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Modernization and Political Parties: a Case Study of the Hashemi Rafsanjani Administration
Modernization and Political Parties: A Case Study of the Hashemi Rafsanjani Administration * Prof. Dr. Elaheh Koolaee Professor of Regional Studies, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran. ** Dr. Yousef Mazarei PhD of Political Science, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran. Abstract This paper aims to explore the emergence of a political and social phenomenon, namely political parties, during a specific period in the history of contemporary Iran, in order to move beyond simple analyses and present a deeper and more accurate understanding of political parties in Iran. The question thatthis paper aims to answer pertains to the emergence (ISJ) Studies / Journal No. International of the Executives of the Construction of Iran Party (Kargozaran-e Sazandegi-e Iran) and the role of the Hashemi Rafsanjani administration’s modernization efforts. In order to do so, among three main theories, modernization theory has been selected as the theoretical framework. The paper also uses secondary data analysis as its methodology. In new theories of modernization, instead of focusing on ‘ideal types’, the focus is shifted toward historical features specific to each society. The findings of this research demonstrate that there is a direct link between the HashemiRafsaniani administration’s modernizations and the emergence of 57 / the Executives of the Construction of Iran Party (Kargozaran Party). This V administration’s modernization efforts caused a significant shift in Iran’s development indexes, which resulted in the revival of Iran’s new middle class and provided a basis for the foundation of Kargozaran Party and its victories in subsequent elections. The party became the major proponent of political and economic reform, social liberties, and cultural tolerance in Iran’s political arena. -
Setback for Iran's Opposition: Khamenei's Hardline Reinforced
PolicyWatch #1630 Setback for Iran's Opposition: Khamenei's Hardline Reinforced By Mehdi Khalaji February 12, 2010 A few hours after the official demonstration marking the February 11 anniversary of Iran's 1979 Islamic Revolution, Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei stated, "Was the presence of tens of millions of motivated and aware people in the festival of the thirty-first anniversary of revolution enough to awaken [to their mistakes] the internal enemies and deceived individuals who sometimes hypocritically speak of 'the people'?" Khamenei had spent months worrying that the opposition Green Movement would hijack the anniversary. Yesterday, he seemed to regain his self-confidence by proving that he could manage Tehran's streets. In light of this development, how will the Supreme Leader deal with both Iran's political crisis and the nuclear dossier? What Happened on February 11 By controlling a huge city like Tehran on such a sensitive day, Khamenei proved his operational capabilities as commander-in-chief of the armed forces. A few days before the anniversary, the regime clamped down on all communication channels, from internet to cell phones to satellite television, interrupting them or placing them under surveillance in order to diminish the opposition's ability to organize protests. It also raised the level of intimidation, making daily arrests of political and student activists as well as ordinary people and publishing wanted posters of individuals who had participated in the December 2009 Ashura demonstration. Meanwhile, the streets in which opposition protests were supposed to take place were closed twenty-four hours beforehand. Even as the pro-regime demonstration unfolded, hundreds of thousands of Basij militiamen and Revolutionary Guards (some deployed from other cities) were able to control the city, assaulting Green Movement demonstrators as soon as they shouted antigovernment slogans. -
Tightening the Reins How Khamenei Makes Decisions
MEHDI KHALAJI TIGHTENING THE REINS HOW KHAMENEI MAKES DECISIONS MEHDI KHALAJI TIGHTENING THE REINS HOW KHAMENEI MAKES DECISIONS POLICY FOCUS 126 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY www.washingtoninstitute.org Policy Focus 126 | March 2014 The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including pho- tocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2014 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050 Washington, DC 20036 Cover: Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei holds a weapon as he speaks at the University of Tehran. (Reuters/Raheb Homavandi). Design: 1000 Colors CONTENTS Executive Summary | V 1. Introduction | 1 2. Life and Thought of the Leader | 7 3. Khamenei’s Values | 15 4. Khamenei’s Advisors | 20 5. Khamenei vs the Clergy | 27 6. Khamenei vs the President | 34 7. Khamenei vs Political Institutions | 44 8. Khamenei’s Relationship with the IRGC | 52 9. Conclusion | 61 Appendix: Profile of Hassan Rouhani | 65 About the Author | 72 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY EVEN UNDER ITS MOST DESPOTIC REGIMES , modern Iran has long been governed with some degree of consensus among elite factions. Leaders have conceded to or co-opted rivals when necessary to maintain their grip on power, and the current regime is no excep- tion. -
', in Sabrina Mervin (Ed.), the Shi'a Worlds and Iran
”Introduction”, in Sabrina Mervin (ed.), The Shi‘a worlds and Iran, London, Saqi Books, 2010, pp. 9-26 Sabrina Mervin To cite this version: Sabrina Mervin. ”Introduction”, in Sabrina Mervin (ed.), The Shi‘a worlds and Iran, London, Saqi Books, 2010, pp. 9-26. 2007. halshs-01801449 HAL Id: halshs-01801449 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01801449 Preprint submitted on 28 May 2018 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. To quote this article : Sabrina Mervin, «Introduction », The Shi‘a Worlds and Iran, London, Saqi Books, 2010, pp. 9-26. Sabrina Mervin is a historian, researcher at the CNRS (HDR), member of the CéSoR (Center for Studies in Social Sciences of the Religious) http://cesor.ehess.fr/2015/02/17/sabrina-mervin Introduction We may assume that the expression “Shi‘a worlds” will gain ground in the future. The “Shia crescent”, an easy and appealing construction, has made plenty of ink flow – probably too much – but it does not account for a complex and changing reality. There is neither a crescent nor an arch forming a homogeneous block under the direction of the Islamic Republic of Iran, but rather a non-contiguous collection of spaces distributed over a far wider area than just the Middle East. -
University of Florida Thesis Or Dissertation Formatting
VOICES OF A REBELLIOUS GENERATION: CULTURAL AND POLITICAL RESISTANCE IN IRAN’S UNDERGROUND ROCK MUSIC By SHABNAM GOLI A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF MUSIC UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2014 © 2014 Shabnam Goli I dedicate this thesis to my soul mate, Alireza Pourreza, for his unconditional love and support. I owe this achievement to you. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Completion of this thesis would not have been possible without the help and support of many people. I thank my committee chair, Dr. Larry Crook, for his continuous guidance and encouragement during these three years. I thank you for believing in me and giving me the possibility for growing intellectually and musically. I am very thankful to my committee member, Dr. Welson Tremura, who devoted numerous hours of endless assistance to my research. I thank you for mentoring me and dedicating your kind help and patience to my work. I also thank my professors at the University of Florida, Dr. Silvio dos Santos, Dr. Jennifer Smith, and Dr. Jennifer Thomas, who taught me how to think and how to prosper in my academic life. Furthermore, I express my sincere gratitude to all the informants who agreed to participate in several hours of online and telephone interviews despite all their difficulties, and generously shared their priceless knowledge and experience with me. I thank Alireza Pourreza, Aldoush Alpanian, Davood Ajir, Ali Baghfar, Maryam Asadi, Mana Neyestani, Arash Sobhani, ElectroqutE band members, Shahyar Kabiri, Hooman Ajdari, Arya Karnafi, Ebrahim Nabavi, and Babak Chaman Ara for all their assistance and support. -
Islã, Legitimidade E Cultura Política: O Movimento Estudantil No Irã Durante O Período Khatami
YOUSSEF ALVARENGA CHEREM Islã, legitimidade e cultura política: o movimento estudantil no Irã durante o período Khatami Dissertação de Mestrado apresentada ao Departamento de Antropologia Social do Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas da Universidade Estadual de Campinas, sob a orientação do Prof. Dr. Omar Ribeiro Thomaz, como requisito parcial para a obtenção do título de Mestre em Antropologia Social. Este exemplar corresponde à redação final da dissertação defendida e aprovada pela Comissão Julgadora em 29/03/2006. BANCA Prof. Dr. Omar Ribeiro Thomaz (Orientador) Prof. Dr. Ronaldo Machado de Almeida (membro interno) Prof. Dr. Paulo Gabriel Hilu da Rocha Pinto (membro externo) Campinas Março de 2006 iii Agradecimentos =>;: اOYZ<Iت WَوKUT ِاNOPDِْS: اK?L;I إHI زوABC :DE@?< وأهO^Z وإHI ُأS: وأC: وaLC ،:P?=dّE` ِإَ_DNَO^[ اj [CِODَDَYُI: آhg اBaُIْهOت . 456ًا 012ً/ ! ! v Resumo Durante os dois mandatos Mohammad Khatami como presidente da República Islâmica do Irã (1997-2001; 2001-2005), observou-se um debate intenso e violento na sociedade iraniana a respeito da concepção do espaço político e dos fundamentos da ação política. Uma parte essencial desse debate foi a participação dos estudantes numa incipiente (embora efêmera e limitada) abertura do espaço público. Mas essa política de reforma teve o resultado inesperado de trazer à tona as vozes de contestação da organização normativa autoritária do campo político, expondo as contradições constitutivas do sistema e seu funcionamento ambíguo, e ameaçando por um momento a dominação da elite política religiosa-revolucionária. Essa ameaça ocorreu porque os estudantes agiam segundo uma lógica republicana de igualdade jurídico-política e exigiam a instauração desse padrão, prometido por Khatami durante a campanha eleitoral. -
Iran's Human Rights Violators and Canada's Magnitsky Statutes
Briefing Book, January 2020 Iran’s Human Rights Violators and Canada’s Magnitsky Statutes A Canadian Primer The Canadian Coalition Against Terror (C-CAT) is a policy, research and advocacy group committed to developing innovative strategies in the battle against extremism and terrorism. C-CAT is comprised of terror victims, counterterrorism professionals, lawyers and others dedicated to building bridges between the private and public sectors in this effort. http://www.c-catcanada.org The contents of this briefing binder may be reproduced in whole or part with proper attribution to the original source(s) Dr. Ahmed Shaheed: (UN special rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief from 2011 to 2016) “Those who violate human rights in Iran are not fringe or renegade officials. Rather, they hold senior positions in the executive branch and the judiciary, where they continue to enjoy impunity. These officials control a vast infrastructure of repression that permeates the lives of Iranian citizens. …Defiance of these norms often comes at a terrible cost, with Iranians frequently facing unjust detention, torture, and even death.”1 Table of Contents 1. A Memo to the Reader---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------1 2. Canada-Iran Overview---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------3 > Canada-Iran-Relations Fact Sheet > Iran’s International Ranking as a Human Rights Violator > Iran’s International Ranking for Corruption 3. The Magnitsky Act and Iran --------------------------------------------------------------------------------8 -
A Review of Political Satire in the Iranian Press During the 2000S
Political Satire, the Barometer of Press Freedom: A Review of Political Satire in the Iranian Press during the 2000s Seyed Mahmood Farjami* Abstract: Political satire has played a prominent part in the social and political sphere of journalism in Iran from the first appearance of the independent press at the beginning of the twentieth century. This paper examines its problems and achievements in the Iranian press during the first decade of the twenty-first century, including their historical context over the past one hundred years. Legal and other important issues issues (e.g. Press Laws) affecting the Iranian press are reviewed in addition to non-political forms of the genre of satire, which significantly have often been used for political ends by authorities in Iran. Keywords: Political satire, Political humour, Iranian satirists, Cartooning, Editorial cartoons, Iranian Press in 2000s, Persian satire, Freedom of the press, Censorship ______________________________________________________________ 1 * S. M. Farjami is an Iranian satirist and journalist, and a PhD candidate in the School of Communication, Universiti Sains Malaysia.Political Satire in the Iranian Press, the Roots The appearance of political satire in the Iranian press came fast on the heels of Iranians becoming familiar with the modern concepts of “politics” and “the press’’ itself. Only three years after the Office of Censorship (Edareye Sansour) was established by Etemad Al-Dowleh by the order of Nasereddin Shah in February, 1885, to maintain tight control over all the presses publishing inside the country as well as publications delivered from outside, the first newspaper wholly devoted to satiric content was registered with the government. -
The Battle for the Soul of Shi'ism
http://www.gloria-center.org/2012/11/the-battle-for-the-soul-of-shi%e2%80%99ism/ THE BATTLE FOR THE SOUL OF SHI’ISM November 14, 2012 gloria-center.org By Phillip Smyth This piece will examine the strategies utilized by radicals within the Shi’i clerical realm, namely those who push wilayat al-faqih, the politicized Iranian conception of Shi’ism, on more traditionalist forms of Shi’i Islam. In addition, a look at efforts by those traditionalists to counter Iran’s and their allies’ tactics will be presented with an assessment on how these factors will affect the future of Shi’ism. “If two opposite theories are propagated one will be wrong.” - Imam Ali ibn Abi Talib[1] KHOMEINISTS AND QUIETISTS It has been noted that, “By and large, the intellectual landscape of present-day Twelver Shi’ism is much more polymorphic than at any time in the past.”[2] The level of political involvement exerted by Shi’i clerics has been a hotly debated topic since the establishment of the sect. Yet after Iran’s 1979 Islamic Revolution, the generally demure and apolitical nature of Shi’i Islam, especially at its higher levels, was forever altered, resulting in a new and more politicized facet of Shi’i Islam.[3] For the Shi’i establishment, Khomeini’s new ideology was and is an extremely radical split. Contemporarily, a broad generalization could be made saying, on one side, there are those following “Quietist” traditionalism, a principle of abstention from involvement in politics. On the other end of the divide are clerics who feel they should take a more active role in politics. -
Paola Maria Raunio Phd Thesis
SAVING MUSLIM WOMEN IN THE ERA OF AXIS OF EVIL?: PIOUS WOMEN’S MOVEMENT ADVOCATES IN IRAN, 2001-2010 Paola Maria Raunio A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of St Andrews 2014 Full metadata for this item is available in Research@StAndrews:FullText at: http://research-repository.st-andrews.ac.uk/ Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6593 This item is protected by original copyright SAVING MUSLIM WOMEN IN THE ERA OF AXIS OF EVIL?: PIOUS WOMEN’S MOVEMENT ADVOCATES IN IRAN, 2001-2010 Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Paola Maria Raunio School of International Relations University of St Andrews Date of Submission: December 20, 2013. 1. Candidate’s declarations: I, Paola Maria Raunio, hereby certify that this thesis, which is approximately 85760 words in length, has been written by me, and that it is the record of work carried out by me, or principally by myself in collaboration with others as acknowledged, and that it has not been submitted in any previous application for a higher degree. I was admitted as a research student in September 2008 and as a candidate for the degree of PhD in July 2009; the higher study for which this is a record was carried out in the University of St Andrews between 2008 and 2014. Date …… signature of candidate ……… 2. Supervisor’s declaration: I hereby certify that the candidate has fulfilled the conditions of the Resolution and Regulations appropriate for the degree of ……… in the University of St Andrews and that the candidate is qualified to submit this thesis in application for that degree. -
New Khamenei Speech Underlines the Importance of Popular Support for the Regime by Mehdi Khalaji
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 3237 New Khamenei Speech Underlines the Importance of Popular Support for the Regime by Mehdi Khalaji Jan 8, 2020 Also available in Arabic / Farsi ABOUT THE AUTHORS Mehdi Khalaji Mehdi Khalaji, a Qom-trained Shiite theologian, is the Libitzky Family Fellow at The Washington Institute. Brief Analysis Instead of focusing on Iran's missile retaliation or future threats, the Supreme Leader used his latest speech to extoll the virtues of public unity behind the regime’s revolutionary goals. n January 8, Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei delivered his first public speech since the U.S. assassination of O Qasem Soleimani and the subsequent Iranian missile strike on Iraqi bases housing American forces. As part of an address that touched on regional solidarity against the United States and other notable subjects, he spent considerable time claiming that Soleimani symbolized the Iranian people’s continued commitment to the revolution. In doing so, he indicated that popular support for the regime remains a crucial objective for Iran’s leaders, perhaps more so than issuing or acting on further military threats. CASTING SOLEIMANI AS THE MODEL REVOLUTIONARY A ddressing a group of citizens from Qom—which he does every year on the anniversary of the city’s pre- revolutionary protests against the shah—Khamenei described the late Qods Force commander with a string of superlatives: “Martyr Soleimani was brave, wise, and competent in management...not only on the battlefield, but also in the political sphere...His words were influential, -
Civil Society Zine Issue 1
#civsoczine issue 1 | spring 2011 NETWORKS, NETWORKING, & CHANGE NETWORKS, NETWORKING & CHANGE ABOUT ARSEH SEVOM Human rights organizations and defenders in Iran civil society organizations is key to building a have found themselves under attack, while abuses strong and coherent civil rights movement that of basic human rights have continued. The unrest can thrive and succeed. It aims to become a since the flawed 2009 presidential election has hub for organizations and individuals working resulted in random and targeted arrests along together towards the common goal of free, open, with a shifting legal landscape that endangers and peaceful communities. academics and civil society activists in particular. Despite this, we are currently witnessing a Arseh Sevom promotes the advancement of rights 2 transformation of civil society into a growing and for people of all beliefs, genders, ethnicities, non- creative civil rights movement. violent political affiliations, and more. To make the transition to a more open society, it is important Arseh Sevom (Third Sphere, which refers to to address the cultural and political roadblocks to the role of civil society) is a non-governmental the implementation of the Universal Declaration organization established/registered in 2010 in of Human Rights. Arseh Sevom aims to further the Amsterdam, aiming to promote peace, democracy, efforts of Iran’s civil rights movement by working and human rights. The organization’s objective is with its leaders to build capacity and address future to help build the capacity of organizations and needs and developments. The group also plans to encourage the development of a vigorous third develop advocacy tools to address the attitude to sphere of civil activities.