Touka Neyestani's Yearbook Nowroz 1393

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Touka Neyestani's Yearbook Nowroz 1393 Touka Neyestani’s Yearbook Nowroz 1393 taught me to protest in silence. He did not grow up A Conversation With Touka Neyestani in the Neyestani family, but he shared my father’s Ala Mohseni dark view of the world. In those heated days of our As a cartoonist, you have achieved revolution, I became eager to follow the footsteps a style that is truly your own. I of Goya and had this childish dream that perhaps, imagine your father, Manouchehr, someday, I would publish a collection of my work, was a big influence. With his art with the same power and punch as Goya’s work, one encounters the same Los Caprichos and the Disasters of War. Once I bitter irony, the same allegorical reached mental maturity, of course, I realized that black and white atmosphere. Can somebody like me could never reach the level of an you tell us about other influences artist like Goya. Nevertheless, I still wish to have and how your work took shape? work as good as his. This motivates me to continue I owe my interest in media and my dark and ironic working. worldview to my father. Whatever talent I have for Your brother Mana’s work is more explicitly social and drawing comes from him as well. He was a poet, political, while yours almost always retains a poetic but sometimes he sketched something quickly on ambiguity. In your own view, what distinguishes the the margins of his notebook. He breathed the air of art of Touka Neyestani from that of Mana Neyestani? the same allegorical black and white world that you Maybe the biggest difference is that Mana started mentioned – and we had to breathe it too. I grew work a few years after the revolution. Our father up in that environment, and just as I was about to died very early on, so Mana does not have many lay a foundation for my career, I was confronted by memories of him and did not get to know much a revolution. I decided to sit at home and browse about the way he thought. As a result, he found other through magazines. I came to know the work inspirations. I think Hergé and his Adventures of of Ardeshir Mohasses and Irandokht Mohasses. Tintin series has had the most influence on Mana. Ardeshir represented a bridge between the two I am scared of drawing something simple that worlds of caricature and painting, while Irandokht can be grasped too quickly. I have this unjustified showed me the modern cartoon. fear, and a need to distance myself from the art of It was, however, the painter Francisco Goya who painting – and from Francisco Goya. Yet I am still Nowroz 1393 Touka's Yearbook 3 very attached to the world of painting. When my sure that I have lived through all those years. or break traffic regulations – even if my choice you to present all aspects of your work to a wider long-time wish to produce a good book is fulfilled, Your reasons for leaving Iran and emigrating to leads me to hell and eternal damnation. audience. Have you ever thought of writing short I plan to start working with color. Maybe I can Canada and comments that you had grown “tired Many of us who have thrown caution to the wind stories or novels? Do you write poetry? If so, can we create two paintings as beautiful as Goya’s “The of living like a criminal” met with considerable used to work in Iran not so long ago. We were more publish a poem here? Nude Maja” and “The Clothed Maja”. The Francisco media attention. Are you nostalgic for anything, or less aware of the restrictions imposed on us but The truth is I am not a writer and don’t have the Goya inside me does not know that he is dead and like the Iranian yogurt drink doogh, or do you had no intention of leaving. But now we are living experience to become one. Writing is very difficult that he looks over Hergé from above. still prefer Pepsi Cola? In a way, you have also gone in a different world with different requirements. for me. From the very first sentence I start to Touka's Yearbook Touka's 4 You started your professional work in 1979 with through a second emigration, from print to online In the West, if an Iranian actress wants to carry correct, change and move around words, which is the weekly publication The Book of Friday, edited publications. How has this influenced and changed on her work, she has to take off her clothes if the time-consuming and exhausting. by Ahmad Shamloo, and have worked at a number your work? situation requires her to do so. Reason dictates But if you insist, I will timidly present you with of other publications. In many ways, the history of Before leaving Iran, I made a list of things I would that if the Iranian authorities don’t want an actress a few vulgar lines, the same kind of verse sung this period can be told through your career. Can you miss and those I would not. On the very first day of to leave the country, they must ease restrictions. In proudly and loudly by famous signers: comment on this? emigration, I missed things I was supposed to miss. the same vein, if an expatriate journalist wants to What is life except to sometimes laugh loudly I don’t know if my drawings successfully tell that The yogurt drink was not one of them, but I have continue his work in the West, he must remove his Giggle, chuckle and snicker proudly story or not, but I believe they express the emotions yet to miss things I did not like in the first place. I mask just as the actress does, and exhibit his naked What is life except to munch grass of people like me who lived through those years. am very logical in this regard. I like nostalgia – it is views to the public. This is the main difference, In comfort with a friend who is an ass I have always tried to have a little optimism and an important subject for me. I love Iran. But what and it has had an impact on some of my drawings What is life except to wash dishes hope for a better future somewhere in my work, I love more is to be able to be Touka Neyestani and since emigration. Putting balm on a heart filled with broken wishes. though once in a while I have failed to do this. to know I will be able to be myself in years to come. Pushing writers into exile is an old ploy [used by [Note from Touka Neyestani: The rest of the poem For 35 years I worked with publications that were I don’t want to be forced to pretend to believe in the regime] to sever the writer from their public. was omitted to prevent further shame.] shut down one by one, or ten by ten, and this has things in which I don’t believe. I want to be able But now the internet has built a major roadblock What is next for you? Do you have any work in filled my life with a sense of foreboding that I don’t to choose which people I address as “sir”. I want to in front of those who try to use this trick. There is progress? think will go away anytime soon. Despite this read books I choose to read and go to gatherings I no doubt that, after emigrating to digital media, I hope to find the time and the patience to write a feeling of bitterness, however, each of my drawings want to go to. I like to have my say without fearing my audience has changed and become more select. book about my emigration and my life in Canada remind me of the moment I was drawing them judgment by and punishment from others. I like Our communication is alive and ongoing and I and illustrate it. And, as with every year that and the people and the events surrounding those that I can have weak points and make mistakes. I hope it will expand as time goes by. passes, I still live in hope that I will be able publish moments. Sometimes when the time passes too want to have the right to choose my own lifestyle, The Saint Touka website is extremely popular and, a book resembling those by Francisco Goya. quickly, I rummage through my archive to make as long as I do not trample on other people’s rights through it and your Facebook page, it’s easier for Nowroz 1393 Touka's Yearbook 5 My Political Platform by Dr. Bagher Lankarani (Edited Version) Dr. Bagher Lankarani was health minister under former President Ahmadinejad and a hardline candidate in the 2013 presidential election. Before he withdrew his candidacy to support former nuclear negotiator and conservative ally Saeed Jalili, he told a group of medical students in Mashhad that he had sent a draft of his political platform to the fundamentalist cleric Ayatollah Mesbah Yazdi for guidance and Touka's Yearbook Touka's 6 suggestions. He promised to publish a revised version of the platform following Yazdi’s advice. Presidential Election Nowroz 1393 Touka's Yearbook 7 Mostafa Pourmohammadi: 25 Years On Hassan Rouhani, Mostafa Pourmohammadi, currently justice minister under President Rouhani, has faced criticism According to Touka from human rights groups over his involvement in the execution of thousands of political prisoners Hassan Rouhani: “We in 1998.
Recommended publications
  • Iran's Nuclear Ambitions From
    IDENTITY AND LEGITIMACY: IRAN’S NUCLEAR AMBITIONS FROM NON- TRADITIONAL PERSPECTIVES Pupak Mohebali Doctor of Philosophy University of York Politics June 2017 Abstract This thesis examines the impact of Iranian elites’ conceptions of national identity on decisions affecting Iran's nuclear programme and the P5+1 nuclear negotiations. “Why has the development of an indigenous nuclear fuel cycle been portrayed as a unifying symbol of national identity in Iran, especially since 2002 following the revelation of clandestine nuclear activities”? This is the key research question that explores the Iranian political elites’ perspectives on nuclear policy actions. My main empirical data is elite interviews. Another valuable source of empirical data is a discourse analysis of Iranian leaders’ statements on various aspects of the nuclear programme. The major focus of the thesis is how the discourses of Iranian national identity have been influential in nuclear decision-making among the national elites. In this thesis, I examine Iranian national identity components, including Persian nationalism, Shia Islamic identity, Islamic Revolutionary ideology, and modernity and technological advancement. Traditional rationalist IR approaches, such as realism fail to explain how effective national identity is in the context of foreign policy decision-making. I thus discuss the connection between national identity, prestige and bargaining leverage using a social constructivist approach. According to constructivism, states’ cultures and identities are not established realities, but the outcomes of historical and social processes. The Iranian nuclear programme has a symbolic nature that mingles with socially constructed values. There is the need to look at Iran’s nuclear intentions not necessarily through the lens of a nuclear weapons programme, but rather through the regime’s overall nuclear aspirations.
    [Show full text]
  • Download Report
    Iranian Internet Infrastructure and Policy Report April 2014 smallmedia.org.uk This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 3.0 Unported License INTRODUCTION // Despite the election of the moderate Hassan Rouhani to the presidency last year, Iran’s systematic filtering of online content and mobile phone apps continues at full-pace. In this month’s edition of the Iranian Internet Infrastructure and Policy Report, Small Media takes a closer look at one of the bodies most deeply-enmeshed with the process of overseeing and directing filtering policies - the ‘Commission to Determine the Instances of Criminal Content’ (or CDICC). This month’s report also tracks all the usual news about Iran’s filtering system, national Internet policy, and infrastructure development projects. As well as tracking high-profile splits in the estab- lishment over the filtering of the chat app WhatsApp, this month’s report also finds evidence that the government has begun to deploy the National Information Network (SHOMA), or ‘National Internet’, with millions of Iranians using it to access the government’s new online platform for managing social welfare and support. 2 THE COMMISSION TO DETERMINE THE INSTANCES OF CRIMINAL CONTENT (CDICC) THE COMMISSION TO DETERMINE THE INSTANCES OF CRIMINAL CONTENT (CDICC) overview The Commission to Determine the Instances of Criminal Content (CDICC) is the body tasked with monitoring cyberspace, and filtering criminal Internet content. It was established as a consequence of Iran’s Cyber Crime Law (CCL), which was passed by Iran’s Parliament in May 2009. According to Article 22 of the CCL, Iran’s Judiciary System was given the mandate of establishing CDICC under the authority of Iran’s Prosecutor’s Office.
    [Show full text]
  • U.S. and Iranian Strategic Competition
    Iran V: Sanctions Competition January 4, 2013 0 U.S. AND IRANIAN STRATEGIC COMPETITION Sanctions, Energy, Arms Control, and Regime Change Anthony H. Cordesman, Bryan Gold, Sam Khazai, and Bradley Bosserman April 19, 2013 Anthony H. Cordesman Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy [email protected] Note: This report is will be updated. Please provide comments and suggestions to [email protected] Iran V: Sanctions Competition April, 19 2013 I Executive Summary This report analyzes four key aspects of US and Iranian strategic competition - sanctions, energy, arms control, and regime change. Its primary focus is on the ways in which the sanctions applied to Iran have changed US and Iranian competition since the fall of 2011. This escalation has been spurred by the creation of a series of far stronger US unilateral sanctions and the EU‘s imposition of equally strong sanctions – both of which affect Iran‘s ability to export, its financial system and its overall economy. It has been spurred by Iran‘s ongoing missile deployments and nuclear program, as reported in sources like the November 2011 IAEA report that highlights the probable military dimensions of Iran‘s nuclear program. And, by Iranian rhetoric, by Iranian threats to ―close‖ the Gulf to oil traffic; increased support of the Quds Force and pro-Shiite governments and non-state actors; and by incidents like the Iranian-sponsored assassination plot against the Saudi Ambassador to the US, an Iranian government instigated mob attack on the British Embassy in Tehran on November 30, 2011, and the Iranian-linked attacks against Israeli diplomats.
    [Show full text]
  • The Relationship Between the Supreme Leadership and Presidency and Its Impact on the Political System in Iran
    Study The Relationship Between the Supreme Leadership and Presidency and Its Impact on the Political System in Iran By Dr. Motasem Sadiqallah | Researcher at the International Institute for Iranian Studies (Rasanah) Mahmoud Hamdi Abualqasim | Researcher at the International Insti- tute for Iranian Studies (Rasanah) www.rasanah-iiis.org WWW.RASANAH-IIIS.ORG Contents Executive Summary ....................................................................................... 3 I- The Status and Role of the Supreme Leadership and the Presidency in the Iranian Political System ................................................................................. 4 II- The Problems Involving the Relationship Between the Supreme Leader and the Presidency .............................................................................................. 11 III- Applying Pressure Through Power to Dismiss the President .....................15 IV- The Implications of the Conflict Between the Supreme Leader and the Presidency on the Effectiveness of the Political System ................................. 20 V- The Future of the Relationship Between the Supreme Leader and the President ........................................................................................ 26 Conclusion .................................................................................................. 29 Disclaimer The study, including its analysis and views, solely reflects the opinions of the writers who are liable for the conclusions, statistics or mistakes contained therein
    [Show full text]
  • The Changing MIDDLE EAST
    Andrzej Kapiszewski The Changing MIDDLE EAST Selected Issues in Politics and Society in the Gulf Kraków 2006 Editorial Board: Klemens Budzowski, Andrzej Kapiszewski, Zbigniew Maciąg, Jacek M. Majchrowski Cover design: Igor Stanisławski Copyright© by Andrzej Kapiszewski ISBN 83-89823-17-9 Printed by: Drukarnia Tercja s.c. Acknowledgments Articles published in this volume originally appeared in the following publications: 1. George W. Bush’s “promotion o f democracy" agenda in the Middle East—Acta Asiatica Varsoviensa, no. 17, 2004, pp. 71—90 (expanded and updated version of the original) 2. Elections and parliamentary activity in the GCCstates. Broadening political participation in the Gulf monarchies — Constitutional Reform and Political Participation in the Gulf, Abdulhada Khalaf and Giacomo Luciani (eds), Dubai, Gulf Research Center, 2006, p p .88-131 3. Saudi Arabia: Steps toward democratization or reconfiguration of authoritarianism? — fournal of Asian and African Studies, 2006, no. 41. 4. The Iraqi elections and their consequences. Power-sharing, a key to the country’s political future - Looking into Iraq, Chaillot Paper, no. 79, Walter Posh (ed.), July 2005, Institute for Security Studies, European Union, Paris, pp. 13-24 Acknowledgments 5. Iran’s new revolution? President Ahmadinejad and the power struggle in Tehran - Politeja, no. 2 (4), 2005, pp. 245-255. 6. Arab vs. Asian migrant workers in the GCC countries — paper presented at the Expert Group Meeting on “International Migration and Development in the Arab Region”, The Population Division of the Department of Economic and Social Affairs, United Nations, Beirut, Lebanon, 15-17 May, 2006. 7. Population and workforce in Oman - Oman. Studies on Politics, Economy, Environment and Culture of the Sultanate, Andrzej Kapiszewski, Abdulrahman Al-Salimi and Andrzej Pikulski (eds), Kraków, Księgarnia Akademicka, 2006, pp.
    [Show full text]
  • CT 11 Final:Layout 1
    Iran Takes on the World By Jamsheed K. Choksy he islamic republic of iran is today challenging the world. The Iranian leadership’s appetite for power is growing, for they have become thoroughly convinced that no outside power—the U.S. in- cluded—will derail their rise to regional and even global prominence. “Whether you like it or not,” the Iranian cleric and politician Ayatollah TAhmad Khatami, an influential figure and on-and-off mentor to Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, publicly boasted to the U.S., “you have to regard Iran as a great power in the political sphere. The people of Iran have realized there is nothing you can do to us now or will be capable of doing [in the future]. So rather than using all your resources in failed attempts to oppose Iran, you should work with us.”1 Khatami’s statement, like many other recent pronouncements made by the Is- lamic Republic’s leaders, underscores why Iran has not complied with years of Amer- ican demands for full transparency in its nuclear programs, for putting a halt to its sponsorship of terrorism and propagation of militant Islam or Islamism globally, and for cooperation in regional affairs. Simply put, the Islamic Republic’s ruling politicians no longer fear America; they believe the U.S. and its allies have lost the political will to preserve the current order. Tehran, therefore, no longer worries about the repercussions of pursuing an ever-more ambitious policy aimed at refash- ioning the international order and extending Iranian power and influence. Students of history know this is not the first time a rising Iran has sought to dom- inate its neighbors and the world beyond.
    [Show full text]
  • Reporters Without Borders Recounted-04-01-2013,43862.Html
    Reporters Without Borders http://www.rsf.org/iran-press-freedom-violations- recounted-04-01-2013,43862.html Middle East/North Africa - Iran Press freedom violations recounted in real time (from 1st January 2013) 24 June 2013 24.06.2013-One journalist released, another sentenced to six years in prison Reporters Without Borders is relieved to learn of journalist Jila Bani Yaghoob’s announced release after the authorities deemed that she had completed the one-year jail sentence she received from a Tehran court on 22 October 2010. Bani Yaghoob had been held since 2 September 2012, when she was summoned to Tehran’s Evin prison to begin serving the sentence. She is now subject to a 30-year ban on working as a journalist, the second component of the sentence imposed in October 2010. Bani Yaghoob and her husband, fellow journalist Bahaman Ahamadi Amoee, were originally arrested together on 20 June 2009. Yaghoob was released on bail on 24 August 2009 but her husband remained in detention and was given a five-year jail sentence for articles critical of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s administration. Bani Yaghoob’s “We are journalists” blog was awarded the “Reporters Without Borders Freedom of Expression” prize in 2010 in the BOBs (Best of Blogs) competition that German public broadcaster Deutsche Welle organizes in Berlin. In 2009, she won the International Women’s Media Foundation’s “Courage in Journalism Award” as well as the International Press Freedom Award from “Canadian Journalists for Freedom of Expression.” Reporters Without Borders has meanwhile learned that Foad Sadeghi, the editor of the Baztab Emrooz news website, was released provisionally on 16 June, a month after his arrest on 18 May.
    [Show full text]
  • Prospects for Iran's 2009 Presidential Elections
    The Middle East Institute Policy Brief No. 24 June 2009 Prospects for Iran’s 2009 Presidential Elections By Walter Posch The tenth Iranian presidential elections once again expose the deep political and ideological rift between reformists and non-reformists. However, even more dramat- ic changes took place within the two political “camps.” After having been sidelined for years, the non-reformist right has successfully re-invented itself as “osulgara” — fundamentalists. However, the path towards developing an efficient party is blocked thanks to a severe bifurcation within the right between followers and opponents of the incumbent President, Mahmud Ahmadinejad, who has lost nothing of his out- sider and underdog image. On the reformists’ side, the old and actually successful alliance between moderate right and democratic-Islamist groups has found a new frontman, former Prime Minister Mir Hossein Moussavi-Khamene. His flirtations with fundamentalist tenets are both a testimony to the increasingly ideologized po- litical atmosphere in the country and a smart move to garner votes from the anti- Ahmadinejad elements within the Islamic right while at the same time inoculating the reformist movement against accusations to be essentially counterrevolutionary. Thus a close race can be expected. For more than 60 years, the Middle East Institute has been dedicated to increasing Americans’ knowledge and understanding of the re- gion. MEI offers programs, media outreach, language courses, scholars, a library, and an academic journal to help achieve its goals. The views expressed in this Policy Brief are those of the author; the Middle East Institute does not take positions on Middle East policy.
    [Show full text]
  • Iran's Human Rights Violators and Canada's Magnitsky Statutes
    Briefing Book, January 2020 Iran’s Human Rights Violators and Canada’s Magnitsky Statutes A Canadian Primer The Canadian Coalition Against Terror (C-CAT) is a policy, research and advocacy group committed to developing innovative strategies in the battle against extremism and terrorism. C-CAT is comprised of terror victims, counterterrorism professionals, lawyers and others dedicated to building bridges between the private and public sectors in this effort. http://www.c-catcanada.org The contents of this briefing binder may be reproduced in whole or part with proper attribution to the original source(s) Dr. Ahmed Shaheed: (UN special rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief from 2011 to 2016) “Those who violate human rights in Iran are not fringe or renegade officials. Rather, they hold senior positions in the executive branch and the judiciary, where they continue to enjoy impunity. These officials control a vast infrastructure of repression that permeates the lives of Iranian citizens. …Defiance of these norms often comes at a terrible cost, with Iranians frequently facing unjust detention, torture, and even death.”1 Table of Contents 1. A Memo to the Reader---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------1 2. Canada-Iran Overview---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------3 > Canada-Iran-Relations Fact Sheet > Iran’s International Ranking as a Human Rights Violator > Iran’s International Ranking for Corruption 3. The Magnitsky Act and Iran --------------------------------------------------------------------------------8
    [Show full text]
  • The 2021 Iran Presidential Elections: Prospects and Expectations
    INFO PACK The 2021 Iran Presidential Elections: Prospects and Expectations Fatih Şemsettin Işık INFO PACK The 2021 Iran Presidential Elections: Prospects and Expectations Fatih Şemsettin Işık The 2021 Iran Presidential Elections: Prospects and Expectations © TRT WORLD RESEARCH CENTRE ALL RIGHTS RESERVED PUBLISHER TRT WORLD RESEARCH CENTRE June 2021 WRITTEN BY Fatih Şemsettin Işık PHOTO CREDIT ANADOLU AGENCY TRT WORLD İSTANBUL AHMET ADNAN SAYGUN STREET NO:83 34347 ULUS, BEŞİKTAŞ İSTANBUL / TURKEY TRT WORLD LONDON 200 GRAYS INN ROAD, WC1X 8XZ LONDON / UNITED KINGDOM TRT WORLD WASHINGTON D.C. 1819 L STREET NW SUITE, 700 20036 WASHINGTON DC / UNITED STATES www.trtworld.com researchcentre.trtworld.com The opinions expressed in this Info Pack represent the views of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the TRT World Research Centre. 4 The 2021 Iran Presidential Elections: Prospects and Expectations Introduction n June 18, Iran is scheduled to hold After eight years of Hassan Rouhani as president, presidential elections following Has- Iran will elect a new president on June 18, 2021. Amid san Rouhani’s eight year tenure. With renewed nuclear talks with the United States in Vien- the ongoing nuclear talks in Vienna na and the sanctions-related economic deterioration, and the country’s deteriorating eco- the significance of these elections is heightened. O Even though presidential authority is relatively limit- nomic situation the significance of these elections are magnified. This info-pack explores the contours ed compared to the Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, of the political dynamics in Iran ahead of the June 18 the presidential office is nonetheless significant.
    [Show full text]
  • Grenzen Politischer Reform- Und Handlungsspielräume in Iran
    Semiramis Akbari Grenzen politischer Reform- und Handlungsspielräume in Iran Die Bedeutung innenpolitischer Dynamiken für die Außenpolitik HSFK-Report 9/2006 Redaktionsschluss: 22. Januar 2007 © Hessische Stiftung Friedens- und Konfliktforschung (HSFK) Adresse der Autorin: HSFK x Leimenrode 29 x 60322 Frankfurt am Main Telefon: (069) 95 91 04-0 x Fax: (069) 55 84 81 E-Mail: [email protected] x Internet: www.hsfk.de ISBN-10: 3-937829-41-5 ISBN-13: 978-3-937829-41-8 Euro 6,- Zusammenfassung Nahezu täglich berichten die Medien über Irans Nuklearambitionen. Das internationale Medieninteresse an Teherans Atompolitik hat insbesondere seit dem Amtsantritt des sechsten Staatspräsidenten der Islamischen Republik im August 2005 zugenommen. Ent- gegen den Erwartungen und Prognosen im In- und Ausland wurde in Iran am 24. Juni 2005 ein Ultrakonservativer zum Nachfolger des reformorientierten fünften Staatspräsi- denten Mohammad Khatami (1997-2005) gewählt. Der Sieg Mahmud Ahmadinejads wird nicht nur als eines der wichtigsten Ereignisse in die postrevolutionäre Geschichte der Isla- mischen Republik Irans eingehen, sondern stellt zugleich eine Zäsur im Verhältnis der westlichen Staatengemeinschaft zu Iran dar. Dies lässt sich unter anderem daran ablesen, dass die internationale Kritik, insbesonde- re der USA an Iran enorm zugenommen hat. Die Bush-Regierung begreift den schiiti- schen Gottesstaat vor allem aufgrund seiner Nuklearambitionen als Bedrohung für den Weltfrieden. Iran befindet sich seit 2003 in schwierigen Verhandlungen mit der Interna- tionalen Atomenergie Organisation (IAEO) in Wien über das umstrittene iranische Nu- klearprogramm. Neben dem multilateralen Kontrollregime (IAEO) spielen bei den Ver- handlungen externe Akteure, darunter die USA, die EU-3 (Deutschland, Frankreich und Großbritannien) sowie Russland und China eine wichtige Rolle.
    [Show full text]
  • Ira Di N: Ah Ismis Hmad Ssal a Dinej and R Jad B Resign Betwe Natio
    Iran: Ahmadinejad between Dismissal and Resignation Fatimah Smadi* Al Jazeera Centre for Studies Tel: +974-44930181 31 July 2011 Fax: +974-44831346 [email protected] www.aljazeera.net/studies Relations between the Supreme Leader of the Iranian Revolution, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and the Iranian President, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, have certainly been seriously impaired although the latter had used to boast their father-son bond and the former had long supported him, asserting that among Iranian officials, Ahmadinejad is the closest to him. Ahmadinejad has sought to create a course of judgment independent from that of the Supreme Leader three times. The first time was when he appointed his son’s father-in-law and friend, Rahim Mashaei, as his vice president despite the severe criticism he received and he did not yield until Khamenei bluntly ordered him to dismiss Mashaei. Ahmadinejad reattempted to create his own course of judgment when he "offensively" dismissed his foreign minister, Manouchehr Mottaki, due to disputes regarding foreign policies and after introducing a diplomatic path parallel to that of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs despite Khamenei’s disapproval. The third attempt that caused confrontation followed when he dismissed the Minister of Intelligence, Hojjatul-Islam Haydar Moslihi, despite the Supreme Leader's objection. The Supreme Leader, who was dissatisfied with Ahmadinejad's audaciousness, then directly addressed Moslihi (circumventing Ahmadinejad,) in an unparalleled precedence in the Iranian politics, with a letter praising his achievements and ordering him to hold on to his position. In truth, Khamenei can depose Ahmadinejad from office if he finds it beneficial to do so, especially with the increase of criticism from the Ayatollahs of Qom and strained relations with the legislative and judicial authorities.
    [Show full text]