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Wir Sind Die Medien Marcus Michaelsen Wir sind die Medien Kultur und soziale Praxis Marcus Michaelsen (Dr. phil.) promovierte in Medien- und Kommunikations- wissenschaft an der Universität Erfurt. Seine Forschungsschwerpunkte sind digitale Medien, Demokratisierung sowie die Politik und Gesellschaft Irans. Marcus Michaelsen Wir sind die Medien Internet und politischer Wandel in Iran Dieses Werk ist lizenziert unter der Creative Commons Attribution-NonCom- mercial-NoDerivs 4.0 Lizenz (BY-NC-ND). Diese Lizenz erlaubt die private Nutzung, gestattet aber keine Bearbeitung und keine kommerzielle Nutzung. Weitere Informationen finden Sie unter https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de/. Um Genehmigungen für Adaptionen, Übersetzungen, Derivate oder Wieder- verwendung zu kommerziellen Zwecken einzuholen, wenden Sie sich bitte an [email protected] © 2013 transcript Verlag, Bielefeld Die Verwertung der Texte und Bilder ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlages ur- heberrechtswidrig und strafbar. Das gilt auch für Vervielfältigungen, Über- setzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und für die Verarbeitung mit elektronischen Systemen. Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deut- schen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar. Umschlagkonzept: Kordula Röckenhaus, Bielefeld Umschlagabbildung: Zohreh Soleimani Lektorat & Satz: Marcus Michaelsen Druck: Majuskel Medienproduktion GmbH, Wetzlar Print-ISBN 978-3-8376-2311-6 PDF-ISBN 978-3-8394-2311-0 Gedruckt auf alterungsbeständigem Papier mit chlorfrei gebleichtem Zellstoff. Besuchen Sie uns im Internet: http://www.transcript-verlag.de Bitte fordern Sie unser Gesamtverzeichnis und andere Broschüren an unter: [email protected] Inhalt Vorbemerkung | 9 Einleitung | 11 I. THEORIE 1. Politische Transformation und Demokratisierung | 23 Politscher Systemwechsel: Ablauf und Akteure | 24 Verspäteter Wandel? Autoritarismus in Nah- und Mittelost | 29 Demokratisierung von unten: Die Zivilgesellschaft | 38 2. Medien und politische Transformation | 47 Öffentlichkeit und Gegenöffentlichkeit: Hegemonie im Aufbau | 47 Herausforderung durch Kommunikation:Konflikt um Zugang und Bedeutung | 53 Medien im Transformationsprozess: Welche Rolle, welcher Einfluss? | 63 3. Das Internet – Mittel der Demokratisierung? | 73 Grenzen | 75 Potentiale | 81 Hypothesen | 92 II. IRAN: POLITISCHE TRANSFORMATION UND MEDIEN 1. Die Islamische Republik: Historische Wurzeln und politisches System | 103 Ein Jahrhundert, zwei Revolutionen | 104 Das Regime: Institutionalisierung und Legitimation | 109 2. Strategische und konfliktorientierte Akteure in Irans politischer Elite | 115 Im Zentrum der Macht: Der Revolutionsführer | 116 Militarisierung des Systems? Die Revolutionsgarden | 118 Prinzipientreue und Autoritarismus: Die Konservativen | 121 Der pragmatische Pate: Rafsanjani | 127 Konfliktbereit im System: Die Reformer | 129 3. Die iranische Zivilgesellschaft | 139 Die Intellektuellen und der Reformdiskurs | 143 Die Studentenbewegung | 146 Die Frauenbewegung | 147 Die Zivilgesellschaft und die Wahlkrise 2009 | 150 4. Medien in Iran | 155 Stimme des Regimes: Radio und Fernsehen | 156 Historisches Konfliktfeld: Die Presse | 158 Satellitensender: Kulturelle Invasion oder Gegenkultur? | 162 5. Nach der Wahlkrise: Zwischenbilanz | 165 III. INTERNET UND POLITIK IN IRAN 1. Internet in Iran: Entwicklung und staatliche Politik | 173 Staat und Internet | 177 Gesetzlicher Rahmen | 182 Zensur, Blockade, Überwachung | 185 Ein neues Konfliktfeld | 193 2. Informationslandschaft im Wandel | 197 Onlinemedien aus dem Ausland | 199 Politische Fraktionen im Netz | 204 Konfliktregelung über Nachrichtenseiten | 211 3. Reform online: Die Webseite Emruz | 219 Diskursgrundlagen: Themen und Redaktionslinie | 222 Konfliktbereite Narrative: Die Kommunalwahlen 2006 | 229 Kollektive Identität: Islam, Iran, Reform | 240 4. Blogs als Gegenöffentlichkeit? | 249 Vom Blog zur Wahlurne: Eine Debatte | 252 Meinungsführer Journalisten | 254 Themen und Inhalte: Informationsmedium Blog? | 258 Meinungsbildung: Wählen oder nicht wählen? | 263 Kollektives Handeln: Blogs als Basis | 274 5. Irans soziale Bewegungen im Netz: Die Medien sind wir | 281 Aktivismus: Die Frauenbewegung | 282 Protest: Die Grüne Bewegung | 295 Fazit | 317 Anhang | 327 a) Transkription persischer Begriffe | 327 b) Methodisches Vorgehen: Inhaltsanalyse | 327 c) Irans Entwicklungsstand im regionalen Vergleich | 330 Literatur | 331 Vorbemerkung Dieses Buch beruht auf einer Dissertation am Seminar für Medien- und Kommuni- kationswissenschaft der Universität Erfurt. Die Promotion wurde durch die Gradu- iertenförderung der Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung ermöglicht. Ein vorausgehender zwei- jähriger Forschungsaufenthalt in Iran geht auf ein Stipendium des Institut français de Recherche en Iran (IFRI) in Teheran und die Unterstützung durch Prof. Dr. Christian Bromberger an der Universität Aix-en-Provence zurück. Dieser Aufent- halt wurde zudem durch die Fakultät für Sozialwissenschaften der Universität Tehe- ran unterstützt. Die Dissertation wurde am Lehrstuhl für internationale und vergleichende Kommunikationswissenschaft der Universität Erfurt exzellent betreut. Meinem Erstbetreuer Prof. Dr. Kai Hafez verdanke ich nicht nur wesentliche inhaltliche An- regung und Kritik, ohne die die Arbeit sicher nicht in dieser Form zustande ge- kommen wäre, sondern auch die notwendige formale Unterstützung, viel Verständ- nis und nicht zuletzt Druck im richtigen Moment. Regelmäßige Kolloquien und Kontakte zu Mitdoktoranden ermöglichten Austausch und Beistand. Meinem Zweitbetreuer Prof. Dr. Henner Fürtig (GIGA Hamburg) danke ich für sein Interes- se und wertvolle Hinweise vor allem zum Iranteil. Zudem hat Prof. Dr. Bert Fragner (Institut für Iranistik, Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften) die Anfänge der Dissertation und meiner Beschäftigung mit Iran entscheidend gefördert. Darüber hinaus haben viele Menschen die Entstehung der Arbeit in der einen oder anderen Form begleitet. Hier möchte ich natürlich zuallererst auf meine Ge- sprächspartner und Freunde in Iran verweisen, die ich leider nicht alle namentlich nennen kann. Einige von ihnen haben inzwischen ihre Heimat verlassen, die Le- benswege anderer sind unterschiedlichen Einschränkungen unterworfen. Ich teile ihren Traum von Iran-e azad o abad, einem „freien und blühenden Iran“ – das Land und sein Schicksal werden mich weiterhin bewegen und faszinieren. Danken möchte ich außerdem Solmaz Shahbazi und ihrer Familie für Teheraner Ein- und Ausblicke, Cyrus Schayegh für die immerwährende Bereitschaft zu Rat und Tat, Benjamin Stachursky für das so freundschaftlich miteinander geteilte Pro- 10 | WIR SIND DIE MEDIEN movendendasein, Claudia und Ferdi Namdar für Urlaubsgefühle in Islamabad sowie Zohreh Soleimani für das Foto auf dem Buchcover. Meine Eltern haben mir den Freiraum, die Unterstützung und die Vorstellungskraft gegeben, die für den Weg bis hin zum Abschluss einer solchen Arbeit unentbehrlich sind. Widmen möchte ich dieses Buch meiner Partnerin Atussa Ziai, die unmittelbar und mit schier uner- schöpflicher Geduld an der langwierigen Entstehung teilhatte. Ich bin dankbar und glücklich, dass wir nun gemeinsam feststellen können: es gibt tatsächlich ein Leben nach dieser Dissertation! Marcus Michaelsen, Januar 2013 Einleitung Die Proteste der iranischen Bevölkerung gegen das offizielle Ergebnis der Präsi- dentschaftswahlen im Juni 2009 erregten weltweit Aufmerksamkeit. Nachdem das Staatsfernsehen kurz nach Schließung der Wahllokale den Sieg des amtierenden Präsidenten Ahmadinezhad verkündet hatte, kam es noch in der Nacht zu Zusam- menstößen zwischen Polizeikräften und Anhängern der Oppositionskandidaten. Wenige Tage später demonstrierten allein in Teheran Hunderttausende gegen die Fälschung der Wahl. Das Ausmaß der Proteste schien selbst die Führung der Isla- mischen Republik zu überraschen. Ungeachtet der Bedrohung durch die zunehmend gewalttätigen Sicherheitskräfte gingen die Menschen auf die Straße, alsbald Verhaf- tung, Folter und sogar ihr Leben riskierend. In den darauffolgenden Tagen und Wo- chen formierte sich eine Protestbewegung, die trotz der Repressionen eine ernsthaf- te Herausforderung an das Regime aufrechterhielt. Während Bilder von Todesop- fern auf den Straßen Teherans Erinnerungen an die Revolution von 1979 weckten, riefen der Gewaltverzicht und die Forderungen der Demonstranten nach freien Wahlen und Bürgerrechten Assoziationen zu den Umbrüchen in Osteuropa hervor. Stand ein Regimewechsel in Teheran bevor? War die Islamische Republik auf dem Weg in ein demokratisches System? Ebenso viel Interesse wie die Demonstrationen gegen Wahlfälschung erregte die Art und Weise, mit der Nachrichten über den Verlauf der Proteste an die Öffent- lichkeit gelangten. Internationale Korrespondenten erhielten von den iranischen Behörden Berichtsverbot und wurden rasch des Landes verwiesen. Lokale Journa- listen waren mehr denn je Zensur und Verhaftung ausgesetzt. Infolgedessen avan- cierten Onlinemedien und soziale Netzwerke wie YouTube, Facebook und Twitter zu den wichtigsten Informationsquellen. Internationale Medien waren für ihre Be- richterstattung auf die verwackelten Amateuraufnahmen von Handykameras ange- wiesen, über den Kurznachrichtendienst Twitter verbreitete sich eine wahre Flut von Nachrichten, Hinweisen und Gerüchten zu den Protesten in Iran. In den westli- chen Medien herrschte neben einer gewissen Ratlosigkeit
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