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The Response of Income Inequality to Positive Oil Rents Shocks in Iran: Implications for the Post-Sanction Period
Joint Discussion Paper Series in Economics by the Universities of Aachen ∙ Gießen ∙ Göttingen Kassel ∙ Marburg ∙ Siegen ISSN 1867-3678 No. 33-2017 Mohammad Reza Farzanegan and Tim Krieger The response of income inequality to positive oil rents shocks in Iran: Implications for the post-sanction period This paper can be downloaded from http://www.uni-marburg.de/fb02/makro/forschung/magkspapers Coordination: Bernd Hayo • Philipps-University Marburg School of Business and Economics • Universitätsstraße 24, D-35032 Marburg Tel: +49-6421-2823091, Fax: +49-6421-2823088, e-mail: [email protected] Nr. 2017/13 The response of income inequality to positive oil rents shocks in Iran: Implications for the post-sanction period. Mohammad Reza Farzanegan and Tim Krieger MACIE, Philipps-Universität Marburg Marburg Centre for Institutional Economics • Coordination: Prof. Dr. Elisabeth Schulte c/o Research Group Institutional Economics • Barfuessertor 2 • D-35037 Marburg Phone: +49 (0) 6421-28-23196 • Fax: +49 (0) 6421-28-24858 • www.uni-marburg.de/fb02/MACIE • [email protected] The response of income inequality to positive oil rents shocks in Iran: Implications for the post-sanction period Mohammad Reza Farzanegan* & Tim Krieger** This version: August 10, 2017 Abstract We study the short and long run responses of income inequality to the positive oil and gas rents per capita shocks in Iran from 1973 to 2012. Using vector autoregression (VAR)-based impulse response functions, we find a positive and statistically significant response of income inequality to oil rents booms within 4 years after the shock. The Autoregressive-Distributed Lag (ARDL) results show that a 10 percent increase in oil and gas rents per capita leads to 1.1 percent increase in income inequality in the long run. -
Wir Sind Die Medien
Marcus Michaelsen Wir sind die Medien Kultur und soziale Praxis Marcus Michaelsen (Dr. phil.) promovierte in Medien- und Kommunikations- wissenschaft an der Universität Erfurt. Seine Forschungsschwerpunkte sind digitale Medien, Demokratisierung sowie die Politik und Gesellschaft Irans. Marcus Michaelsen Wir sind die Medien Internet und politischer Wandel in Iran Dieses Werk ist lizenziert unter der Creative Commons Attribution-NonCom- mercial-NoDerivs 4.0 Lizenz (BY-NC-ND). Diese Lizenz erlaubt die private Nutzung, gestattet aber keine Bearbeitung und keine kommerzielle Nutzung. Weitere Informationen finden Sie unter https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de/. Um Genehmigungen für Adaptionen, Übersetzungen, Derivate oder Wieder- verwendung zu kommerziellen Zwecken einzuholen, wenden Sie sich bitte an [email protected] © 2013 transcript Verlag, Bielefeld Die Verwertung der Texte und Bilder ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlages ur- heberrechtswidrig und strafbar. Das gilt auch für Vervielfältigungen, Über- setzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und für die Verarbeitung mit elektronischen Systemen. Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deut- schen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar. Umschlagkonzept: Kordula Röckenhaus, Bielefeld Umschlagabbildung: Zohreh Soleimani Lektorat & Satz: Marcus Michaelsen Druck: Majuskel Medienproduktion GmbH, Wetzlar Print-ISBN 978-3-8376-2311-6 -
On Conversion to Christianity, Issues Concerning Kurds and Post-2009 Election Protestors As Well As Legal Issues and Exit Procedures
2/2013 ENG Iran On Conversion to Christianity, Issues concerning Kurds and Post-2009 Election Protestors as well as Legal Issues and Exit Procedures Joint report from the Danish Immigration Service, the Norwegian LANDINFO and Danish Refugee Council’s fact-finding mission to Tehran, Iran, Ankara, Turkey and London, United Kingdom 9 November to 20 November 2012 and 8 January to 9 January 2013 Copenhagen, February 2013 Danish Refugee Council LANDINFO Danish Immigration Service Borgergade 10, 3rd floor Storgata 33a, PB 8108 Dep. Ryesgade 53 1300 Copenhagen K 0032 Oslo 2100 Copenhagen Ø Phone: 00 45 33 73 50 00 Phone: +47 23 30 94 70 Phone: 00 45 35 36 66 00 Web: www.drc.dk Web: www.landinfo.no Web: www.newtodenmark.dk E-mail:[email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] Overview of Danish fact finding reports published in 2012 and 2013 Update (2) On Entry Procedures At Kurdistan Regional Government Checkpoints (Krg); Residence Procedures In Kurdistan Region Of Iraq (Kri) And Arrival Procedures At Erbil And Suleimaniyah Airports (For Iraqis Travelling From Non-Kri Areas Of Iraq), Joint Report of the Danish Immigration Service/UK Border Agency Fact Finding Mission to Erbil and Dahuk, Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI), conducted 11 to 22 November 2011 2012: 1 Security and human rights issues in South-Central Somalia, including Mogadishu, Report from Danish Immigration Service’s fact finding mission to Nairobi, Kenya and Mogadishu, Somalia, 30 January to 19 February 2012 2012: 2 Afghanistan, Country of Origin Information for Use in the -
Modernization and Political Parties: a Case Study of the Hashemi Rafsanjani Administration
Modernization and Political Parties: A Case Study of the Hashemi Rafsanjani Administration * Prof. Dr. Elaheh Koolaee Professor of Regional Studies, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran. ** Dr. Yousef Mazarei PhD of Political Science, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran. Abstract This paper aims to explore the emergence of a political and social phenomenon, namely political parties, during a specific period in the history of contemporary Iran, in order to move beyond simple analyses and present a deeper and more accurate understanding of political parties in Iran. The question thatthis paper aims to answer pertains to the emergence (ISJ) Studies / Journal No. International of the Executives of the Construction of Iran Party (Kargozaran-e Sazandegi-e Iran) and the role of the Hashemi Rafsanjani administration’s modernization efforts. In order to do so, among three main theories, modernization theory has been selected as the theoretical framework. The paper also uses secondary data analysis as its methodology. In new theories of modernization, instead of focusing on ‘ideal types’, the focus is shifted toward historical features specific to each society. The findings of this research demonstrate that there is a direct link between the HashemiRafsaniani administration’s modernizations and the emergence of 57 / the Executives of the Construction of Iran Party (Kargozaran Party). This V administration’s modernization efforts caused a significant shift in Iran’s development indexes, which resulted in the revival of Iran’s new middle class and provided a basis for the foundation of Kargozaran Party and its victories in subsequent elections. The party became the major proponent of political and economic reform, social liberties, and cultural tolerance in Iran’s political arena. -
IRAN COUNTRY of ORIGIN INFORMATION (COI) REPORT COI Service
IRAN COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION (COI) REPORT COI Service Date 28 June 2011 IRAN JUNE 2011 Contents Preface Latest News EVENTS IN IRAN FROM 14 MAY TO 21 JUNE Useful news sources for further information REPORTS ON IRAN PUBLISHED OR ACCESSED BETWEEN 14 MAY AND 21 JUNE Paragraphs Background Information 1. GEOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................ 1.01 Maps ...................................................................................................................... 1.04 Iran ..................................................................................................................... 1.04 Tehran ................................................................................................................ 1.05 Calendar ................................................................................................................ 1.06 Public holidays ................................................................................................... 1.07 2. ECONOMY ................................................................................................................ 2.01 3. HISTORY .................................................................................................................. 3.01 Pre 1979: Rule of the Shah .................................................................................. 3.01 From 1979 to 1999: Islamic Revolution to first local government elections ... 3.04 From 2000 to 2008: Parliamentary elections -
Supreme Leader Appoints Members for the New Term of the Expediency Council - 14 /Mar/ 2012
Supreme Leader Appoints Members for the New Term of the Expediency Council - 14 /Mar/ 2012 In the Name of Allah, the Beneficent, the Merciful I am thankful to Allah the Exalted that with Allah’s grace, the Expediency Council managed to finish another 5-year term with an acceptable record and hopefully the outcomes and benefits of the legal measures of the council will produce good results in managerial areas of the country – the three branches of government, the Armed Forces and other organizations – and everybody will see the outcomes. I would like to thank all of the esteemed members, the chairman and the secretariat of the council and for the new 5-year term, I hereby assign the following legal and natural persons under the chairmanship of Hojjatoleslam wal- Muslemin Hashemi Rafsanjani: The legal persons are as follows: Heads of the three branches of government Jurisprudents of the Guardian Council The secretary of the Supreme National Security Council The minister or chairperson of the relevant organization The chairperson of the relevant parliamentary commissions The natural persons are as follows: Mr. Hashemi Rafsanjani, Mr. Hajj Sheikh Ahmad Jannati, Mr. Vaez Tabasi, Mr. Amini Najafabadi, Mr. Seyyed Mahmoud Hashemi Shahroudi, Mr. Movahedi Kermani, Mr. Ali-Akbar Nategh-Nuri, Mr. Hajj Sheikh Hasan Sanei, Mr. Hasan Rouhani, Mr. Dorri Najafabadi, Mr. Gholam-Hossein Mohseni, Mr. Mahmoud Mohammadi Eraghi, Mr. Gholam-Reza Mesbahi Moghaddam, Mr. Majid Ansari, Mr. Gholam-Reza Aghazadeh, Mr. Ali Agha-Mohammadi, Mr. Mohammad-Javad Iravani, Mr. Mohammad-Reza Bahonar, Mr. Gholam-Ali Haddad Adel, Mr. Hasan Habibi, Page 1 / 2 Mr. -
Tightening the Reins How Khamenei Makes Decisions
MEHDI KHALAJI TIGHTENING THE REINS HOW KHAMENEI MAKES DECISIONS MEHDI KHALAJI TIGHTENING THE REINS HOW KHAMENEI MAKES DECISIONS POLICY FOCUS 126 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY www.washingtoninstitute.org Policy Focus 126 | March 2014 The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including pho- tocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2014 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050 Washington, DC 20036 Cover: Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei holds a weapon as he speaks at the University of Tehran. (Reuters/Raheb Homavandi). Design: 1000 Colors CONTENTS Executive Summary | V 1. Introduction | 1 2. Life and Thought of the Leader | 7 3. Khamenei’s Values | 15 4. Khamenei’s Advisors | 20 5. Khamenei vs the Clergy | 27 6. Khamenei vs the President | 34 7. Khamenei vs Political Institutions | 44 8. Khamenei’s Relationship with the IRGC | 52 9. Conclusion | 61 Appendix: Profile of Hassan Rouhani | 65 About the Author | 72 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY EVEN UNDER ITS MOST DESPOTIC REGIMES , modern Iran has long been governed with some degree of consensus among elite factions. Leaders have conceded to or co-opted rivals when necessary to maintain their grip on power, and the current regime is no excep- tion. -
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DOI https://doi.org/10.36059/978-966-397-151-3/167-181 THE GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF FAMILY LAW IN ISLAMIC STATES Mendzhul M. V. INTRODUCTION Globalization processes led to the rapprochement of different legal systems. At the same time, growing migratory processes over the recent years and the increase of the number of Muslims in Europe revealed many problems and collisions in the legal regulation of family relationships as well as in the politics of multiculturalism. The topicality of studying the principles of family law in Islamic states is caused by the fact that more often than not there are cases when courts in the EU countries analyze the diversity and religious pluralism. The requirements of the Shariah became the subject of analysing such issues as wearing a scarf, hijabs in educational establishments, at work, the existence of arranged and forced marriages, the recognition of polygamous marriages and the consequences of the international talaq (repudiation refers to the husband’s right to dissolve the marriage by simply announcing to his wife that he repudiates her), etc. Undoubtedly, courts in the European States study such cases according to the norms of the national law, and at the same time through the prism of international private law and respect to the human rights; the norms of personal law as well as the ones of the Shariah, are taken into account. 1. The Reforming of Family Law in Islamic States Islam is not only one of the most widespread religions in the world, but it is also recognized as the state religion in many countries and is the basis for regulating Muslim family relations. -
Iran's Foreign and Defense Policies
Iran’s Foreign and Defense Policies Updated May 8, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R44017 SUMMARY R44017 Iran’s Foreign and Defense Policies May 8, 2019 Iran’s national security policy is the product of many overlapping and sometimes competing factors such as the ideology of Iran’s Islamic revolution, perception of threats Kenneth Katzman to the regime and to the country, long-standing national interests, and the interaction of Specialist in Middle the Iranian regime’s factions and constituencies. Iran’s leadership: Eastern Affairs x Seeks to deter or thwart U.S. or other efforts to invade or intimidate Iran or to bring about a change of regime. x Has sought to take advantage of opportunities of regional conflicts to overturn a power structure in the Middle East that it asserts favors the United States, Israel, Saudi Arabia, and other Sunni Muslim Arab regimes. x Seeks to enhance its international prestige and restore a sense of “greatness” reminiscent of ancient Persian empires. x Advances its foreign policy goals, in part by providing material support to regional allied governments and armed factions. Iranian officials characterize the support as helping the region’s “oppressed” and assert that Saudi Arabia, in particular, is instigating sectarian tensions and trying to exclude Iran from regional affairs. x Sometimes disagrees on tactics and strategies. Supreme Leader Ali Khamene’i and key hardline institutions, such as the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), oppose any compromises of Iran’s national security core goals. Iran’s elected president, Hassan Rouhani, and Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif support Iran’s integration into regional and international diplomacy. -
Ahmadinezhad's Cabinet: Loyalists and Radicals
PolicyWatch #1571 Ahmadinezhad's Cabinet: Loyalists and Radicals By Mehdi Khalaji August 21, 2009 On August 19, Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinezhad submitted his list of cabinet nominees to the Majlis (Iran's parliament). The president's choice of individuals clearly shows his preference for loyalty over efficiency, as he fired every minister who, while strongly supportive of him on most issues, opposed him recently on his controversial decision to appoint a family relative as first vice president. Ahmadinezhad's drive to install loyalists involves placing members of the military and intelligence community in the cabinet, as well as in other important government positions. Despite the president's positioning, Iran's top leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, remains in firm control of the country's vital ministries. Cabinet Approval On August 23, the Majlis will either approve or challenge the president's cabinet appointments. Ahmadinezhad has a relatively free hand to choose the majority of cabinet seats, but the country's key ministries -- intelligence, interior, foreign affairs, defense, and culture and Islamic guidance -- are, in all practical terms, preapproved by Khamenei before the president submits their names. As such, the Majlis is all but guaranteed to accept these particular individuals. The president is also empowered to directly appoint the secretary of the Supreme Council for National Security (SCNS) -- the individual responsible for Iran's nuclear dossier and negotiations -- but because this position is of particular importance to Khamanei, it also must be preapproved. Economic and Foreign Affairs Ahmadinezhad's nominations suggest that he is not bothered by the ongoing criticism of his foreign policy and economic agenda, since the ministers of foreign affairs, industries and mines, economic affairs, cooperatives, and roads and transport will remain unchanged. -
Iran and Security Complex in the Persian Gulf
Iran and Security Complex in the Persian Gulf Fatemeh Shayan Assistant Professor of Political Sciences and International Relations, University of Isfahan, Isfahan, Iran ([email protected]) (Received: Aug. 13, 2018 Accepted: Jan. 22, 2019) Abstract This article enters into the debate on the link between security and identity by looking at the security context in the states surrounding the Persian Gulf, particularly Iran. Earlier scholarly works have approached security and identity separately, but lack a framework that connects them in a single account. The process tracing method offers a scientific approach to connect various notions in a single study, allowing the synthesis of diverse disciplines to establish links connecting them. Applying the method to the current security and identity issues of the regional states with Jundallah _a terrorist group in the eastern border of Iran_ has established a link between them and has thus enriched the current studies of the region. The main findings are that the Persian Gulf region is a heterogeneous security complex with diverse actors wielding power, and that societal threats have increased since the 2003 Iraq War. Since that year, a conflictual security complex has predominated in the region, which has destabilized the region more than before. Keywords: Heterogeneous security complex, Identity, Iran, Security threats, Terrorist groups1 Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies| Vol. 3| No. 1| January 2019| pp. 45-74 Web Page: https://wsps.ut.ac.ir//Email: [email protected] eISSN: 2588-3127 PrintISSN: 2588-3119 DOI: 10.22059/wsps.2019.276060.1094 Fatemeh Shayan 46 1. Introduction 2019 y The end of the Cold War has changed the face of international Januar | security, and after two decades, the security studies are still at the No. -
Leadership Divided? Nima Gerami
The Domestic Politics of Iran’s Nuclear Debate LEADERSHIP DIVIDED? NIMA GERAMI LEADERSHIP DIVIDED? The Domestic Politics of Iran’s Nuclear Debate NIMA GERAMI The Washington Institute for Near East Policy www.washingtoninstitute.org Policy Focus 134 | February 2014 The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2014 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050 Washington, DC 20036 Cover: Tehran newspaper headlines following signing of the Joint Plan of Action in Geneva. Design: 1000 Colors Contents Acknowledgments | v Executive Summary | vii 1. Introduction | 1 2. Limits on Iran’s Nuclear Debate: Secrecy and Self-Censorship | 3 3. Contextualizing Nuclear Decisionmaking: The Key Stakeholders | 9 4. The Political Landscape: Elite Factionalism and the Nuclear Debate | 19 5. Critical Junctures: Internal Divisions and Nuclear Policy Shifts | 31 6. Conclusion: Lessons Learned | 40 About the Author | 42 Figures Fig 1. Overview of Nuclear Decisionmaking in Iran | 11 Table 1. Formal Members of the Supreme National Security Council | 12 Acknowledgments I would like to express my gratitude to the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, particularly Patrick Clawson, Michael Eisenstadt, and Mehdi Khalaji, for their encouragement, insights, and support during the preparation of this study.