The Changing MIDDLE EAST
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Iranian Internet Infrastructure and Policy Report April 2014 smallmedia.org.uk This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 3.0 Unported License INTRODUCTION // Despite the election of the moderate Hassan Rouhani to the presidency last year, Iran’s systematic filtering of online content and mobile phone apps continues at full-pace. In this month’s edition of the Iranian Internet Infrastructure and Policy Report, Small Media takes a closer look at one of the bodies most deeply-enmeshed with the process of overseeing and directing filtering policies - the ‘Commission to Determine the Instances of Criminal Content’ (or CDICC). This month’s report also tracks all the usual news about Iran’s filtering system, national Internet policy, and infrastructure development projects. As well as tracking high-profile splits in the estab- lishment over the filtering of the chat app WhatsApp, this month’s report also finds evidence that the government has begun to deploy the National Information Network (SHOMA), or ‘National Internet’, with millions of Iranians using it to access the government’s new online platform for managing social welfare and support. 2 THE COMMISSION TO DETERMINE THE INSTANCES OF CRIMINAL CONTENT (CDICC) THE COMMISSION TO DETERMINE THE INSTANCES OF CRIMINAL CONTENT (CDICC) overview The Commission to Determine the Instances of Criminal Content (CDICC) is the body tasked with monitoring cyberspace, and filtering criminal Internet content. It was established as a consequence of Iran’s Cyber Crime Law (CCL), which was passed by Iran’s Parliament in May 2009. According to Article 22 of the CCL, Iran’s Judiciary System was given the mandate of establishing CDICC under the authority of Iran’s Prosecutor’s Office. -
Supreme Leader Appoints Members for the New Term of the Expediency Council - 14 /Mar/ 2012
Supreme Leader Appoints Members for the New Term of the Expediency Council - 14 /Mar/ 2012 In the Name of Allah, the Beneficent, the Merciful I am thankful to Allah the Exalted that with Allah’s grace, the Expediency Council managed to finish another 5-year term with an acceptable record and hopefully the outcomes and benefits of the legal measures of the council will produce good results in managerial areas of the country – the three branches of government, the Armed Forces and other organizations – and everybody will see the outcomes. I would like to thank all of the esteemed members, the chairman and the secretariat of the council and for the new 5-year term, I hereby assign the following legal and natural persons under the chairmanship of Hojjatoleslam wal- Muslemin Hashemi Rafsanjani: The legal persons are as follows: Heads of the three branches of government Jurisprudents of the Guardian Council The secretary of the Supreme National Security Council The minister or chairperson of the relevant organization The chairperson of the relevant parliamentary commissions The natural persons are as follows: Mr. Hashemi Rafsanjani, Mr. Hajj Sheikh Ahmad Jannati, Mr. Vaez Tabasi, Mr. Amini Najafabadi, Mr. Seyyed Mahmoud Hashemi Shahroudi, Mr. Movahedi Kermani, Mr. Ali-Akbar Nategh-Nuri, Mr. Hajj Sheikh Hasan Sanei, Mr. Hasan Rouhani, Mr. Dorri Najafabadi, Mr. Gholam-Hossein Mohseni, Mr. Mahmoud Mohammadi Eraghi, Mr. Gholam-Reza Mesbahi Moghaddam, Mr. Majid Ansari, Mr. Gholam-Reza Aghazadeh, Mr. Ali Agha-Mohammadi, Mr. Mohammad-Javad Iravani, Mr. Mohammad-Reza Bahonar, Mr. Gholam-Ali Haddad Adel, Mr. Hasan Habibi, Page 1 / 2 Mr. -
Ahmadinezhad's Cabinet: Loyalists and Radicals
PolicyWatch #1571 Ahmadinezhad's Cabinet: Loyalists and Radicals By Mehdi Khalaji August 21, 2009 On August 19, Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinezhad submitted his list of cabinet nominees to the Majlis (Iran's parliament). The president's choice of individuals clearly shows his preference for loyalty over efficiency, as he fired every minister who, while strongly supportive of him on most issues, opposed him recently on his controversial decision to appoint a family relative as first vice president. Ahmadinezhad's drive to install loyalists involves placing members of the military and intelligence community in the cabinet, as well as in other important government positions. Despite the president's positioning, Iran's top leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, remains in firm control of the country's vital ministries. Cabinet Approval On August 23, the Majlis will either approve or challenge the president's cabinet appointments. Ahmadinezhad has a relatively free hand to choose the majority of cabinet seats, but the country's key ministries -- intelligence, interior, foreign affairs, defense, and culture and Islamic guidance -- are, in all practical terms, preapproved by Khamenei before the president submits their names. As such, the Majlis is all but guaranteed to accept these particular individuals. The president is also empowered to directly appoint the secretary of the Supreme Council for National Security (SCNS) -- the individual responsible for Iran's nuclear dossier and negotiations -- but because this position is of particular importance to Khamanei, it also must be preapproved. Economic and Foreign Affairs Ahmadinezhad's nominations suggest that he is not bothered by the ongoing criticism of his foreign policy and economic agenda, since the ministers of foreign affairs, industries and mines, economic affairs, cooperatives, and roads and transport will remain unchanged. -
U.S. and Iranian Strategic Competition
Iran V: Sanctions Competition January 4, 2013 0 U.S. AND IRANIAN STRATEGIC COMPETITION Sanctions, Energy, Arms Control, and Regime Change Anthony H. Cordesman, Bryan Gold, Sam Khazai, and Bradley Bosserman April 19, 2013 Anthony H. Cordesman Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy [email protected] Note: This report is will be updated. Please provide comments and suggestions to [email protected] Iran V: Sanctions Competition April, 19 2013 I Executive Summary This report analyzes four key aspects of US and Iranian strategic competition - sanctions, energy, arms control, and regime change. Its primary focus is on the ways in which the sanctions applied to Iran have changed US and Iranian competition since the fall of 2011. This escalation has been spurred by the creation of a series of far stronger US unilateral sanctions and the EU‘s imposition of equally strong sanctions – both of which affect Iran‘s ability to export, its financial system and its overall economy. It has been spurred by Iran‘s ongoing missile deployments and nuclear program, as reported in sources like the November 2011 IAEA report that highlights the probable military dimensions of Iran‘s nuclear program. And, by Iranian rhetoric, by Iranian threats to ―close‖ the Gulf to oil traffic; increased support of the Quds Force and pro-Shiite governments and non-state actors; and by incidents like the Iranian-sponsored assassination plot against the Saudi Ambassador to the US, an Iranian government instigated mob attack on the British Embassy in Tehran on November 30, 2011, and the Iranian-linked attacks against Israeli diplomats. -
Leadership Divided? Nima Gerami
The Domestic Politics of Iran’s Nuclear Debate LEADERSHIP DIVIDED? NIMA GERAMI LEADERSHIP DIVIDED? The Domestic Politics of Iran’s Nuclear Debate NIMA GERAMI The Washington Institute for Near East Policy www.washingtoninstitute.org Policy Focus 134 | February 2014 The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2014 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050 Washington, DC 20036 Cover: Tehran newspaper headlines following signing of the Joint Plan of Action in Geneva. Design: 1000 Colors Contents Acknowledgments | v Executive Summary | vii 1. Introduction | 1 2. Limits on Iran’s Nuclear Debate: Secrecy and Self-Censorship | 3 3. Contextualizing Nuclear Decisionmaking: The Key Stakeholders | 9 4. The Political Landscape: Elite Factionalism and the Nuclear Debate | 19 5. Critical Junctures: Internal Divisions and Nuclear Policy Shifts | 31 6. Conclusion: Lessons Learned | 40 About the Author | 42 Figures Fig 1. Overview of Nuclear Decisionmaking in Iran | 11 Table 1. Formal Members of the Supreme National Security Council | 12 Acknowledgments I would like to express my gratitude to the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, particularly Patrick Clawson, Michael Eisenstadt, and Mehdi Khalaji, for their encouragement, insights, and support during the preparation of this study. -
Iran March 2009
COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION REPORT IRAN 17 MARCH 2009 UK Border Agency COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION SERVICE IRAN 17 MARCH 2009 Contents Preface Latest News EVENTS IN IRAN, FROM 2 FEBRUARY 2009 TO 16 MARCH 2009 REPORTS ON IRAN PUBLISHED OR ACCESSED BETWEEN 2 FEBRUARY 2009 TO 16 MARCH 2009 Paragraphs Background Information 1. GEOGRAPHY ......................................................................................... 1.01 Maps .............................................................................................. 1.03 Iran............................................................................................. 1.03 Tehran ....................................................................................... 1.04 2. ECONOMY ............................................................................................ 2.01 Sanctions ...................................................................................... 2.13 3. HISTORY ............................................................................................... 3.01 Calendar ........................................................................................ 3.02 Pre 1979......................................................................................... 3.03 1979 to 1999 .................................................................................. 3.05 2000 to date................................................................................... 3.16 Student unrest ............................................................................. -
Prospects for Iran's 2009 Presidential Elections
The Middle East Institute Policy Brief No. 24 June 2009 Prospects for Iran’s 2009 Presidential Elections By Walter Posch The tenth Iranian presidential elections once again expose the deep political and ideological rift between reformists and non-reformists. However, even more dramat- ic changes took place within the two political “camps.” After having been sidelined for years, the non-reformist right has successfully re-invented itself as “osulgara” — fundamentalists. However, the path towards developing an efficient party is blocked thanks to a severe bifurcation within the right between followers and opponents of the incumbent President, Mahmud Ahmadinejad, who has lost nothing of his out- sider and underdog image. On the reformists’ side, the old and actually successful alliance between moderate right and democratic-Islamist groups has found a new frontman, former Prime Minister Mir Hossein Moussavi-Khamene. His flirtations with fundamentalist tenets are both a testimony to the increasingly ideologized po- litical atmosphere in the country and a smart move to garner votes from the anti- Ahmadinejad elements within the Islamic right while at the same time inoculating the reformist movement against accusations to be essentially counterrevolutionary. Thus a close race can be expected. For more than 60 years, the Middle East Institute has been dedicated to increasing Americans’ knowledge and understanding of the re- gion. MEI offers programs, media outreach, language courses, scholars, a library, and an academic journal to help achieve its goals. The views expressed in this Policy Brief are those of the author; the Middle East Institute does not take positions on Middle East policy. -
Iran's Human Rights Violators and Canada's Magnitsky Statutes
Briefing Book, January 2020 Iran’s Human Rights Violators and Canada’s Magnitsky Statutes A Canadian Primer The Canadian Coalition Against Terror (C-CAT) is a policy, research and advocacy group committed to developing innovative strategies in the battle against extremism and terrorism. C-CAT is comprised of terror victims, counterterrorism professionals, lawyers and others dedicated to building bridges between the private and public sectors in this effort. http://www.c-catcanada.org The contents of this briefing binder may be reproduced in whole or part with proper attribution to the original source(s) Dr. Ahmed Shaheed: (UN special rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief from 2011 to 2016) “Those who violate human rights in Iran are not fringe or renegade officials. Rather, they hold senior positions in the executive branch and the judiciary, where they continue to enjoy impunity. These officials control a vast infrastructure of repression that permeates the lives of Iranian citizens. …Defiance of these norms often comes at a terrible cost, with Iranians frequently facing unjust detention, torture, and even death.”1 Table of Contents 1. A Memo to the Reader---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------1 2. Canada-Iran Overview---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------3 > Canada-Iran-Relations Fact Sheet > Iran’s International Ranking as a Human Rights Violator > Iran’s International Ranking for Corruption 3. The Magnitsky Act and Iran --------------------------------------------------------------------------------8 -
Grenzen Politischer Reform- Und Handlungsspielräume in Iran
Semiramis Akbari Grenzen politischer Reform- und Handlungsspielräume in Iran Die Bedeutung innenpolitischer Dynamiken für die Außenpolitik HSFK-Report 9/2006 Redaktionsschluss: 22. Januar 2007 © Hessische Stiftung Friedens- und Konfliktforschung (HSFK) Adresse der Autorin: HSFK x Leimenrode 29 x 60322 Frankfurt am Main Telefon: (069) 95 91 04-0 x Fax: (069) 55 84 81 E-Mail: [email protected] x Internet: www.hsfk.de ISBN-10: 3-937829-41-5 ISBN-13: 978-3-937829-41-8 Euro 6,- Zusammenfassung Nahezu täglich berichten die Medien über Irans Nuklearambitionen. Das internationale Medieninteresse an Teherans Atompolitik hat insbesondere seit dem Amtsantritt des sechsten Staatspräsidenten der Islamischen Republik im August 2005 zugenommen. Ent- gegen den Erwartungen und Prognosen im In- und Ausland wurde in Iran am 24. Juni 2005 ein Ultrakonservativer zum Nachfolger des reformorientierten fünften Staatspräsi- denten Mohammad Khatami (1997-2005) gewählt. Der Sieg Mahmud Ahmadinejads wird nicht nur als eines der wichtigsten Ereignisse in die postrevolutionäre Geschichte der Isla- mischen Republik Irans eingehen, sondern stellt zugleich eine Zäsur im Verhältnis der westlichen Staatengemeinschaft zu Iran dar. Dies lässt sich unter anderem daran ablesen, dass die internationale Kritik, insbesonde- re der USA an Iran enorm zugenommen hat. Die Bush-Regierung begreift den schiiti- schen Gottesstaat vor allem aufgrund seiner Nuklearambitionen als Bedrohung für den Weltfrieden. Iran befindet sich seit 2003 in schwierigen Verhandlungen mit der Interna- tionalen Atomenergie Organisation (IAEO) in Wien über das umstrittene iranische Nu- klearprogramm. Neben dem multilateralen Kontrollregime (IAEO) spielen bei den Ver- handlungen externe Akteure, darunter die USA, die EU-3 (Deutschland, Frankreich und Großbritannien) sowie Russland und China eine wichtige Rolle. -
Why They Left Stories of Iranian Activists in Exile
Why They Left Stories of Iranian Activists in Exile Copyright © 2012 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-971-2 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch is dedicated to protecting the human rights of people around the world. We stand with victims and activists to prevent discrimination, to uphold political freedom, to protect people from inhumane conduct in wartime, and to bring offenders to justice. We investigate and expose human rights violations and hold abusers accountable. We challenge governments and those who hold power to end abusive practices and respect international human rights law. We enlist the public and the international community to support the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org DECEMBER 2012 ISBN: 1-56432-971-2 Why They Left Stories of Iranian Activists in Exile Summary ........................................................................................................................... 1 Recommendations .............................................................................................................. 5 Methodology ..................................................................................................................... -
Iran 2012 Human Rights Report
IRAN 2012 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Islamic Republic of Iran is a theocratic republic established after the 1979 adoption of a constitution by popular referendum. The constitution, amended in 1989, created a political system based on the concept in Shia Islam of velayat-e faqih, the “guardianship of the jurist” or “rule by the jurisprudent.” Shia clergy and political leaders vetted by the clergy, many of which are increasingly associated with the country’s security forces, dominate key power structures. The “leader of the revolution” (or supreme leader) is chosen by a popularly elected body of 86 clerics, the Assembly of Experts, and directly controls the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of government, as well as the armed forces. The supreme leader also indirectly controls internal security forces and other key institutions. Since 1989 the supreme leader has been Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. The March 2 legislative elections for the 290-seat Islamic Consultative Assembly were generally considered neither free nor fair. Civilian authorities failed at times to maintain effective control over the security forces. The government continued its crackdown on civil society, which intensified after the disputed 2009 presidential elections. The government and its security forces pressured, intimidated, and arrested journalists, students, lawyers, artists, women, ethnic and religious activists, and members of their families. The judiciary continued to harshly punish, imprison, or detain without charges human rights activists, members of the political opposition, and persons linked to reform movements. The government significantly increased its surveillance and monitoring of citizens’ online activities by blocking or filtering content and detaining numerous Internet users for content posted online. -
Touka Neyestani's Yearbook Nowroz 1393
Touka Neyestani’s Yearbook Nowroz 1393 taught me to protest in silence. He did not grow up A Conversation With Touka Neyestani in the Neyestani family, but he shared my father’s Ala Mohseni dark view of the world. In those heated days of our As a cartoonist, you have achieved revolution, I became eager to follow the footsteps a style that is truly your own. I of Goya and had this childish dream that perhaps, imagine your father, Manouchehr, someday, I would publish a collection of my work, was a big influence. With his art with the same power and punch as Goya’s work, one encounters the same Los Caprichos and the Disasters of War. Once I bitter irony, the same allegorical reached mental maturity, of course, I realized that black and white atmosphere. Can somebody like me could never reach the level of an you tell us about other influences artist like Goya. Nevertheless, I still wish to have and how your work took shape? work as good as his. This motivates me to continue I owe my interest in media and my dark and ironic working. worldview to my father. Whatever talent I have for Your brother Mana’s work is more explicitly social and drawing comes from him as well. He was a poet, political, while yours almost always retains a poetic but sometimes he sketched something quickly on ambiguity. In your own view, what distinguishes the the margins of his notebook. He breathed the air of art of Touka Neyestani from that of Mana Neyestani? the same allegorical black and white world that you Maybe the biggest difference is that Mana started mentioned – and we had to breathe it too.