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Contextualizaciones Latinoamericanas 3.Indd Contextualizaciones latinoamericanas Proceso de militarización de la seguridad pública en América Latina Contextualizaciones latinoamericanas Proceso de militarización de la seguridad pública en América Latina Marcos Pablo Moloeznik Ignacio Medina Núñez (Coordinadores) Universidad de Guadalajara Centro Universitario de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades Departamento de Estudios Ibéricos y Latinoamericanos Primera edición 2019 D.R. © 2019, Universidad de Guadalajara Centro Universitario de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades Coordinación Editorial Juan Manuel # 130, Zona Centro 44100 Guadalajara, Jalisco, México Visite nuestro catálogo en http://www.publicaciones.cucsh.udg.mx/ ISBN: 978-607-547-479-3 Esta publicación fue sometida a un proceso de dictaminación doble ciego por pares académicos, de acuerdo con las normas editoriales vigentes en esta institución. Impreso y hecho en México Printed and made in Mexico Contenido Prólogo . 9 Ignacio Medina Núñez I . Hacia una interpretación del proceso de militarización de la seguridad pública en América Latina . 13 Marcos Pablo Moloeznik Parte i . Las razones II . De la desmilitarización a la remilitarización . 59 Craig A. Deare III . El problema de la seguridad y de las policías frente al terrorismo y las mafias organizadas . 83 Jaime García Covarrubias Parte ii . Las raíces IV . La remilitarización de la seguridad pública en el Triángulo Norte de Centroamérica y los esfuerzos internacionales para garantizar la protección de los derechos humanos en la región . 101 Daira Arana Aguilar Miguel Adrián Ramírez González V . La temprana (y permanente) militarización de la seguridad pública en México: Estudio histórico . 131 Carlos A. Pérez Ricart VI . Entre los actores no estatales frente al estado: Una vía para la militarización de un conflicto de largo plazo . 163 Guillermo Javier Rolando Garduño Valero Parte iii . La hegemonía regional de Estados Unidos VII . El proceso de militarización de la seguridad pública en México como resultado de la reconfiguración de la política de defensa estadounidense y el combate a las amenazas emergentes en América Latina . 201 Martha Patricia Solís Minor VIII . Cuando la tradición no es un lujo, sino un imperativo: Lecciones del caso estadounidense para la militarización de la seguridad pública en México . 237 Agustín Maciel Padilla Parte iv . El uso intensivo del componente militar en el ámbito de la seguridad pública IX . Militarización en México: Una larga travesía . 275 Martín Gabriel Barrón Cruz X . La gestión de la seguridad pública en México: Confusión y contradicciones (2006-2018) . 303 Carlos Barrachina Lisón XI . Proceso de militarización de la seguridad pública en América Latina . El Triángulo Norte centroamericano . 341 Pedro Trujillo Álvarez Parte v . La búsqueda de una solución ajustada a la legalidad XII . Fuerzas armadas y sistemas policiales en el combate al crimen organizado, sustento jurídico y violación de los derechos humanos: Casos de Argentina, Brasil, Chile y México . 381 Adrián S. Gimate-Welsh Hernández Otto René Cáceres XIII . Quando haverá um conflito armado no Rio de Janeiro: Os cenários cariocas e o marco legal aplicável à violência de fato vivenciada na cidade . 417 Eduardo Bittencourt Cavalcanti XIV . Dimensiones de la participación de las Fuerzas Armadas en los nuevos contextos de violencia y criminalidad en América Latina: Funciones de las Fuerzas Armadas en el Perú . 451 Víctor Gonzáles Jáuregui Sobre los autores . 473 Prólogo Ignacio Medina Núñez1 n el proceso de transición del Estado absolutista al Estado liberal en Europa, y con ocasión del primer rey decapitado, ECarlos I de Inglaterra, en 1649, Thomas Hobbes escribió el primer tratado sobre la constitución del Estado moderno, donde proponía sus elementos constitutivos fundamentales en la forma del Leviatán . Se planteaba que, frente a un estado de caos y enfren- tamiento provocado de manera constante por la constitución natu- ral del ser humano (la competencia, la desconfianza, el deseo de gloria), era necesario un elemento de fuerza que se impusiera a todos los ciudadanos para poder evitar la guerra de todos contra todos y llegar a vivir con una estabilidad básica . La perspectiva de Hobbes siempre ha enfatizado la necesidad del uso de la fuerza para mantener el orden, precisamente por un estado natural en el cual el ser humano siempre es un lobo (homo homini lupus) que necesita ser controlado por un poder superior al que todos otorgamos el monopolio legítimo de la violencia, como diría Weber varios siglos después . Pero, ¿es necesariamente el uso de la fuerza el principal instru- mento para mantener la paz en una sociedad contradictoria? Cuan- do crece la violencia en una nación, ¿debe necesariamente aumen- tar el uso estatal de la fuerza como medio indispensable para man- tener el orden? Sin duda, este es un planteamiento que ha imperado en diversos tiempos y en muchas naciones . Incluso en el momento presente del siglo xxi vemos que Estados Unidos, al considerarse el policía mundial, mantiene de manera prioritaria la estrategia de un presupuesto descomunal para su Ejército y sus fuerzas de interven- ción, con cerca de 700 mil millones de dólares para 2018, mientras 1 . Doctor en Ciencias Sociales; director de la revista Contextualizaciones Latinoamericanas, de la Universidad de Guadalajara, de 2015 a 2018 . Actualmente profesor investigador en El Colegio de Jalisco . Correo electrónico: nacho@coljal .edu .mx . 9 Ignacio Medina Núñez que China, que ocupa el segundo lugar en este rubro en este año, aumentó también su presupuesto, para llegar a 175 mil millones . En la misma lógica, el caso mexicano ha sido alarmante desde 2006, cuando el presidente Calderón pretendió justificar la inter- vención de las Fuerzas Armadas en las calles del país en la lucha contra el narcotráfico, una estrategia que ha continuado el presiden- te Enrique Peña Nieto en su sexenio 2012-2018 . Sin embargo, ana- lizando el caso mexicano, vemos que el problema no se ha resuelto y sí ha ocasionado el mayor número de homicidios dolosos en am- bos sexenios: 234,996 casos (de diciembre de 2006 hasta octubre de 2017) 2. Esta es una línea de acción gubernamental que también se ha implementado en otras situaciones nacionales latinoamericanas, donde no solo se produce la intervención de la policía sino también la del Ejército, en un intento por aumentar la fuerza para mantener el orden . Y tenemos el caso extraordinario de Colombia, que no so- lamente se ha estructurado en torno a la fuerza de su policía y su Ejército sino también alrededor de la intervención norteamericana, y ha expresado además, de manera reciente, su proyecto de incorpo- rarse a la Organización del Tratado del Atlántico Norte (otan), con lo que se ha convertido en el primer país de la región que lo intenta . Sin embargo, deberíamos recordar los consejos del pensador clásico Maquiavelo, en su texto de El príncipe, que quiere hacer reflexionar al político en su búsqueda del poder, porque debería alternar siempre el uso de la fuerza con la astucia, y no confiar so- lamente en la fuerza del león sino, sobre todo, en la astucia del zo- rro . “Hay, pues, que ser zorro para conocer las trampas, y león para espantar a los lobos . Los que solo se sirven de las cualidades del león demuestran poca experiencia . Que el que mejor ha sabido ser zorro, ese ha triunfado” 3. 2 . “De acuerdo con datos del Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía (inegi) y el Sistema Nacional de Seguridad Pública (snsp), Calderón sumó durante su mandato un total de 120,935 homicidios dolosos . Por su parte, Peña Nieto acumula 114,061 asesinatos en lo que va de su administración hasta octubre pasado” . Disponible en: https://www .huffingtonpost .com .mx/2017/11/23/pena-y-calderon-suman-234- mil-muertos-y-2017-es-oficialmente-el-ano-mas-violento-en-la-historia-reciente-de- mexico_a_23285694/ . 3 . Citamos estas palabras textuales de Maquiavelo a partir de la edición de Elaleph, 1999 . Disponible en: http://www .educ .ar . 10 Prólogo Nuestros gobiernos latinoamericanos siempre quieren ser leo- nes . Con una fuerza al estilo Leviatán, pretenden resolverlo todo . Así sucedió con el inicio de la estrategia del presidente mexicano Felipe Calderón en 2006, que permanece hasta hoy . No se trata so- lamente del uso de la fuerza para combatir el narcotráfico y la in- seguridad, sino también de la inclusión de un elemento alarmante: el uso de las Fuerzas Armadas en una tarea que no es propia del Ejército . A fin de cuentas, se quiere espantar a los lobos con el uso de la fuerza, pero sin usar la astucia de una inteligencia policial ade- cuada para descubrir las redes de la delincuencia y combatirlas con eficacia . Y se olvida además un elemento fundamental: la preven- ción de la delincuencia con una estrategia de desarrollo social que no polarice la diferencia de los estratos sociales, donde unos pocos ganan mucho mientras que muchos apenas sobreviven . Tenemos en esta publicación el tratamiento de un grave pro- blema de las sociedades actuales en nuestra región: el ascenso de la delincuencia, el narcotráfico y la inseguridad ciudadana, y la pre- gunta fundamental de cómo habría que resolverlo en un contexto en que los gobiernos hacen un mayor énfasis en la militarización . Se trata, pues, de analizar el “Proceso de militarización de la segu- ridad pública en América Latina”, donde la figura del Leviatán está emergiendo con mucha fuerza, sometiéndose en muchos casos a las estrategias provenientes de los Estados Unidos . Es un problema de vital importancia para todos los ciudadanos
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