite or a tripartite structure: they consist either of an initial component plus a final component, or of an initial, a medial, and a final (Bloomfield 1946, Goddard 1990). (The situation is complicated, however, by the fact that 4 components of any of these position classes may be internally complex.) The objurgative elements that appear within verb stems may be understood in these terms as belonging to the class of medials. When we look a little more carefully at the properties of objurgative formations, however, it turns out that things are not quite as simple as this. First, there can ordinarily be at most one medial in a verb stem (apart from cases involving compound medials or other internally complex components). But at least one of the objurgative morphemes of Maliseet-Passamaquoddy can freely cooccur with another medial, suggesting that these elements are not ordinary members of this class of components. Second, some objurgative formations (attested only in Maliseet- Passamaquoddy) appear to be derived not from simplex verb stems, but rather from compound stems consisting of a preverb plus a formally complete stem. The preverbs in question (like most preverbs) are themselves derivatives of components that may also appear as initials within verb stems. In a derived objurgative form of this type, the initial component of the underlying preverb- verb compound functions as an initial, and the stem of the underlying compound functions as a complex final. Thus these objurgative formations effectively masquerade as ordinary verb stems, even though they are based on compounds rather than on stems. This is a unique morphological construction, quite unlike anything else in the language. Objurgative forms of nouns are common in Maliseet-Passamquoddy, but are not securely attested in Penobscot. The Maliseet-Passamquodddy examples are interesting, since they appear to be derived not from the phonological underlying forms of nouns, but rather from their surface forms. In general, however, the nominal forms are much less varied than the corresponding 5 verbal forms, and only one objurgative morpheme is used in making these derivatives. Objurgative particles are also relatively restricted, but are attested in both languages. The objurgative forms of Maliseet-Passamaquoddy are used by both men and women. Their characteristic morphemes are regarded by contemporary speakers as having no literal meanings; but as we demonstrate, at least some of them have their origins in off-color expressions. Presumably as a function of this etymology, objurgative forms are still regarded as potentially offensive language; and in the days when the language was still in active use among children such forms were regarded as inappropriate for their use. In contemporary Maliseet and Passamaquoddy, objurgatives continue to serve a variety of functions. They are often used to express anger or annoyance, but frequently it is not the speaker’s attitude but that of one of the participants in the situation that the speaker describes that an objurgative serves to signal. As verbal intensifiers, these morphemes may also be used to indicate that the action or state named by the verb is itself intense or extreme. For this reason, objurgative forms are a useful device in story-telling. Finally, objurgative forms can be used as a humorous device to signal approval or as a sign of the closeness of the relationship between individuals. Below we first analyze the formation of objurgatives of various categories, focusing on their morphologically interesting properties. We then turn to the question of the functions that these forms serve. Finally, we consider objurgative formations from a comparative point of view, showing that the semantically empty character of the objurgative morphemes is the result of bleaching. 6 2. Objurgative verb forms in Maliseet-Passamaquoddy The objurgative verb forms of Maliseet-Passamaquoddy, as we have already noted, may usually be described as derived from the corresponding nonobjurgative form by inserting one of several specialized morphemes into the stem of the verb as a medial. The most frequently encountered objurgative morphemes are -al4kittiye- and -4liqe-. These are illustrated in (3) and (4). (3) a. ’tawi=wol-ihpúksu know.how=good-taste-(3) ‘it (an.) is good eating (tastes good)’ (MPD) b. ’tawi=wol-al4kittiye-hpúksu know.how=good-OBJURG-taste-(3) ‘it (an.) is damn good eating’ (MPD) (4) a. n-mat-4n-óku-n (< /n-mat-4n-4ku-n/) 1-fight-by.hand-INV-N ‘he attacked me’ (Pass.) b. n-mat-4liqé-n-ku-n (< /n-mat-4liqe-4n-4ku-n/) 1-fight-OBJURG-by.hand-INV-N ‘the damn thing (a bee) attacked me’ (Pass.) 7 Note that the final -ihpuksu in (3a) (underlying /-hpuksi-/ plus the third-person suffix /-w/) begins with /i/. This is actually an epenthetic vowel, added to a consonant-initial final component after a nonsyllabic.
Recommended publications
  • 1.1 Passamaquoddy, They Speak Malecite-Passamaquoddy (Also Known As Maliseet- Passamaquoddy
    1.1 Passamaquoddy, they speak Malecite-Passamaquoddy (also known as Maliseet- Passamaquoddy. It is an endangered language from the Algonquian language family (1) 1.2 Pqm (2) 1.3 45.3,-66.656 (3) 1.4 The Passamaquoddy tribe belonged to the loose confederation of eastern American Indians known as the Wabanaki Alliance, together with the Maliseet, Mi'kmaq, Abenaki, and Penobscot tribes. Today most Passamaquoddy people live in Maine, in two communities along the Passamaquoddy Bay that bears their name. However, there is also a band of a few hundred Passamaquoddy people in New Brunswick. The French referred to both the Passamaquoddy and their Maliseet kinfolk by the same name, "Etchimins." They were closely related peoples who shared a common language, but the two tribes have always considered themselves politically independent. Smallpox and other European diseases took a heavy toll on the Passamaquoddy tribe, which was reduced from at least 20,000 people to no more than 4000. Pressured by European and Iroquois aggression, the Maliseet and Passamaquoddy banded together with their neighbors the Abenakis, Penobscots, and Micmacs into the short-lived but formidable Wabanaki Confederacy. This confederacy was no more than a loose alliance, however, and neither the Maliseet nor the Passamaquoddy nation ever gave up their sovereignty. Today the Passamaquoddy live primarily in the United States and the Maliseet in Canada, but the distinction between the two is not imposed by those governments--the two tribes have always been politically distinct entities. (4) 1.5 After working with the French and joining the Abnaki confederation against the English, many converted to Catholicism.
    [Show full text]
  • A Report on Indian Township Passamaquoddy Tribal Lands In
    A REPORT ON INDIAN TOWNSHIP PASSAMAQUODDY TRIBAL LANDS IN THE VICINITY OF PRINCETON, MAINE Anthony J. Kaliss 1971 Introduction to 1971 Printing Over two years have passed since I completed the research work for this report and during those years first one thing and ttan another prevented its final completion and printing. The main credit for the final preparation and printing goes to the Division of Indian Services of the Catholic Diocese of Portland and the American Civil Liberities Union of Maine. The Dioscese provided general assistance from its office staff headed by Louis Doyle and particular thanks is due to Erline Paul of Indian Island who did a really excellent job of typing more than 50 stencils of title abstracts, by their nature a real nuisance to type. The American Civil Liberities Union contrib­ uted greatly by undertaking to print the report Xtfhich will come to some 130 pages. Finally another excellent typist must be thanked and that is Edward Hinckley former Commissioner of Indian Affairs who also did up some 50 stencils It is my feeling that this report is more timely than ever. The Indian land problems have still not been resolved, but more and more concern is being expressed by Indians and non-Indians that something be done. Hopefully the appearance of this report at this time will help lead to some definite action whether in or out of the courts. Further research on Indian lands and trust funds remains to be done. The material, I believe, is available and it is my hope that this report will stimulate someone to undertake the necessary work.
    [Show full text]
  • Exploring Narrator-Reader Relationships with Jim Thompson's
    Exploring Narrator-Reader Relationships with Jim Thompson’s Victims of Circumstance: Lou Ford, Dolly Dillon, William “Kid” Collins, and Charles Bigger By Nicolena Marie Crescenzo A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Dorothy F. Schmidt College of Arts and Letters In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of English Florida Atlantic University Boca Raton, FL December 2018 Copyright 2018 by Nicolena Marie Crescenzo ii Acknowledgements The author wishes to express sincere gratitude to her committee members for all of their support, and special thanks to my advisor for his patience and encouragement during the typing of this manuscript. The author is grateful to her family for always supporting her efforts to be successful. Last but not least, the author wishes to thank her mentors during her undergraduate studies for their recommendations academically and professionally that have helped her reach this point. iv Abstract Author: Nicolena Marie Crescenzo Title: Exploring Narrator-Reader Relationships with Jim Thompson’s Victims of Circumstance: Lou Ford, Dolly Dillon, William “Kid” Collins, and Charles Bigger Institution: Florida Atlantic University Thesis Advisor: Dr. Robert Don Adams Degree: Master of English Year: 2018 By examining Jim Thompson’s novels, published between 1952-1955–The Killer Inside Me, A Hell of a Woman, After Dark, My Sweet, and Savage Night–this essay interrogates the relationship created between the narrator and the reader, how the narrator–and Thompson in turn–highlights certain societal flaws, emphasizing how ethical consequence is born out of the attempt to attain freedom from one’s cultural circumstance–both in terms of economic restraint and mental health status.
    [Show full text]
  • Swear Words Uttered by the Main Characters in Ted 2 Movie
    PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI SWEAR WORDS UTTERED BY THE MAIN CHARACTERS IN TED 2 MOVIE A SARJANA PENDIDIKAN THESIS Presented as Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements to Obtain the Sarjana Pendidikan Degree in English Language Education By Rebecca Puspa Crysmasari Student Number: 141214116 ENGLISH LANGUAGE EDUCATION STUDY PROGRAM DEPARTMENT OF LANGUAGE AND ARTS EDUCATION FACULTY OF TEACHERS TRAINING AND EDUCATION SANATA DHARMA UNIVERSITY YOGYAKARTA 2018 PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI THIS THESIS IS DEDICATED TO MYSELF iv PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI ABSTRACT Crysmasari, Rebecca Puspa. (2018). Swear Words Uttered by the Main Characters in TED 2 Movie. Yogyakarta: English Language Education Study Program, Faculty of Teachers Training and Education, Sanata Dharma University. Swear words can be found in the mass media communication, such as magazines and movies. Swear words can be regarded as positive or negative terms. People tend to use swear words to express their certain emotions. Thus, the researcher is interested in analyzing swear words which are uttered by the main characters in a movie. This study aims to analyze swear words used by the main characters in TED 2 movie. There are two questions formulated in this research. The research questions are 1) How do Ted and John use swear words in TED 2 movie? 2) What are the motives behind the swear words uttered by Ted and John in TED 2 movie? This research was a qualitative research. The researcher applied the discourse analysis.
    [Show full text]
  • A Chapter in Penobscot History
    The Rebirth of a Nation? A Chapter in Penobscot History NICHOLAS N. SMITH Brunswick, Maine THE EARLIEST PERIOD The first treaty of peace between the Maine Indians and the English came to a successful close in 1676 (Williamson 1832.1:519), and it was quickly followed by a second with other Indians further upriver. On 28 April 1678, the Androscoggin, Kennebec, Saco and Penobscot went to Casco Bay and signed a peace treaty with commissioners from Massachusetts. By 1752 no fewer than 13 treaties were signed between Maine Indians negotiating with commissioners representing the Colony of Massachu­ setts, who in turn represented the English Crown. In 1754, George II of England, defining Indian tribes as "independent nations under the protec­ tion of the Crown," declared that henceforth only the Crown itself would make treaties with Indians. In 1701 Maine Indians signed the Great Peace of Montreal (Havard [1992]: 138); in short, the French, too, recognized the Maine tribes as sov­ ereign entities with treaty-making powers. In 1776 the colonies declared their independence, terminating the Crown's regulation of treaties with Maine Indians; beween 1754 and 1776 no treaties had been made between the Penobscot and England. On 19 July 1776 the Penobscot, Passamaquoddy, Maliseet and Micmac Indi­ ans acknowledged the independence of the American colonies, when a delegation from the tribes went to George Washington's headquarters to declare their allegiance to him and offered to fight for his cause. John Allan, given a Colonel's rank, was the agent for the Passamaquoddy, Maliseet and Micmac, but refused to work with the Penobscot, ..
    [Show full text]
  • A Brief History of the Passamaquoddy Indians
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Maine The University of Maine DigitalCommons@UMaine Maine History Documents Special Collections 1977 A Brief History of the Passamaquoddy Indians Susan M. Stevens Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/mainehistory Part of the History Commons This Essay is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UMaine. It has been accepted for inclusion in Maine History Documents by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UMaine. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Revised 1/77 A BRIEF HISTORY Pamp 4401 of the c.l PASSAMAQUODDY INDIANS By Susan M. Stevens - 1972 The Passamaquoddy Indians of Maine are located today on two State Reservations about 50 miles apart. One is on Passamaquoddy Bay, near Eastport (Pleasant Point Reservation); the other is near Princeton, Maine in a woods and lake region (Indian Township Reservation). Populations vary with seasonal jobs, but Pleasant Point averages about 400-450 residents and Indian Township averages about 300- 350 residents. If all known Passamaquoddies both on and off the reservations were counted, they would number around 1300. The Passamaquoddy speak a language of the larger Algonkian stock, known as Passamaquoddy-Malecite. The Malecite of New Brunswick are their close relatives and speak a slightly different dialect. The Micmacs in Nova Scotia speak the next most related language, but the difference is great enough to cause difficulty in understanding. The Passamaquoddy were members at one time of the Wabanaki (or Abnaki) Confederacy, which included most of Maine, New Hampshire, and Maritime Indians.
    [Show full text]
  • AVAILABLE from Jamaica Plains, MA 02130
    DOCUMENT RESUME ED 226 893 RC 013 868 AUTHOR Braber, Lee; Dean, Jacquelyn M. TITLE A Teacher Training Manual on NativeAmericans: The Wabanakis. INSTITUTION Boston Indian Council, Inc., JamaicaPlain, MA. SPONS AGENCY Office of Elementary and Secondary Education (ED), Washington, D.C. Ethnic Heritage Studies Program. PUB DATE 82 NOTE 74p.; For related document, see RC 013 869. AVAILABLE FROMBoston Indian Council, 105 South Huntington Ave., Jamaica Plains, MA 02130 ($8.00 includes postage and handling, $105.25 for 25 copies). PUB TYPE Guides - Non-Classroom Use (055) EDRS PRICE MF01/PC03 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS American Indian Culture; *American Indian Education; *Cultural Awareness; Elementary Secondary Education; *Enrichment Activities; Legends; *Life Style; Resource Materials; Teacher Qualifications;Tribes; *Urban American Indians IDENTIFIERS American Indian History; Boston Indian Council MA; Maliseet (Tribe); Micmac (Tribe); Passamaquoddy (Tribe); Penobscot (Tribe); Seasons; *Teacher Awareness; *Wabanaki Confederacy ABSTRACT The illustrated boóklet, developed by theWabanaki Ethnic Heritage Curriculum Development Project,is written for the Indian and non-Indian educator as a basic primer onthe Wabanaki tribal lifestyle. The Wabanaki Confederacy is made upof the following tribes: Maliseet, Micmac, Passamaquoddy,and Penobscot. Advocating a positive approach to teaching aboutNative Americans in general and highlighting the Wabanaki wayof life, past and present, the booklet is divided into four parts: anintroduction, Native American awareness, the Wabanakis, and appendices.Within these four parts, the teacher is given a brief look atNative American education, traditional legends, the lifestyleof the Wabanaki, the Confederacy, seasonal activities, and thechanges that occured when the Europeans came. An awareness of theWabanakis in Boston and the role of the Boston Indian Council, Inc., areemphasized.
    [Show full text]
  • 'And I Swear...' – Profanity in Pop Music Lyrics on the American Billboard Charts 2009-2018 and the Effect on Youtube Popularity
    INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SCIENTIFIC & TECHNOLOGY RESEARCH VOLUME 9, ISSUE 02, FEBRUARY 2020 ISSN 2277-8616 'And I Swear...' – Profanity In Pop Music Lyrics On The American Billboard Charts 2009-2018 And The Effect On Youtube Popularity Martin James Moloney, Hanifah Mutiara Sylva Abstract: The Billboard Chart tracks the sales and popularity of popular music in the United States of America. Due to the cross-cultural appeal of the music, the Billboard Chart is the de facto international chart. A concern among cultural commentators was the prevalence of swearing in songs by artists who were previously regarded as suitable content for the youth or ‗pop‘ market. The researchers studied songs on the Billboard Top 10 from 2009 to 2018 and checked each song for profanities. The study found that ‗pop‘, a sub-genre of ‗popular music‘ did contain profanities; the most profane genre, ‗Hip-hop/Rap‘ accounted for 76% of swearing over the ten-year period. A relationship between amount of profanity and YouTube popularity was moderately supported. The researchers recommended adapting a scale used by the British television regulator Ofcom to measure the gravity of swearing per song. Index Terms: Billboard charts, popularity, profanity, Soundcloud, swearing, YouTube. —————————— —————————— 1 INTRODUCTION Ipsos Mori [7] the regulator of British television said that profane language fell into two main categories: (a) general 1.1 The American Billboard Charts and ‘Hot 100’ swear words and those with clear links to body parts, sexual The Billboard Chart of popular music was first created in 1936 references, and offensive gestures; and (b) specifically to archive the details of sales of phonographic records in the discriminatory language, whether directed at older people, United States [1].
    [Show full text]
  • Guide to Acknowledging First Peoples & Traditional Territory
    Guide to Acknowledging First Peoples & Traditional Territory September 2017 CAUT Guide to Acknowledging First Peoples & Traditional Territory September 2017 The following document offers the Canadian Association of University Teachers (CAUT) recommended territorial acknowledgement for institutions where our members work, organized by province. While most of these campuses are included, the list will gradually become more complete as we learn more about specific traditional territories. When requested, we have also included acknowledgements for other post-secondary institutions as well. We wish to emphasize that this is a guide, not a script. We are recommending the acknowledgements that have been developed by local university-based Indigenous councils or advisory groups, where possible. In other places, where there are multiple territorial acknowledgements that exist for one area or the acknowledgements are contested, the multiple acknowledgements are provided. This is an evolving, working guide. © 2016 Canadian Association of University Teachers 2705 Queensview Drive, Ottawa, Ontario K2B 8K2 \\ 613-820-2270 \\ www.caut.ca Cover photo: “Infinity” © Christi Belcourt CAUT Guide to Acknowledging First Peoples and Traditional Territory September 2017 Contents 1| How to use this guide Our process 2| Acknowledgement statements Newfoundland and Labrador Prince Edward Island Nova Scotia New Brunswick Québec Ontario Manitoba Saskatchewan Alberta British Columbia Canadian Association of University Teachers 3 CAUT Guide to Acknowledging First Peoples and Traditional Territory September 2017 1| How to use this guide The goal of this guide is to encourage all academic staff context or the audience in attendance. Also, given that association representatives and members to acknowledge there is no single standard orthography for traditional the First Peoples on whose traditional territories we live Indigenous names, this can be an opportunity to ensure and work.
    [Show full text]
  • The Wabanaki Indian Collection
    The Wabanaki Indian Collection Compiled by Mary B. Davis This collection contains items from the Passamaquoddy Indian Papers,#9014 and the Abenaki Language Collection, #9045 Contents … Preface … The Wabanakis, by Nicholas N. Smith … Guide to the Microfilm Text Preface The Passamaquoddy Papers, the Joseph Laurent Abenaki Language Collection, and the Micmac Manuscript comprise the Library's Wabanaki Collection. Dated documents range from 1778 to 1913; much of the material is undated. The condition of all three components of the collection is generally poor. The Passamaquoddy Papers, which document the political life for members of that nation during the 19th century, contain many fragments and partial documents impossible to put into proper context in this collection. Using information from other sources, scholars may be able to identify these materials in the future. The Abenaki Language Collection consists of bound manuscripts (and one unbound document) in the Abenaki language which largely pertain to Roman Catholic religious services. They were obtained from the Laurent family, prominent in Abenaki affairs in Odanak, Quebec, after they had sustained a fire. Many of the hand-written volumes are partially charred, resulting in losses of text which will never be retrieved. The Micmac Manuscript is written in the syllabary (sometimes called hieroglyphics) developed by Father Chretian Le Clerq in the 17th century to aid in teaching prayers to Canadian Indians. The Reverend Christian Kauder later used these same characters in his Micmac catechism published in the 1860s. This manuscript seems to be a handwritten prayer book for use in Roman Catholic services. In poor condition, it remains a link to interpreting the styles and approaches of Roman Catholic missionaries to Canadian Micmac converts.
    [Show full text]
  • 24 Let Your Kid Swear
    R ule 24 Let Your Kid Swear illian was fi ve years old. She knew her mother didn’t like hearing the Jword “stupid.” So she said it. “That’s not a word we use in our family,” her mother said. Jillian looked her mother in the face. “Stupid Mommy,” she replied. No matter what word is “bad” in your family, many kids savor the shock value. They like to see you jump. Bad words are powerful words, and young kids want to experience power. Help your child learn social conventions and learn to use power wisely. You can save your ears and give kids freedom of speech—by changing the timing and location. Renegade Reason Most kids love to say banned words—let them. In the bathroom. Bad words vary by family. Some make a sailor blush. Some are potty talk. In other homes, words like “stupid,” “dummy,” “shut up” or “bor- ing” are banned. No matter what your tastes, you have the right to set limits on words you don’t want to hear. But be wary. Complete censorship 1S usually backfi res. R “Poop!” said Ben, a fi ve-year-old. All his friends dissolved into giggles, 1L 886393_NotShare_TX_p1-370.indd6393_NotShare_TX_p1-370.indd 306306 44/2/12/2/12 99:46:46 AAMM Let Your Kid Swear|307 and their teacher reacted spectacularly. Nearby, Emma got a mischievous glint in her eye: “Poop—poop—poop—poop—poop,” she chanted. Censoring speech has two major problems. One is practical: You can’t control spoken words. Just as you can’t force your child to sleep, you can’t truly stop her from saying something.
    [Show full text]
  • Interpreting Penobscot Indian Dispossession Between 1808 and 1835 Jacques Ferland
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Maine Maine History Volume 43 Article 3 Number 2 Reconstructing Maine's Wabanaki History 8-1-2007 Tribal Dissent or White Aggression?: Interpreting Penobscot Indian Dispossession Between 1808 and 1835 Jacques Ferland Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/ mainehistoryjournal Part of the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Ferland, Jacques. "Tribal Dissent or White Aggression?: Interpreting Penobscot Indian Dispossession Between 1808 and 1835." Maine History 43, 2 (2007): 124-170. https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/mainehistoryjournal/vol43/iss2/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UMaine. It has been accepted for inclusion in Maine History by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UMaine. For more information, please contact [email protected]. John Neptune served as Lieutenant-Governor of the Penobscot Nation for over fifty years. He, along with Tribal Governor John Attean, presided over the tribe during a period of turmoil in Penobscot history — a time marked by land dis- possession and subsequent tribal division in the first part of the nineteenth cen- tury. The portrait was painted by Obadiah Dickinson in 1836 and hung in the Blaine House for many years. Courtesy of the Maine Arts Commission. TRIBAL DISSENT OR WHITE AGGRESSION?: INTERPRETING PENOBSCOT INDIAN DISPOSSES- SION BETWEEN 1808 AND 1835. BY JACQUES FERLAND “I now come to the time when our Tribe was separated into two fac- tions[,] the old and the new Party. I am sorry to speak of it as it was very detrimental to our tribe as there was but few of us the remnant of a once powerful tribe.” So spoke Penobscot tribal leader John Attean, re- calling the 1834-1835 breach in tribal politics that shook the edifice of community and cohesion among the Penobscot people.
    [Show full text]