Haast and the Moa: Reversing the Tyranny of Distance!

RUTH BARTON2

ABSTRACT: The powerful position of patrons and interpreters at the imperial centers and the secondary, supportive position of colonial contributors to the scientific enterprise have been emphasized in the literature on colonial science. For Sir Julius von Haast, however, New Zealand provided both the opportu nity and the resources for a scientific career of international fame. Moa bones were his most valuable resource. The exchange and sale of moa bones stocked his museum; gifts of moa skeletons brought him honors; and he began to claim that being at the periphery and having seen the bones in situ gave his interpre tations credibility.

THERE ARE THREE leading characters in this The moa were a family of large flightless story of the scientific moa. Julius Haast birds that had occupied the ecological niche (1822-1887), who was German-born, arrived of browsing animals in New Zealand. In the in Auckland late in 1858, in the employment 1830s, Maori reported them as extinct and of an English shipping company, to investi they are now considered to have become rare gate the prospects for German immigration by 1600 (Anderson 1989: 178), but in the to New Zealand. He stayed to become one of mid-nineteenth century it was plausible to New Zealand's leading colonial geologists. In hope that groups might still exist in isolated 1858, the moa itself (16 million yr B.p.-ca. parts of the South Island (Colonial Museum, A.D. 1600) and its creator-discoverer, Richard Haast to Hector, 5 November 1862, MU198/ Owen (1804-1892), had been famous for al 1). There were many different moa species most 20 years. Owen, who had never set foot some tall and thin, some large and heavy, in New Zealand, was the archetypal scientist and others about the size of a large turkey. of empire whose reputation was made The smaller species were more numerous, but through interpreting the natural riches of the the gigantic ones captured popular and sci colonies-naming living and extinct fauna as entific imagination. The largest stood 12 ft he assigned their places in the elaborate clas or 3.6 m high, higher in many nineteenth sification system of species, genera, and fam century articulations when legs and neck ilies. Nevertheless, within 20 years, the Ger were extended vertically rather than allowed man immigration agent also became a world to bend or curve (Anderson 1989: 60-62). expert on the moa and wrung from Owen the The moa first came to world scientific at admission, "I begin to feel that my share in tention in 1839 when John Rule, an ex-naval the work of restoration [of the extinct birds surgeon from Sydney, tried to sell an unusual of New Zealand] is over. ... You stand at the piece of bone to Owen, then assistant con head of my successors in that Work, and servator at the Hunterian Museum of the merit every honour & recompense for your Royal College of Surgeons. Initially sceptical share in the Natural History of your fair of Rule's claim that the bone belonged to Islands" (1874 [cited by Gruber 1987a: 89 "an extinct bird of the eagle kind," Owen 90]). compared the piece with mammal bones, concluding that it was a fragment of thigh bone from a flightless bird similar in size to 1 Manuscript accepted 1 November 1999. an ostrich. In November 1839, he exhibited 2 Department of History, University of Auckland, Private Bag 92019, Auckland, New Zealand (phone: 64 the 6-inch piece of bone and presented his 93737599, ext. 7302; E-mail: [email protected]). ostrich interpretation before sceptical col- 251 252 PACIFIC SCIENCE, Volume 54, July 2000 leagues at the Zoological Society of London achievements, they sought them in European (Rupke 1994: 124). forums. Meanwhile, in New Zealand, William But the story of the scientific moa also has Colenso and William Williams of the Church twists and complexities that require modifi Missionary Society had begun to take Maori cations to disjunctive models of dependent, reports seriously and were paying Maori for deferential colonial science at the periphery bones of the extinct bird (Andrews 1986: and imperial, theoretical science at the cen 127). In 1842 Williams sent a small collection ters of calculation. The story here supports of bones to his old teacher, William Buck some of the qualifications and criticisms of land, reader in mineralogy and geology in Basalla's model made by MacLeod (1982), the University of Oxford, who gave them to Inkster (1985), Reingold and Rothenberg Owen. Owen found a large leg bone that (1987: xii-xiii), Butcher (1988), and Enders matched his prediction "exactly," he said by (1997: 83-96). Haast himself, contrary to (Rupke 1994: 125), and in 1843, in a com the model of colonial science, obtained most munication to the Zoological Society, he of his scientific education in New Zealand. named the bird Dinornis Novae Zealandiae. He was oriented to more than one imperial The news generated great excitement in center. German-born, naturalized-British, London. Prince Albert asked to meet Owen and trained by the Austrian Ferdinand and to see his giant bird (Figure 1). A leading Hochstetter, his most important links were member of the Zoological Society described with London and Vienna. More significantly, it as "the greatest zoological discovery of he had intercolonial relationships that were our time" (Gruber 1987b: 343-347, Rupke not mediated by the center. The most note 1994: 127). Scientifically, the prediction was worthy twist to the usual story is that when taken to establish the reliability of Owen's Haast and his fellow colonials began to assert Cuvierian, functionalist methods. Whether their independence and to ask that their con sent directly to him or not, almost all bones tributions to the systematic enterprise be from missionaries and government officials in properly acknowledged, they protested not New Zealand passed through Owen's hands only at the unequal and exploitative rela for formal description and naming. But not tionship, but also questioned the competence all. In 1842, in an early act of scientific inde of the center, arguing that those at the pendence, Colenso had written his own ac periphery had interpretive advantages. Moa count of moa bones and sent an article to the bones could not be transported to the impe Tasmanian Journal ofNatural Science. How rial center of calculation without loss. ever, local publication was slow, and Owen's The recognition of the importance of local 1843 paper had priority (Andrews 1986: flora as a resource for colonial science in 124-131, Gruber 1987b: 339-347). James Moore's analysis of the career of Haast, like Owen before him, used the Baron Ferdinand von Mueller, the German moa to build his scientific career. This ac born Australian botanist, can be extended to count illustrates some well-recognized rela Haast. When Mueller moved to Australia for tionships between European centers and the sake of his health in 1847, he turned to colonial peripheries (Basalla 1967, Latour account his unique access to Australian 1987, Newland 1991). Haast and other geol plants and his early medica1-cum-scientific ogists, missionaries, and government officials training. Through decades of hard labor col in New Zealand sent collections of moa lecting, comparing, and naming, Mueller bones to the expert in London who named turned the botanical wealth of Australia, and interpreted. When colonials wanted to "green gold" (in Moore's metaphor), into publicize their own interpretations, they symbolic capital. He became the internation were often dependent on the patronage of ally recognized expert on Australian botany. men of science in imperial centers to present His capital was reinvested. Naming new their letters or articles to scientific societies. plants after favored colleagues and gifts of When they sought recognition for their exotic plants were a means of extending Haast and the Moa: Reversing the Tyranny of Distance-BARToN 253

FIGURE 1. The moa in London with the great animals of the world. The main hall of the new museum at the Royal College of Surgeons in 1845. Front left, fossil skeleton of the mylodon; front right, fossil shell of the gigantic extinct armadillo; center rear, a recently deceased elephant. The moa, a plaster cast of Dinornis giganteus, is on the left in the middle distance with an ostrich farther left. (Museum of the Royal College of Surgeons 1845: 35.) credit to colleagues and attracting further the "tyranny of distance" (for debates see symbolic capital to himself (Moore 1997). Chambers 1991 and Knight 1991) became for Most accounts of colonial science empha Mueller the advantage of location. size the disadvantages of peripheral loca The story told here uses the literature tion. Moore's analysis of Mueller's career, of colonial science to extend previous in however, shows that what has been called terpretations of the significance of the moa 254 PACIFIC SCIENCE, Volume 54, July 2000

to Haast's career (Andrews 1986, Gruber Haast's success in Canterbury was dependent 1987a, Sheets-Pyenson 1988). Identifying the upon his turning geology to local use. moa as a valuable local resource to be in vested unifies the work of moa collection and classification, emphasized by Gruber and A LAND OF OPPORTUNITY Andrews, with the work of museum building emphasized by Sheets-Pyenson, and the work Little is known of the life of Johann Franz of self-promotion, noted but not emphasized Julius Haast before his arrival in New Zea by Sheets-Pyenson. Gruber's account of the land in December 1858. The usual story is changing relationship between Owen in Lon that he was a widower and left a son with his don and the collectors in New Zealand, cul wife's family in Frankfurt; he studied miner minating with Haast's assertion in the mid alogy and geology at the University of Bonn, seventies of his competence to classify and but did not complete his degree; and he interpret, is here extended to include later traveled widely in Europe, probably as a New Zealand criticisms of Owen's work. dealer in mineralogical specimens (e.g., Haast Moa bones and skeletons, when interpreted, 1948: 1-3, Maling 1990). Recent German became a basis for claiming scientific au research throws doubt on even this minimum thority; when bartered and sold they enriched information (Langer 1992: 273-279). There the collections of the Canterbury Museum; is no record of Haast having been a student and when gifted to well-chosen patrons they at the University of Bonn, although he may could bring rich symbolic returns. The iden have attended public lectures given by the tification of intercolonial links in Sheets professors of geology and mineralogy. He Pyenson's study of colonial museums is given served a 2-year commercial apprenticeship new signficance by Endersby's emphasis that and later was a partner in a business dealing intercolonial links undermine the controlling in fabrics and flowers. This business failed in authority of the center. These intercolonial 1850 and there is no information about his links and the suggestion here that New Zea activities between 1850 and 1857. His first land scientists were claiming to be a center of wife died in October 1859, after his arrival in calculation for moa bones counter the em New Zealand. But two lucky breaks turned phasis on the secondary role of the periphery, the unsuccessful businessman and obscure which, although not entailed by general immigration agent into a world-famous geol models of colonial science, is the usual em ogist. phasis of case studies (Basalla 1967, Latour Haast was lucky that his arrival in Auck 1987: 215-247). land on 21 December 1858 was followed on This account focuses on the international 22 December by the arrival of the Austrian side of Haast's career. Andrews' (1986) New frigate Novara on its scientific cruise around Zealand-centered account of moa research the world (Stoffel 1993 :24-27). Haast gained outlines the heated debates in New Zealand local scientific credibility by association with over who were the moa hunters. Haast, who the Novara expedition's geologist, Ferdinand was in a minority, argued that the great bird Hochstetter, to whom various provincial had been hunted to extinction by a pre governments appealed for help with mapping Maori people, and his stubborn and defen local resources. Hochstetter, who stayed be sive adherence to this theory undermined his hind in New Zealand when the Novara de local scientific reputation. Also, as Inkster parted, needed assistance, and the German (1985) has stressed, colonial science included speaking Haast happened to be in the right pragmatic applied projects that were not place at the right time. He assisted Hoch guided by metropolitan, theoretical concerns. stetter in his survey of coal fields, volcanic There are many hints, not developed below, areas, gold mines, and copper mines from that local priorities were not theoretical pri Auckland to the central North Island. Then, orities, that local reputation was not a mere having numerous requests from southern shadow of international reputation, and that provinces to conduct geological surveys, Haast and the Moa: Reversing the Tyranny of Distance-BARToN 255

Hochstetter, with Haast, went to Nelson. Haast reported many complete individuals, There also they visited the local gold field, representing Dinornis gracilis, Dinornis ele copper workings, and a coal mine, and with phantopus, Dinornis crassus, and Dinornis gi great excitement found their first moa bones. ganteus (Haast 1869). In early October, Hochstetter left New Zea Haast's skeletons were not quite perfect. land, leaving Haast, with a new reputation In late 1867, he wrote to James Hector, as a geologist, to meet local demands for director of the Colonial Museum and Geo geological surveys (Hochstetter 1867: 9-25, logical Survey in Wellington, proudly send Haast 1948: 7-32). Hochstetter and Haast ing photographs of two articulated skeletons, had become close friends and, over the fol but admitting that each of the skeletons had lowing decades, Hochstetter remained a to be completed with bones from a different close adviser and patron, while Haast en bird-one, for example, had a sternum from riched Vienna museums with natural history a different species (Colonial Museum, 17 specimens. November 1867, MUI47jl). But Haast After Hochstetter's departure, Haast was defended himself against Walter Mantell's employed by the Nelson province to survey accusation that the bones were all in a heap its isolated western region and was consulted together. For many individuals, he explained, by the Canterbury provincial government the bones were heaped together, "but the when the contractors drilling the tunnel from principal skeletons ... were found each sepa Christchurch to Lyttleton abandoned the job rately, lying by themselves & the bones after striking extremely hard volcanic rock. marked on the spot by me, as belonging to In 1861, he was appointed Canterbury Pro gether" so that the reconstructions are of vincial Geologist. His practical successes, in single individuals (Colonial Museum, Haast identifying coal seams in Westland and in to Hector, 6 August 1868, MUI47j2). Man correctly advising the provincial government tell, son of the English geologist Gideon that the Lyttleton tunnel could be drilled Mantell, had collected many of the earlier within budget, increased Haast's local stand bones while traveling widely in New Zealand ing (Haast 1948: 100, 114-123). government employment in the late forties Haast's second lucky break came in late and early fifties. He knew that Owen's bones 1866 when the local owner of a large sheep were not from identifiable individuals station informed the provincial geologist that (Gruber 1987a: 71), but that Owen had re many large moa bones had been found when ceived assemblages from different individuals work began on draining a swamp. He offered and even different species, which he had then the bones to Haast and the assistance of two differentiated to determine species. workmen in excavating them. On his first visit to the Glenmark swamp in December 1866, Haast returned to Christchurch with a four-horse wagon full of bones. He estimated MOA BONES AND MUSEUM BUILDING that the swamp contained the remains of at Haast invested his moa bones wisely, using least 1000 moa, and many other birds-a them to expand the resources of his embry quantity equal to the total haul of the pre onic Canterbury Museum; to claim intellec vious 30 years (Haast 1948: 481-484, Gruber tual rights ofinterpretation; and to extend his 1987a: 84). Leg bones predominated, but credit and reputation with men of science and Haast found some near-complete skeletons, men of power. Although association with the including skeletons of the largest and most fantastic bird brought Haast international impressive species. The bones were so densely fame, his local position was insecure. In packed that it was not always possible to 1867, soon after the Glenmark find, the Pro identify individual skeletons unambiguously, vincial Council decreed that the Geological but mOre than from any previous deposit, Survey was to be completed by mid-1868, near-complete skeletons could be extracted leaving Haast with no job. After a period of from the swamp. After only a few months, worrying uncertainty, the Provincial Gov- 256 PACIFIC SCIENCE, Volume 54, July 2000

FIGURE 2. Julius Haast and the Glenmark moa skeletons, 1867. The temporary display in the Canterbury Provin cial Council Building. Courtesy of the Canterbury Museum, Ref: 7558. (D. L. Mundy photograph, 23 October 1867.)

ernment granted funds in December 1868 to Moa skeletons were the centerpiece of the build the long-promised museum, and, in collection. By 1871 there were seven articu February 1869, offered Haast the position of lated moa skeletons, three were added in director (Haast 1948: 534-539, 595; Canter 1872, and a further six in 1873, making a bury Museum, 1868-1870, Haast to Secre total of sixteen (Canterbury Museum, 1873, tary for Public Works, 3 February 1869). A f. 10; Haast 1948: 623). The museum's col museum had existed as an appendage to the lections were also enriched by the sale and Geological Survey since Haast's appointment exchange of moa bones and moa skeletons in 1862. Items had been housed in two rooms (as well as thousands of bird skins). Moa in the Provincial Council Building and the skeletons were the most valuable: Haast first moa skeletons put on display in the swapped them with other museums, de "Coffee Room" (Figure 2) (Haast 1948: manding impressive and large exhibits in 334-335, 535-536). But in 1870, with a per exchange; others were sold, and at £20-50 manent director and a purpose-built, stone each provided the means for purchasing what building, the Canterbury Museum began a could not be obtained through exchange new phase. (Sheets-Pyenson 1988: 81-82). Haast had Haast and the Moa: Reversing the Tyranny of Distance-BARToN 257

clear priorities for his collecting. He wanted out by the Director," which was responsible to obtain specimens to represent each genus for such economy of operation, could not and for species that displayed remarkable be continued unless "further assistance" was beauty or form, or were rare, or were large provided (Canterbury Museum 1873, f. 6). and impressive (Haast 1948: 626, Sheets In buying as in swapping, Haast had Pyenson 1988: 80). Meanwhile, W. H. Flower worldwide connections. In 1875, he purchased (Owen's successor as conservator at the Mu four crocodiles from northern Australia, re seum of the Royal College of Surgeons), to porting proudly that one was "the finest and whom Haast had been recommended by J. largest specimen seen in any museum" (Can D. Hooker, acted as Haast's agent, buying terbury Museum 1875, f. 7). In 1876, through and exchanging on Haast's behalf. He sent commercial networks in North America, an ostrich skeleton, particularly important Haast obtained a stuffed male adult grizzly for use as a model when articulating moa bear for £31 (Haast 1848: 782). In response skeletons, and many other large and impres the visitors flooded in. In his 1875 Report, sive items, including, for example, skeletons Haast claimed 75,000 visitors during the and mounted skins of a gorilla, a giraffe, and year, an average of over two visits by every an elephant (Sheets-Pyenson 1988: 82). man, woman, and child in the Christchurch The exchange books and Annual Reports region (Canterbury Museum 1875, ff. 1-2; of the Canterbury Museum list so many ex McKinnon 1997, plate 53). changes that one wonders how Haast and Although Haast treated Owen with defer his small staff had time to pack and unpack ence, his exchanges with the British Museum, the hundreds of boxes. An exchange with where Owen had become superintendent of the Indian Museum in Calcutta brought rich the natural history departments, caused fric returns: skeletons of an elephant, a tiger, and tion. In spite of his German origins and his a python; a tiger and a leopard skin; and a ties to Hochstetter and Vienna, Haast saved mounted python melurus. Links with other the best moa specimens for the British Mu colonial museums flourished without refer seum, but, in a 5-year-long, polite but persis ence to any imperial centers. (Endersby tent correspondence with Owen, insisted that [1997: 28-33] has shown the significance of the great man pay commercial rates for moa intercolonial links for botanic gardens.) skeletons or send good specimens in ex Haast exchanged with museums in Bombay, change. In May 1867, shortly after the Glen Auckland, San Francisco, Cape Town, Ade mark find made Haast rich in moa bones, laide, Ballarat, and Santiago, to name only a Owen asked for a skeleton. for the British few of those recorded (Canterbury Museum Museum, although, according to Sheets 1985). With the Buenos Aires Museum, he Pyenson, he really wanted it for his own re exchanged moa bones for rhea skeletons, a search. He offered plaster casts of British flightless South American bird slightly smaller Museum objects in exchange (Sheets-Pyenson than an ostrich (Sheets-Pyenson 1988: 83). 1988: 81). Haast declined-plaster casts were He also exchanged with European museums: not equivalent to the real thing-and re from Stockholm to Florence and dozens of ferred Owen to Flower: "I may therefore museums in German-speaking lands in be perhaps suggest that if you cannot exchange tween; from the great British Museum to the specimens for them, that perhaps their value museums of the English periphery, such as in money is handed over to Mr. Flower so those of the city of Norwich and the School that this gentleman may buy some collections of Mines at Sandhurst. Norwich, for exam in return for our embryo Museum which I ple, got a case of moa bones (not a skeleton) am most anxious to advance" (5 April 1868 and Canterbury received in exchange 77 [cited by Gruber 1987a: 84-85]). It was diffi English vertebrate and invertebrate fossils. cult to decline requests from Britain's pre The demands were so great that the 1873 eminent comparative anatomist. Flower him Annual Report of the Canterbury Museum self capitulated when Owen asked that all the warned that "the system of exchanges carried moa bones in Flower's possession, including 258 PACIFIC SCIENCE, Volume 54, July 2000 those belonging to the College of Surgeons, British Museum, the prices would be much be sent to him. It was a year before the Brit higher than average prices. There were many ish Museum paid £15 to Flower for those species of moa, and the smaller species were bones that Owen wished to keep (Gruber by far the more common.] 1987a: 85). Owen continued to expect, and Haast to concede, priority in choosing specimens and CLASSIFYING MOA BONES: NEW ZEALAND AS A in intellectual position. Thus in January 1872 CENTER OF CALCULATION Haast wrote to Owen: "I had an offer for the skeleton of D. giganteus of £150, from a By this time Haast was beginning to ex gentleman going home & he would have paid pect that Owen would take note of his inter me even £200, if only I had asked for it ... pretations. In September 1872, Haast told but I thought, & the Trustees of the Museum Owen that his researches had shown that agreed with me, that you ought to possess it, Owen's determinations of Dinornis species in order not only to continue your classical were "wonderfully correct" (Gruber 1987a: publications on the subject, but also as a fine 99, note 86). This seems excessive deference, representation ... in the National collections" because Haast must have been aware of (cited by Gruber 1987a: 85). Haast made Hochstetter's published doubt over "whether clear what was wanted in exchange: "We all the species, distinguished by Prof. Owen, should like principally not a quantity of are good species" (Hochstetter 1867: 183). objects of Natural History but rare objects Haast first expressed doubts about Owen's which are not easily to be obtained." Owen conclusions in March 1873 when he gently continued his imperious and imperial expec complained that Owen had edited Haast's tations, and 18 months later Haast again conclusion to suit his own, giving the im supported his demand for a fair deal by ap pression that Haast agreed with Owen peal to the authority of his museum trustees: (Gruber 1987a: 88). In August, Owen replied "I had a full meeting of the Trustees of this that his "kind friends" should restrict them Institution & they fully endorsed my views, selves to "time" and "place" and trust Owen that unless the British Museum can offer us to be responsible for his own conclusions. adequate returns for the fine skeleton of Di Owen did not want to pass over the opinions nornis maximus I sent you, & which is worth of others but, also, did not want to advocate to us at least £200, you have to consider it as opinions that he believed to be erroneous a loan & will be good enough to return it to (Gruber 1987a: 88). us as soon as you have described it. I shall Haast persisted in asserting his own inter not point out the value of such a specimen to pretive competence. In October 1873, in the the British Museum & I am only astonished same letter in which he requested payment of that an Institution of such enormous means up to £200 for a Dinornis maximus, Haast should not try to obtain such a specimen as I refused to accept the role ofcolonial collector offered for exchange when thousands & to imperial interpreter. He complained that thousands are spent on Antiquities, the more Owen expected him to send specimens un so when it is sent by a provincial Museum of classified, as had Walter Mantell 20 years a comparatively small Colony" (27 October earlier. First, in articulating skeletons, Haast 1873 [cited by Gruber 1987a: 85-86]). [The explained that he had to go beyond Owen's price of moa skeletons seems to be rising work and interpret independently. Second, he through this correspondence, and to be much challenged the principle that those at the larger than the prices of £20-50 given by center were best equipped to make taxo Sheets-Pyenson (1988: 81-82). It is unlikely nomic decisions. Haast suggested that local that Haast was trying to fool Owen. I suggest knowledge was an advantage: that having that because the specimens identified in these seen the specimens in situ he had knowledge letters were of large species, and because that Owen did not have and therefore, "loy Haast was saving the best specimens for the alty to truth" compelled him to point out Haast and the Moa: Reversing the Tyranny of Distance-BARToN 259

when Owen was "not quite correct" (Gruber and apart from those of other individuals" 1987a: 89). Finally and uncharacteristically, (Parker 1895: 373). Taxonomic confusion a year later, in the letter quoted in the open was the consequence. Most of Owen's type ing paragraph of this paper, Owen acknowl specimens required redefining, specifying edged that it might be time to pass leadership which particular bone of those in the assem on to Haast (Gruber 1987a: 89-90). blage was to be taken as the type bone to There were serious problems with Owen's define the species (Archey 1941: 7-8). taxonomy, and it is not surprising that Haast Owen's problems arose from the pecu was having difficulty fitting his specimens to liarities of moa variability, from the frag Owen's descriptions. Owen's taxonomy was mentary nature of the individual skeletons based on the length of bones, but, as Hoch upon which most of his species were defined, stetter pointed out, within each moa species and from his excessive confidence in his there is great variability in the size of in homological arguments (Archey 1941: 7-8, dividuals (Hochstetter 1867: 183). F. W. Anderson 1989: 23-24, 38). In Latour's Hutton, in a paper read to the Wellington phrase, Owen occupied a center of calcula Philosophical Society in 1872, suggested that tion, where moa bones were accumulated, some of Owen's species were the young of measured, compared, and reassembled so other species (1873: 232). The experts in that their position in the classification hierar London complained bitterly when Mueller's chy could be assigned (Latour 1987: 215 carelessness confused systematics (Moore 240, Miller 1996: 23-25). Center of interpre 1997: 375-376, 379); the experts in New tation is a more appropriate term for pale Zealand were more polite about Owen's fail ontological science. The problem was that ings, but, by the end of the century, pub moa bones were not stable when taken from lications from New Zealand naturalists were New Zealand to London. Too much infor openly critical of Owen's work. Hutton, mation about location and association was about to be appointed director of the Can not transmitted. Haast did not escape these terbury Museum, pointed out that of the problems completely. Parker identified three nineteen species made by Sir Richard Owen, moa skeletons in the Canterbury Museum only three were described from the bones of that had skulls misassigned (Parker 1895: a single individual, and he named nine of 414). But Haast, unlike Owen, was willing to Owen's species that were made up of bones admit uncertainty. Haast's 1874 classification belonging to more than one species (1892: of moa into 11 species, which was widely ac 100). T. Jeffery Parker, professor of biology cepted outside New Zealand, contrasts with in the University of Otago, in a paper read Owen's classifications into 14 species in 1868 before the Zoological Society of London, and 18 species in 1882. Haast was more cau Owen's home ground, and only months after tious, rejecting species for which there was Owen's death, began: "A first glance at the insufficient material (Anderson 1989: 24, magnificently illustrated series of memoirs by 209-210). Sir Richard Owen on the osteology of the Dinornithidae gives the impression that the whole subject has been exhausted; but a more careful perusal, ... is enough to show that the MOA BONES AND INTERNATIONAL HONORS material at Sir R. Owen's disposal was far from complete, that skulls were assigned to Haast remained deferential and polite to the skeletons of species on purely conjectural Owen. When he described a new species in grounds, and that some of the figures were 1885, he named it for Owen, Dinornis oweni even made up of portions belonging to dif (Anderson 1989: 25). In the 1870s, almost all ferent species. The reason of this confusion is new species were still first sent to Owen, who that it is extremely seldom that the bones of a maintained his imperial position as inter single individual skeleton, or even of a single preter. It was therefore a shock in December individual skull, are found associated together 1873 when Owen found that Haast had sent 260 PACIFIC SCIENCE, Volume 54, July 2000 a skeleton to Alphonse Milne-Edwards in 1948: 424). This was part of a series of gifts Paris. Owen wrote urgently, appealing to and exchanges, mediated by Haast's mentor, Haast's national pride, to warn of the danger Hochstetter, that led to Haast's being made a that Milne-Edwards might anticipate Owen knight of the order of Franz Joseph in 1865 in describing Dinornis maximus, for although and receiving a personal gift from the em Owen already had a specimen he was many peror of an emerald ring set with two rows of years behind in describing his rich collections diamonds (Haast 1948: 446-448, 512). In (Gruber 1987a: 99, note 82). Haast returned 1873, he named adjoining glaciers Napoleon to his well-worn themes, pointing out that the and Eugenie and sent a watercolor of the Paris Museum, unlike the British Museum, glaciers to Charles Maunoir, the geographer, offered generous terms in exchange for moa in Paris, asking him to show the painting to bones; spreading the responsibility for Can their imperial majesties. These investments terbury Museum action to the trustees; and brought no immediate return; Haast received assuring Owen of his loyalty. In return for a no honors in France until 1886 (Haast 1948 : small collection of moa bones: "the Paris 453,925). Museum sent at once, on receipt of my letter, In the economy of symbolic goods, neither a considerable quantity of these desiderata & the time nor the form of the return is fixed promised to procure still others, so that the (Bourdieu 1977:6-8, 171-173). However, Paris Museum would in this respect do more the high value of the moa in the symbolic than your own great National Institution. economy is illustrated by Haast's second, And this was one of the reasons that our 1875 award from the Emperor Franz Joseph. Trustees suggested that the skeleton of Din. The emperor was greatly impressed by the maximus in your hands should be sent over size of the moa skeletons in the New Zealand to Paris, against which, of course, I rebelled. exhibit at the Vienna International Exhibi For more than two years we had been col tion in 1873 and had also admired the stuffed lecting the material for the articulation of birds. After the exhibition, Hochstetter and that skeleton, which I trusted you would de Haast corresponded over the possibility of a scribe & I possess too much loyalty to inter knighthood for Haast. Haast had enriched fere with it. ... I once more wish to assure the Austrian collections through many mu that any day I could get £300 for the skeleton seum exchanges, and Hochstetter, recently in question so that a poor provincial Museum appointed tutor to the crown prince, advised has acted very handsomely towards an Insti Haast that moa for the imperial collections tution which has about hundred times the in Vienna would be valued highly by the em income of it" (18 March 1874 [cited by peror. Haast obliged-with three moa skel Gruber 1987a: 86]). etons, stuffed birds, and some Maori skulls. However, there is another interpretation. The strategy was effective. Haast was offered Haast was cultivating the goodwill of Milne the Order of the Iron Crown, 3rd class, in Edwards, who had suggested to Haast that 1874. Hochstetter continued to guide his he might be appointed a corresponding protege, advising Haast to include in his member of the Geological Section of the letter of acceptance the assurance "that it Academie des Sciences (Haast 1948: 453, would always be a pleasure to you to enrich Sheets-Pyenson 1988: 35). Haast was well the Imperial Museum." After obtaining per versed in the practice of seeking scientific and mission from the British government to ac state recognition through symbolic exchange. cept a foreign honor, paying his 200 florins, At the beginning of his scientific career he and choosing his coat of arms, Haast duly had, for example, sent Owen a copy of his became von Haast in 1875 (Haast 1948: 675, report on the Nelson province and let Owen 775-777). Haast was also seeking British im know that he had named a mountain range perial honors, but was not satisfied until and a river after him (Gruber 1987a: 82). In 1886, when he received a KCMG (Knight 1865, he named an impressive glacier after Commander of St. Michael and St. George) Emperor Franz Joseph of Austria (Haast (Haast 1848: 775,930). Thus, in the last year Haast and the Moa: Reversing the Tyranny of Distance-BARToN 261

of his life, he was able to style himself Sir ists of those collections who assisted in my Julius von Haast. searches. Material from the Colonial Mu seum papers is quoted by permission of the Museum of New Zealand. Papers from the CONCLUSIONS Records of the Canterbury Provincial Gov ernment are quoted by permission of the Colonies, like travel, provided oppor National Archives. Discussions with Jim tunities for scientific achievement, even to Endersby and Gordon Winder have enriched those who remained at the periphery. Ad my analysis. Heather Nicholson, John An vantages accrued to those who had privileged drews, James Moore, and David Miller have access to local flora, fauna, and landscape. saved me from errors of fact and interpreta Although particularly memorable, the moa tion. Christian Leitz assisted with German was only one element in Haast's success, be language material. I thank them all. cause he had been elected a Fellow of the Royal Society in 1867 for his geological work, before his moa reconstructions gave LITERATURE CITED him a wider fame. The international reputa tion emphasized here did not always translate ANDERSON, A. 1989. Prodigious birds: Moas into local standing. One Canterbury provin and moa-hunting in prehistoric New Zea cial councillor complained that Haast made land. Cambridge University Press, Cam "a European reputation at the expense of the bridge. Province" (Haast 1948: 518). The provincial ANDREWS, J. R. H. 1986. A giant struthious geologist was expected to find gold and coal, bird. Pages 123-140 in The southern ark: far more important than moa bones to the Zoological discovery in New Zealand Canterbury colonists. In the moa, however, 1769-1900. Century Hutchinson New New Zealand colonial scientists found a Zealand, Auckland. problem of world significance. Geology and ARcHEY, G. 1941. The moa: A study of the geography meant that at species, genus, and Dinornithiformes. Bull. Auckl. Inst. Mus. family level, moa were unique to New Zea No.1. Unity Press, Auckland. land and therefore it was possible to classify BASALLA, G. 1967. The spread of Western in New Zealand. Thus, in regard to the moa, science. Science (Washington, D.C.) 156 New Zealand could become a center of cal (3775): 611-621. culation. Other New Zealand and Australian BOURDIEU, P. 1977. Outline of a theory of fauna were similarly unique, but the size and practice, translated by R. Nice. Originally apparent helplessness of the flightless bird published in 1972. Cambridge University gave it popular fame. In these circumstances, Press, Cambridge. moa bones, through hard work and wise BUTCHER, B. 1988. Darwin's Australian cor judgement, were turned into international respondents: Deference and collaboration reputation and local wealth; articulated moa in colonial science. Pages 139-157 in R. skeletons were both symbolic capital and real MacLeod and P. Rehbock, eds. Nature capital. There were benefits to geographical in its greatest extent: Western science in isolation. the Pacific. University of Hawai'i Press, Honolulu. CANTERBURY MUSEUM. 1868-1870. In Re ACKNOWLEDGMENTS cords of the Canterbury Provincial Gov ernment, National Archives Christchurch I am grateful to the Canterbury Museum Office. Archives reference: Accession CH Archives, the National Archives Christchurch 287, Special Subject File, Item CP 349c. Office, the Museum of New Zealand Ar ---. ·1873. Reports of the Canterbury chives, and the Turnbull Library for access to Museum year ending 30 September 1873. papers in their collections and to the archiv- In Records of the Canterbury Provincial 262 PACIFIC SCIENCE, Volume 54, July 2000

Government, National Archives Christ Its physical geography, geology and natu church Office. Archives reference: Acces ral history. Translated from the German, sion CH 287, Papers of the Provincial 1863, with additions by the author. J. G. Council, Item CP 656b/3. Gotha, Stuttgart. ---. 1875. Report of the director of the HUTTON, CAPTAIN W. F. 1873 (read 4 and 11 museum for 18 months to 31 March 1875. September 1872). On the geographical re In Records of the Canterbury Provincial lations of the New Zealand fauna. Trans. Government, National Archives Christ Proc. N. Z. Inst. 5: 227-256. church Office. Archives reference: Acces ---. 1892 (read 1 October and 4 Novem sion CH 287, Special Subject File, Item ber 1891). The moas of New Zealand. CP 349d. Trans. Proc. N. Z. Inst. 24: 93-172. ---. 1985. Canterbury Museum ex INKSTER, I. 1985. Scientific enterprise and the changes, 1869-1883. Transcribed (in Oc colonial 'model': Observations on Austra tober 1985) from the original Exchange lian experience in historical context. Soc. Book by Sally Barrage. Canterbury Mu Studies Sci. 15 (4): 677-704. seum Archives. KNIGHT, D. 1991. Tyrannies of distance in CHAMBERS, D. W. 1991. Does distance British science. Pages 39-53 in R. W. tyrannize science? Pages 19-38 in R. W. Home and S. G. Kohlstedt, eds. Inter Home and S. G. KoWstedt, eds. Inter national science and national scientific national 'science and national scientific identity: Australia between Britain and identity: Australia between Britain and America. Kluwer, Dordrecht. America. Kluwer, Dordrecht. LANGER, W. 1992. Der Bonner Neuseeland COLONIAL MUSEUM. Museum of New Zea forscher Sir Johann Franz Julius Haast land (Wellington), Archives. Individual (1822-1887). Bonn. GeschichtsbHitter 39 letters are identified by author, recipient, (1989/1992): 273-293. date, and two numbers, the collection LATOUR, R 1987. Science in action: How to number and box number (e.g., MU198/1). follow scientists and engineers through ENDERSBY, J. 1997. A garden enclosed: Giv society. Harvard University Press, Cam ing order to people and plants at the bridge, Massachusetts. Sydney Botanic Garden, 1818-1841. RA. MACLEOD, R. M. 1982. On visiting the (Honours), thesis, School of Science and 'moving metropolis': Reflections on the Technology Studies, University of New architecture of imperial science. Hist. Rec. South Wales. Aust. Sci. 5 (3): 1-16. GRUBER, J. w: 1987a. The moa and the pro MALING, P. B. 1990. Johann Franz Julius fessionalising of New Zealand science. von Haast. Pages 167-169 in The dictio Turnbull Library Rec. 20 (2): 61-100. nary of New Zealand biography. Vol. 1, ---. 1987b. From myth to reality: The 1769-1869. Allen & Unwin/Department case of the moa. Arch. Nat. Hist. 14 (3): of Internal Affairs, Wellington. 339-352. McKINNON, M., ED., with B. BRADLEY and HAAST, H. F. VON. 1948. The life and times of R. KIRKPATRICK. 1997. New Zealand his Sir Julius von Haast, explorer, geologist, torical atlas. David Bateman, Auckland. museum builder. Avery Press, Wellington. MILLER, D. P. 1996. Joseph Banks, empire, HAAST, J. 1869 (read 28 July 1868). On the and "centres of calculation" in late Hano measurements of Dinornis bones, obtained verian London. Pages 21-37 in D. P. from excavations in swamp situated at Miller and P. H. Reill, eds. Visions of G1enmark on' the property of Messrs. empire: Voyages, botany, and representa Kermode & Co., up to February 15, 1868. tions of nature. Cambridge University Trans. Proc. N. Z. Inst. 1, 2nd ed.: 21-30 Press, Cambridge. (numbered 80-89 in the first edition of the MOORE, J. 1997. Green gold: The riches of Transactions). Baron Ferdinand von Mueller. Hist. Rec. HOCHSTETTER, F. VON. 1867. New Zealand: Aust. Sci. 11 (3): 371-388. Haast and the Moa: Reversing the Tyranny of Distance-BARToN 263

MUSEUM OF THE ROYAL COLLEGE OF SUR REINGOLD, N., and M. ROTHENBERG, EDS. GEONS. 1845. Illustrated London News, 4 1987. Scientific colonialism: A cross October. Page 35 in Panorama 1842 cultural comparison. Smithsonian Institu 1865: The world of the early Victorians as tion Press, Washington, D.C. seen through the eyes of the "lllustrated RupKE, N. 1994. Richard Owen: Victorian London News." Reprinted by Leonard de naturalist. Yale University Press, New Vries, ed., 1967. Murray, London. Haven. NEWLAND, E. D. 1991. Dr George Bennett SHEETS-PYENSON, S. 1988, Cathedrals of and Sir Richard Owen: A case study of science: The development of colonial nat the colonization of early Australian ural history museums during the late science. Pages 55-74 in R. W. Home and nineteenth century. McGill-Queen's Uni S. G. Kohlstedt, eds. International science versity Press, Kingston and Montreal. and national scientific identity: Australia STOFFEL, G. M. 1993. The Austrian connec between Britain and America. Kluwer, tion with New Zealand in the nineteenth Dordrecht. century. Pages 21-34 in J. N. Bade, ed, PARKER, T. J. 1895 (read 4 February 1893). The German connection: New Zealand On the cranial osteology, classification, and German-speaking Europe in the nine and phylogeny ofthe Dinornithidae. Trans. teenth century. Oxford University Press, Zool. Soc. Lond. 13 (2): 373-431. Auckland.