British Politics Review Newsletter of the British Politics Society, Norway Volume 3, No. 1 Winter 2008

A different cup of tea: The European Union has become an inevitable part of British politics, yet it is a topic treated more as a necessary evil than a source of lively debate. © European Community, 2008 Still the awkward partner? 35 years of British EU membership unbound Jan Petersen: The case for Europe: lessons to learn Ian Bache: Below the radar: the quiet Europeanisation of British politics Bjørn Høyland: The Conservative Party in Europe: an open marriage Kristin M. Haugevik: The Europeanisation of British security and defence policy

British Politics Society, Norway, established in June 2006, is politically neutral and has no collective agenda apart from raising the interest and knowledge of British politics among the informed Norwegian public.

Board Members: Øivind Bratberg (President), Kristin M. Haugevik (Vice President), Atle L. Wold (Scholarly Responsible), John-Ivar S. Olsen (Secretary) Postal address: P.O. Box 6 Blindern, N-0313 Oslo, Norway ▪ E-mail: [email protected] ▪ Website: www.britishpoliticssociety.no. British Politics Review A different partnership? Volume 3, No. 1 Winter 2008 Thirty-fi ve years after Britain’s entry into the then European ISSN 1890-4505 Communities (EC), the relationship looks different from both sides of British Politics Review is a quarterly the Channel - yet some of the essential qualities of that relationship newsletter issued by the British Politics remain. This gives rise to rather different accounts of Britain in Europe Society, Norway. With contributions depending on the perspective of the observer. The present issue of British from academic and journalistic sour- ces, the British Politics Review is aimed Politics Review celebrates the anniversary of British membership at everyone with a general interest in and draws on a range of thematic contributions to illustrate the many political developments in Britain. contradictions of Britain in Europe.

Contents Ian Bache’s article on the quiet Europeanisation of British politics gives The case for Europe: lessons to learn some key factors to an understanding to how British public policy has Jan Petersen p. 3 become more Europeanised while the British public remains staunchly The rationale for opposing Norwegian Euro-sceptical. Atle Wold’s account of the ”Metric Martyr” points membership in the EU neatly at some of the remaining rationale for opposing Europe and ”the Dag Seierstad p. 4 continent” with its excessive bureaucracy and attempts to rule over The long delay: Britain and Europe British common sense. 1973-2008 Victor Rothwell pp. 5 From the Norwegian side, Jan Petersen and Dag Seierstad give two Below the radar: the quiet Europeanisa- tion of British politics sharply contrasting accounts of Norway’s position relative to the EU Ian Bache pp. 6-7 and the way in which debates over EU in Norway can take lessons from The Europeanisation of British secu- Britain, and vice versa. While Petersen emphasises the importance of rity and defence policy Europe as a supportive family, of relevance also to security, Seierstad Kristin M. Haugevik p. 8 points at the virture of democracy grounded at the local and national The Conservative Party in Europe: an levels, a message that should be just as pertinent to Britain. open marriage Bjørn Høyland p. 9 Among other contributions to our Review is a summary article by Could Labour contribute to a progres- Victor Rothwell on the many twists and turns on Britain’s European sive agenda in Europe? Øivind Bratberg pp. 10-11 road from 1973 to the present. Kristin M. Haugevik accounts for the paradigmatic shift towards Europe in Britain’s security and defence The Metric Martyr and the awkward dimension of Britain’s membership policy over the last decade: fi nally, Øivind Bratberg and Bjørn Atle L. Wold pp. 12-13 Høyland discuss two different challenges facing British political parties in Europe. Does Labour contribute to a common European left? And, to British Politics Society, Norway - 2007 in retrospect p. 13 point out differences from their continental colleagues, is it wise for the Conservative Party to formally go alone in the European Parliament? Seminar invitation: Britain in Europe 1973-2008 p. 14 Two prime ministers, and two European speeches “We have not successfully rolled back the frontiers of the state in Britain, Almost seventeen years later, another signifi cant British prime only to see them re-imposed at a European level minister addressed an EU audience with with a European super-state exercising a new a presentation of British priorities. On dominance from Brussels.” The statement, 23 June 2005 Tony Blair’s speech to the taken from Margaret Thatcher’s speech European Parliament came prior to the to the College of Europe in Bruges, 20 British presidency and in the wake of failed September 1988, is remembered by many as constitutional referenda in France and the the essence of Thatcher’s stormy relationship Netherlands as well as a bitter dispute over with Europe during the 1980s. The values the EU budget (where Britain was indeed of market, entrepreneuship and free trade accused of national greed and lack of were as important to Thatcher abroad as European attachment). Blair’s message to the at it was to her domestic agenda. On this Enterprise and parliamentarians was clear: ”The issue is not basis she could endorse the Single European patriotism. Margaret about the idea of the European Union. It is about Charm and common Act (1986), introducing a single European Thatcher, prime modernisation. It is about policy. It is not a debate sense. Tony Blair, market, despite her consistent scepticism to minister 1979-90. about how to abandon Europe but how to make it do prime minister 1997- 2007. tighter integration. When harmonisation of © wikipedia/public domain what it was set up to do: improve the lives of people. © wikipedia/public domain policies followed which had little to do with And right now, they aren’t convinced.” openness of trade but instead refl ected the ambition of a united Europe, her Conservative government went into disarray, leading While refraining from the more explicitly nationalist jargon ultimately to Thatcher’s own downfall. of Thatcher, Blair expressed a number of the same concerns for openness, competition, enterprise and growth - stating, for Thatcher’s message in Bruges was one of refusing supranational example, that the EU and WTO should share the same ambition of integration but supporting enterprise and competition. Interestingly, assisting development and growth, and that the EU should widen her speech harked back to the traditional British role of balancing the its membership to Turkey. Europeanness was made a matter of continental powers so that national autonomy was protected and no common sense. As was often the case with Blair, his message in single nation attained superiority. The speech refl ected Thatcher’s Strasbourg was masterly designed to catch the middle ground, unscrupulous pursuit of both national and ideological interest. leading him to downplay both national and ideological concerns.

2 The case for Europe: lessons to learn By British Politics Review Guest Writer Jan Petersen, Member of the Norwegian Parliament from the perspective of the Alliance we covers a broad range of non-military, yet are supposed to have enough national security-related challenges. Jan Petersen resources to resolve local challenges, just has been a as the expectation was during the Cold Norway can hardly provide leadership Member of Par- War. Russian bombers fl ying along the alone on the international arena, and liament since Norwegian coast should always be met here we differ profoundly from Britain. 1981. Party lea- by Norwegian fi ghters – this is something Consequently, we must seek partnership der of Høyre, we can not expect our allies to take care and cooperation. If the solution is not of. about military alliances – then what? The the Norwegian obvious answer is EU and the strengh a Conservative This was the point the Chief of Defence unifi ed entity of half a billion people will Party, from wanted to make. Following his line of bring to its member countries – members 1994 to 2004, thought turns our attention toward Europe, which are committed to supporting each he also served where a different, and broader, anchoring other on the full repertoire of policy as foreign minister in the centre- of national security has emerged. This domains. right coalition government from does not only concern the EU’s common 2001 to 2005. Petersen’s political foreign and security policy, but also the There is another dimension as well: We career has been characterised by attachment to a family think the High North is a wide range of interests besides which participation in the of utmost importance, a consistent emphasis on foreign EU entails. Some of our ”EU sceptics in Britain equally so to Europe, in challenges and possible light of energy policy, affairs. At present he acts as often refer to Norway confl icts are such that as a shining example fi sheries, border security chair of the standing committee NATO has never been and so on. We have yet to on defence. the solution. Those are of exceptionalism, persuade others that it is not about war and peace, of self-suffi ciency... I so. A membership will Thorbjørn Jagland, President of the territory or military would warn against put the High North more Norwegian Parliament, Stortinget, and presence. They are about transferring such fi rmly on the European one of the most committed supporters of jurisdiction, resources, lessons about the virtue agenda, to the mutual Norwegian membership in the EU, has environment, economic of European detachment benefi t of Norway and reportedly come to the conclusion that interests – and in these the EU. Norway will never become a member. areas the EU have a more between the two wide-ranging alliance to countries.” EU sceptics in Britain To some extent I understand him. I have offer. often refer to Norway been a strong supporter for 45 years, as a shining example of but I too have reluctantly had to admit Seen from the Norwegian perspective, exceptionalism, of self-suffi ciency – an that our goal is far off into the distance. this is about our relations with Russia argument that, curiously, seems to apply The polls are bad, too few people really – that wonderful, but enigmatic country. equally well on both left and right of the care, and as we are more than halfway in I still see Russia as a partner with many political spectrum. I would warn against already through an extensive network of promising opportunities. Our bilateral transferring such lessons about the agreements: why bother to go that extra relations are incomparably better than virtue of European detachment between mile? Norway, it appears, is doing fi ne on in the Cold War years and the increasing the two countries. Yes, we are both its own. people-to-people contacts cautious Europeans, sharing much of our in the North are pointing history, values and political tradition. In Still – I refuse to give ”Norway can hardly in the right direction. geopolitical terms, however, there are up. And I think one provide leadership differences which are essential. important challenge is alone on the But we also see many coming up and that may international arena, worrying signs: lack of Some people ask what kind of member lead us to think again: and here we differ political pluralism, media Norway would be – would we maintain The High North. And here under pressure, a less a British-style reserve against further autonomy is of little virtue profoundly from than constructive role integration? My answer is a clear no. If for a small nation. Britain. Consequently, in international politics. we join, we would very quickly be an we must seek We can understand that enthusiastic member. Our experience Last autumn we had a partnership and Russia wants to use its in international cooperation is that public debate in Norway cooperation.” new wealth to re-establish active commitment will bring increased inspired by a leak from itself as a major power, infl uence for a small country, making it the study on the future of but it brings uncertainties. possible to punch above our weight. Our the armed forces to be presented by the And we see trouble with a surprising track record in international institutions Chief of Defence. The essential question number of neighbouring countries and shows that once we sign on to something, was: will NATO cover all our security reather heavy-handed handling of those we to do it wholeheartedly. needs in the north? The Chief of Defence relationships. was inclined to think no. Norway’s approach to Europe should In Norway we have never entertained maintain the concern for effi ciency and When the study was made public, the the idea that in times of trouble we could pragmatism that we share, and always debate subsided. But the question is counter Russia one to one. This recognition have shared, with Britain. However, if a still with us. I do not doubt that NATO’s was forged at a time when threats and more safely grounded security identity is security guarantee is real. But we need challenges were more uni-dimensional our target, Norway, must shelf its reserve to recognise this: some challenges are than today. With our relationship with and engage with the EU. too limited to be a task for NATO. Seen Russia growing far more complex, it now

3 The rationale for opposing Norwegian membership in the EU By Dag Seierstad Democracy fi rst. On the lack of free movement any important is the country in western Europe where two occasions, by problem today. On the opposite: there the euro will be the least appropriate, due referendum in 1972 are challenges of a far different nature to its particular economic structure. We and 1994, a majority that are much more important to resolve: largely export goods that feed into the of Norwegian rising unemployment, declining welfare productive capacity of other countries. voters have rejected states, disintegrating communities, health For this reason we often need the direct EU membership. queues, drug abuse and increasing levels opposite of the macroeconomic policy Opposition against of violence and crime. led by the eurozone, as our economic the EU has been Dag Seierstad is member cycles differ. The success of the British dominated by groups of the national execu- These problems can only be resolved economy, even though it differs from the of the centre-left: there tive of the Norwegian through popular commitment to credible Scandinavian countries, exemplifi es the is little organised Socialist Left Party and social projects, designed to make people value of maintaining control over national opposition in Norway a prominent member of take responsibility where they live and currency and macroeconomic policy. of the kind represented the Norwegian anti-EU work. At all crossroads in the movement Nei til EU. in Britain by business development of the EU more ”Outside of the Outside of the EU Norway interests and the Conservative Party. power and more decisions EU Norway has a has a right to speak and have been transferred to EU propose in the world Two themes have been fundamental institutions. This touches right to speak and community, a right which in Norway for the campaign against upon the essential core propose in the world both Sweden and Denmark membership. First, there is the perception of democracy: the scope community which have had to refrain from that cherished democratic values at the for democratically elected both Sweden and since entering the Union. national as well as the local level are best power to control decisions of Denmark have had Admittedly, within the retained outside the EU. Second, there is human and social concern. to refrain from since WTO framework, Norway scepticism in Norway towards the market This power is quintessential may be fi ghting for the liberalism embedded in successive EU if democracy is to be entering the Union.” narrow sectoral interests of treaties. meaningful. Norwegian farmers, with little attention paid to the effects upon the The EU designs a society where local and Norway is a community of suitable size developing world and the environment. national communities are replaced by to develop the initiatives and solidarity However, in international institutions companies and banks as the fundamental needed to fi ght unemployment, repair dealing with the environment, world building blocks. Our vision of Europe our welfare state and develop policies poverty etc., Norway has been willing to refers to a different understanding of for protecting the environment that can act as part of an avant-garde by forging liberty than the four liberties of the EU’s rely on fi rm support by the citizens. Our alliances with countries outside the inner market. We look towards the kind of arguments may be of a different nature European and American sphere, often in autonomy that retains in local authorities than British EU scepticism. Yet their clear opposition to the USA and the EU. and states the right to limit the market message is universal as far as the value of freedoms if it is necessary in order to the elected representative is concerned. From this perspective, our EU scepticism achieve important social purposes. The individual MP in a British constituency is about a belief in autonomy rather should feel this as clearly as do Norwegian than patriotism as such. Internationally, The debate seen from Norway is parliamentarians. Norway fi ghts for its national interest essentially about whether companies or in trade, fi sheries and to support its few communities should be the units given Supranational arrangements are sometimes industrial champions. But since our the fundamental freedom of action within necessary, but in order to have grass roots economic interests are rather few and Europe. The departure support, they must be limited limited in scope, we are also disposed to point for the Norwegian ”Our arguments to the absolutely necessary. listen to concerns for global solidarity, anti-EU movement is that may be of a different Supranationalism in the EU especially where this refl ects popular the EU should be limited nature than British is applied in far too many opinion in Norway. In this regard Norway to tackling challenges that EU scepticism. Yet issue areas, and it limits may be small enough if we wish to can only be controlled at national autonomy in areas mobilise popular support for international the international level: their message is where it should not. activism related to issues such as climate cross-national confl icts, universal as far as the change, hunger and deprivation on other environmental problems value of the elected The EU has always been a continents and global security. crossing borders, common representative is strange mix of the inter-state minimum standards in the concerned.” and supranational. But the The option for global solidarity is not labour market and social combination affects different always refl ected in political action. But imbalances between the countries differently. To the fact that the option exists makes regions of Europe. small and medium-sized countries the EU politics a whole lot more meaningful for becomes gradually more supranational: the common man and woman in Norway The four freedoms of the EU require that they can be voted down and must heed compared to the intricacies of EU decision national, regional or local communities to decisions which they have opposed. To making. The Norwegian Parliament, like do not intervene into solutions created the biggest EU countries, EU cooperation Westminster, is far from the individual by free-running market forces. Any is closer to the inter-state model. In order voter: Brussels, however, is much farther regulation of the markets is supposed to to avoid being voted down, they negotiate away and too detached from democratic take place only at the level of the European to make compromises they can agree upon control. If we wish politics more based on Union. in order to present them as fait accomplies to solidarity values, and if we wish to take the smaller countries. the people with us on that endeavour, we This idea represents the basic democratic must begin at the level where democratic weakness related to the European A s a n E U m e m b e r, N o r w a y w i l l b e o b l i g a t e d power is real. This is a thesis of equal project. Nowhere in western Europe is to enter the EU’s monetary union. Norway signifi cance to both Britain and Norway.

4 The long delay: Britain and Europe 1973-2008 By Victor Rothwell Dilemma unresolved. An themselves into two issues. Positively, Not daunted, the Conservative Europhiles unusual set of circumstances Britain worked for the completion of free continued their struggle and, according had been required to make trade in goods, which had been largely to one Eurosceptic MP, there were even it possible for the United achieved by 1987, and services where incidents of Conservative MPs on the Kingdom to become a progress was more diffi cult. Negatively, two sides of this bitter political civil war member of the European at least from a Community standpoint, spitting at one another. Well might John Economic Community on 1 it sought to minimise Britain’s net Major have remarked privately shortly January 1973. Edward Heath, contribution to the budget. The two- before he became prime minister that a politician who was uniquely thirds rebate gained by Margaret Europe was a wolf that threatened to pro-’European’ among British Victor Rothwell is Thatcher’s negotiators in 1984, proved devour the Conservative Party. Major’s prime ministers, had been in a Reader in History to be a victory in a battle, not a war, and achievement was to prevent his party offi ce during the crucial year at the School of in 2005 prime minister Tony Blair made from completely disintegrating while the History, Classics for entry, which was 1971, and and Archaeology, concessions in the wake of the accession two factions struggled for victory, which France had had a president in Univ. of Edinburgh. of eight east European countries under ultimately went to the sceptics. In March Georges Pompidou who was His main research which Britain’s net contribution will rise 1996 the Government published a white more fl exible towards Britain interests are British from £2.8 billion to £5.5 billion by 2012. paper on EU reform whose very title, A than either his predecessor foreign policy and Partnership of Nations, spoke volumes or his successor and who was international rela- Thatcher’s fi rst foreign secretary, Lord about which side had won. By then, tions in the inter- worried by West Germany in war, war and early Carrington, has remarked on the lack however, the Conservatives were broken relation to both its growing postwar period. of sympathy with which his European and went down to ignominious defeat in economic strength and signs colleagues responded to British rebate the 1997 general election. of political assertiveness as embodied in demands in the early 1980s at a time when chancellor Willy Brandt’s Ostpolitik. the state of the British economy remained Tony Blair’s public discourse on foreign dismal. Perhaps to them it was a case of policy while he was leader of the At the heart of Heath’s pro-Europeanism being dismayed by British preoccupation Opposition between 1994 and 1997 had was that he understood and shared the with mere money in an essentially political been mostly about Europe and the need conviction of politicians on the continent enterprise. In 1997 a senior ”Eurocrat”, for Britain to playa central role. (He had that the Community project was not Theo Jonkers, characterised Britain’s said little about Anglo-American relations about free trade or even basic economic contribution to the Community since and nothing about British participation prosperity. Its purposes were political: 1973 as having been nether ”glorious” nor in wars in Africa and Asia.) As prime to integrate Germany into Europe on a ”disastrous”. In 2008 most Eurocrats would minister, he at fi rst in practice pursued the basis acceptable to Germans and other probably remain unwilling to say anything intergovernmentalist line of all premiers Europeans and then to be able to have more favourable than that. since 1974 without coming under almost dealings with the United States and the any of the integrationist Soviet Union on something like a footing The Community/Union ”British relations with pressures that had of equality. Heath’s loss of the premiership fi gured most prominently the Community [...] plagued his two most in March 1974 and his subsequent loss in British politics between resolved themselves into immediate predecessors. in acrimonious circumstances of the 1988 and 1997, only He undoubtedly wished leadership of the Conservative Party indirectly because of what two issues. Positively, to join the euro common nearly a year later ushered in what the the Community itself Britain worked for currency as it was late Lord Beloff called the ”dialogue of the was doing and chiefl y the completion of free introduced between deaf” between Britain and its continental because it brought Britain’s trade... Negatively, at 1999 and 2002, but partners that has continued ever since. oldest political party, least from a Community that was vetoed by his the Conservatives, to the powerful chancellor of British membership of the Community brink of (self-infl icted) standpoint, it sought the Exchequer, Gordon was confi rmed by a two-thirds majority destruction. The Franco- to minimise Britain’s Brown. in a referendum in 1975. Although this German drive for greater net contribution to the clearly demonstrated wide support for unity, and especially budget.” Blair sought alternatives membership in the British public, almost for a European common to an integrationist Union all observers were agreed that that support currency, caused the pro- such as the Anglo-French did not run deep. Proponents of staying European Heathite element in the party initiative for a stronger European defence in the Community, who are estimated (though it did not recognise Heath’s relationship that was announced at St to have spent as much as forty times as leadership in anything other than perhaps a Malo in December 1998. Then, around much money as their opponents, played vague, spiritual sense) to engineer Britain’s the midway point of his premiership, he down the loss of sovereignty involved in entry into the Community’s Exchange Rate returned to some of the integrationist membership and the likelihood that it Mechanism in October 1990 and Thatcher’s enthusiasm of his opposition leadership would increase, and concentrated on the deposition the following month. years with ungrudging British participation economic benefi ts of membership and the in the negotiation of a constitution for the scope for reducing Britain’s substantial These proved to be isolated and Phyrrhic EU and for a treaty that preserved most of net contribution to the Community victories. ERM membership was a disaster the contents of the constitution after it had budget. Also largely ignored was whether for the British economy and therefore been rejected by the French and Dutch Community supranationalism might something that could not be sustained. In electorates in 2005. He negotiated some make the union between Scotland and the words of the economists P.J.N. Sinclair opt outs, of uncertain value, for Britain the rest of the United Kingdom appear and Martinez Zarzoso, ”The main lesson and bequeathed the problem of ratifi cation redundant. of September 1992 seemed to be that to his successor, Gordon Brown, in June for Britain, expulsion from a German- 2007. Britain’s Europe dilemma - and British relations with the Community and dominated currency system was a blessed the European Union’s Britain dilemma - the European Union as it became after relief.” remain unsolved. the Maastricht treaty in 1991, resolved

5 Below the radar: the quiet Europeanisation of British politics By Ian Bache European by default? obviously, it refers to domestic changes progress. This intermediate level There is a familiar that shape the degree of ‘fit’ between EU provides an additional platform from narrative of Britain’s and British politics and thus the prospects which subnational actors (public, relationship with for an easier relationship. Here, Britain’s private and voluntary) can engage the European Union. programme of constitutional reform directly with the EU. It is a story of the and particularly devolution provide an “awkwa rd” or “sem i- important illustration. The EU effects on policy are profound detached” partner, in some sectors, less so in others. the one that came late On the Europeanisation issue, the Again, environment occupies a place and reluctantly to the Ian Bache is a Reader effects of EU membership have been at the most-Europeanised end of party and has never at the Department of significant on British institutions, the spectrum, while on the least- Politics, University of fully come to terms Sheffi eld. Subsequent policies and politics. While some of the Europeanised end (where there is a with membership. to his doctoral thesis key changes, particularly institutional, prominent EU role) is monetary policy. It is a relationship on EU regional policy, might be attributed to the Blair Elsewhere the picture is more nuanced: viewed sceptically Bache has covered a government – the mainstreaming of EU competition policy now fits more by the public, treated broad fi eld of research affairs within Whitehall departments, comfortably with EU practices, but the with hostility by much including British the strengthened central coordination British approach is more of a hybrid of politics, local and of the press and one regional governance machinery – many the EU and US models that divides political and the European are not. They are rather than being parties. Union. about long-standing ”[T]he main focus on truly Europeanised; processes that in Britain-EU relations is on and, while the Yet while this narrative is important, it some cases have the high-profile bargains EU’s regional is not the whole story. Much of Britain’s been in train since and the points of conflict. policy has been relationship occurs below the radar of membership, but highly significant the public, press and political parties. certainly pre-date Less interesting to political financially and in its Indeed, until recently it occurred below New Labour. commentators are the [...] effects on practices the radar of much academic research on day-to-day interactions noted above, it the EU. For often good reason, the main Within Whitehall, between thousands of has co-existed focus on Britain-EU relations is on the departments such policy-makers, politicians with rather than high-profile bargains and the points as Environment and interest groups. Yet it transformed other of conflict. Less interesting to political (currently the aspects of British commentators are the innumerable Department of is at this level [...] that much regional policy, day-to-day interactions between Environment, Food progress is made in Britain’s such as state aids for thousands of policy-makers, politicians and Rural Affairs) relationship with the EU...” ailing industries. and interest groups. Yet it is at this have very gradually level, below the radar of attention, that become more Last but certainly much progress is made in Britain’s proactive and less reactive in relation to not least has been the EU’s effect on the relationship with the EU: that relations EU decisions, not through an ideological behaviour of organised interest groups. are often normalised and, we might conversion to the European project, but The shift in policy competences to the say, that aspects of British politics have simply because most policies are now EU level has been accompanied by the become quietly Europeanised. made in or with the EU. transfer of activities in line with the maxim ”where power goes, interest Of course, other departments groups follow”. Generally this activity show far less sign of change and runs alongside continued attempts at remain one-step removed. Here, influencing domestic political actors the Treasury is a case in point either for direct return or for the through non-participation in ability of these actors to shape the EU’s the eurozone. But no Whitehall agenda. department can now stand aloof from the EU entirely and beyond Alongside this pull factor a number of Whitehall, change is highly social democratic constituencies in local significant. government, the trade unions and the voluntary sector were pushed towards Relations between local Brussels in the 1980s by the Thatcher authorities and Brussels, which governments. It is no coincidence Whitehall once sought to control, given its overlapping membership with are now routine. Moreover, these groups that the Labour party practices such as partnership and transformed its position on Europe in programming that were promoted this period and took an EU-friendly Symbolic, but insubstantial sovereignty? The Houses of by the EU regional funds have approach into government. For those Parliament at Westminster © wikipedia/public domain become embedded in many people who enjoy such things, there is a domestic policies and are now delicious irony here in the fact that the There is a second point to make on part of the architecture of subnational individual that ultimately did more to how we might broaden the scope of governance. The regional funds also Europeanise British politics was none the radar, which is to think more about gave a push to the creation of regional other than Margaret Thatcher. how non-EU related policies affect EU development agencies in England by relations. Most obviously, this points defining administrative boundaries and towards Britain’s international relations creating networks that both informed and particular those with the US. Less Labour’s plans and accelerated their

6 Cont.: The quiet Europeanisation of British politics

A number of constitutional changes voting systems for the newly-devolved to occur takes time and it is important introduced by the Blair governments institutions, the introduction of a Freedom to note that while such developments have brought Britain closer to continental of Information Act and the modernisation are occurring at the subnational level, models and specifi cally to the EU’s multi- of the House of Commons. Westminster remains fi rmly majoritarian level governance system. Devolution and confrontational. is most obvious here, but this is also Devolution itself is driven primarily by domestic factors, although To sum up, there is much more to there is no doubt that the Britain’s relationship with the EU than evolution of the EU has fi rst meets the eye. To get a truer sense created a space in which of the relationship we have to look regional and subnational beyond the sensational to the mundane interests are more confi dently and beyond EU issues to the domestic. articulated. Devolution Let’s be clear, Britain’s transformation provides a more contested from an awkward partner to one at interpretation of the national ease with Europe is far from complete. interest in the EU context Public and press hostility remain crucial and a more diverse set of to understanding the relationship and arrangements through the political parties are either unable which domestic interests are or willing to confront this hostility in projected and EU policies any consistent or sustained manner. As implemented. such, what the radar catches matters enormously, but if we are to understand Placing these changes the underlying processes and trends, it is alongside the more certainly not all that matters. consensual politics these Scope for survival? British agriculture, while receiving less funds from devolved institutions aspire the EU’s Common Agricultural Policy than a number of other member states, has still been tightly integrated in the common European to, and which are promoted This article is based on the fi ndings of The market. A side-effect has been the maintained relevance of a strong by the increased prospect Europeanization of British Politics and Europeanised ministry dealing with agricultural affairs. of coalitions under the by Ian Bache and Andrew Jordan (eds), proportional voting systems, Palgrave, 2006 and Europeanization and illustrated by giving independence to it is easy to see how in a space of a decade Multilevel Governance: Cohesion Policy the Bank of England (which fulfi ls a Britain has the embryonic features of a in the European Union and Britain by Ian requirement for Britain entering the more continental European system and Bache, Rowman and Littlefi eld, 2008. euro), the adoption of proportional style of politics. Of course, for such change

Britain in Europe - a bibliography

Europeanisation. The literature on For an adventurous venture into British Political positions towards Europe: Britain’s relationship with Europe has political history and - David Baker and David Seawright evolved over the last decade from one of the path towards (eds.) Britain For and Against Europe: largely historical accounts towards more British exceptionalism British Politics and the Question of European theoretical contributions. today, Andrew Integration. Gamble’s Between - Anthony Forster (2002) Euroscepticism The Europeanization of British Politics, Europe and America: in Contemporary British Politics: Opposition edited by Ian Bache the Future of European to Europe in the and Andrew Jordan Politics (2003) is worth Conservative and (2006) represents an a closer look. Labour Parties Since excellent example. 1945. This volume - Martin Holmes accounts for British Some of the more (2001) The interaction with the specifi c thematic contributions on Britain Eurosceptical Reader. European level as in Europe are listed below. - Dick Leonard a two-way process (2001) The Pro- where the EU affects Historical accounts of Britain’s European Reader. the British political relationship with the EU: - Roger Broad (2001) system while Britain also contributes - Stephen George (1998) An Awkward Labour’s European to decision making in Brussels. The Partner: Britain in the European Dilemmas Since 1945: from Bevin to Blair. analytical focus covers both policy areas Community. - Jim Buller (2000) National Statecraft and and institutions. - David Gowland and Arthur Turner European Integration: the Conservative (2000) Britain and European Integration, Government and the European Union, 1979- A less theoretical overview of Britain 1945-1998: A Documentary History. 1997. and the EU is given in Andrew Geddes’ - Wolfram Kaiser (1996) Using Europe, - David Purdy (2003) Eurovision or The European Union and British Politics Abusing the Europeans: Britain and European American dream? Britain, the Euro and the (2004), which sums up historical and Integration, 1945-63. Future of Europe. contemporary aspects of Britains’ - John W. Young (2000) Britain and relationship with Europe. European Unity, 1945-1999.

7 The Europeanisation of British security and defence policy By Kristin M. Haugevik From observer to partner. device to secure peace on the European the seminal Maastricht Treaty in 1992, which Throughout the history continent gradually began to smoulder. When formally established a foreign and security of European integration, the European Coal and Steel Community pillar within the EU, it was therefore on the Britain has often been (ECSC) was established in 1951, the underlying premise of American approval and with the described as a “reluctant philosophy was that by creating economic British prerequisite that decision-making on European”, less willing to interdependence between its members, going foreign and security issues would remain take part in the European to war against one another would become intergovernmental. project than many of its unfavourable. continental colleagues. It was against this backdrop that Blair, This has particularly Kristin M. Haugevik Britain offi cially supported the establishment when he fi rst came into offi ce in 1997, had been true when it comes is a research fellow at of the ECSC, but declined to participate itself. to formulate an approach to the emerging to security and defence NUPI, the Norwegian Furthermore, Britain announced that it would European security and defence policy. The policy, where Britain Institute of Interna- not be interested in contributing British fi rst indications that major changes were tional Affairs and Vice decided to stay on President of British forces to a European army when the French afoot came in mid-1998, when the British the sidelines from the Politics Society, government introduced plans to establish a Ministry of Defence recognised the EU’s fi rst ideas about closer Norway. European Defence Community (EDC) in 1951. “vital role in helping to preserve and extend European security and Since Britain was more vulnerable to attack economic prosperity and political stability, defence collaboration began to surface in the by air than by land campaign, it made more including through the Common Foreign and late 1940s. sense to focus on the alliance with the United Security Policy”. In the months that followed, States than establishing a new pact with Blair made it clear that the time had come for With that as a point of departure, it was Europe. Besides, the British government did “fresh thinking” with regard to European therefore somewhat unexpected when not believe a supranational institution could security and defence. Britain’s then new Prime Minister Tony Blair provide a better defence against the Soviet in 1998 initiated the framing of a common Union than could the intergovernmental The shifts in rhetoric prepared the ground security and defence policy for the EU NATO. for a shift also in practice: When the together with the French President Jacques abovementioned Saint Malo-declaration Chirac. The agreement between the two old The EDC plans were eventually abandoned, between Britain and France was signed in European archrivals has later been described but shortly after, Britain was among the December 1998, many were surprised by the as a milestone in the development of a initiators behind the Western European offensive wording of the agreement, which European security and defence policy and Union (WEU), an intergovernmental forum stated that the EU must have the “capacity for a turning point in the relationship between with military functions explicitly integrated autonomous action, backed up by credible Britain and the EU. in NATO. This, of course, suited Britain very military forces, the means to decide to use well. In practice, the WEU functioned as a them, and a readiness to use so, in order to In order to fully understand the signifi cance negotiating table between Britain and the respond to international crises”. of this shift, it is critical to understand the two ECSC-countries, France, Germany, Belgium, dominant premises for British security policy the Netherlands, Luxembourg and Italy. The use of the word “autonomous” was since the Second World War. The fi rst of these by many considered as path-breaking in a premises is that of transatlanticism, which Britain’s transatlantic and anti-federalist British context, as it indicated that the EU in refers to Britain’s observable preference preferences were particularly evident the future might take military action without for the United States and during Margaret Thatcher’s assistance from, and perhaps even without NATO over other partners ”While the British eleven years as British consulting with, NATO. Yet, it would be an on questions of national reluctance to grant Prime Minister (1979-1990). underestimation of Blair to suggest that the security. The second sovereignty to the EU Thatcher and US President choice of wording was not carefully thought premise has to do with remains and although Ronald Reagan enjoyed a through. It is more likely that he wanted anti-federalism, in this case close friendship, both at to carry into effect his promise from the meaning Britain’s inherent NATO’s position as a personal and a political electoral campaign that “a new government unwillingness to renounce the “cornerstone” of level. At the same time, would mean a new approach in Europe”. national sovereignty to European defence is the Iron Lady’s aversion to supranational institutions still emphasised, these European integration was Almost ten years later, Britain has arguably such as the EU, especially arguments now appear well-known. The way she upheld a more active approach to European when it comes to security saw it, “all Britain’s problems security and defence policy. While the British and defence. less black and white than have come from mainland reluctance to grant sovereignty to the EU they used to.” Europe and all the solutions remains, and although NATO’s position In 1945, following the have come from the English- as the “cornerstone” of European defence two world wars, it became clear to most speaking nations across the world”. She would is still emphasised, these arguments now European countries that something had to be certainly not let anyone bring “European appear less black and white than they used done to secure future peace and stability on federalism in by the back door”. to. With regard to British anti-federalism, the the European continent. Thus, when Britain Foreign and Commonwealth Offi ce observed and ten other European countries – among Britain’s approach to European security and in 2006 that the sharing of sovereignty in them Norway – founded NATO in 1949, the defence remained largely unchanged also the EU had worked to “the benefi t of the UK underlying motivation was to attend to the during Thatcher’s successor, John Major’s, and our partners”, pointing out the need transatlantic link and commit the United time in offi ce (1990-1997) – despite the fact for a more effective EU role in the world. States to the territorial defence of Europe. that Major reportedly had a more reserved Furthermore, Britain’s transatlantic ties have relationship with US President Bill Clinton become increasingly tense in recent years. In Yet, to many European countries, NATO than Thatcher had had with Reagan and fact, the British public’s displeasure with the was not a suffi cient solution to the cardinal George Bush. However, following the Bosnian Anglo-American alliance in Iraq and NATO’s question on how to “keep the Americans in, War (1992-1995), both Clinton and Major diffi culties in Afghanistan are two factors the Russians out and the Germans down”. seemed to recognise the need for “some type that could strengthen the EU as a key actor in Therefore, plans to establish an all-European of European solution”. When Britain signed British security and defence politics.

8 The Conservative Party in Europe: an open marriage By Bjørn Høyland Unhelpful scepticism. European Parliament and to the public While most other members of the group Upon becoming the why they intend to vote differently from are quite close along both dimensions, new leader of the British the rest of the party group. In most cases, we see that there is a distinct subgroup of Conservative party, this is completely unproblematic, as votes MEPs who share the position of the rest of the David Cameron pledged are rarely suffi ciently close for the vote of EPP when voting on issues along the left-right to take the Conservative a national delegation to axis, but not on the pro- members of the European make a difference ”Forming a rival party anti integration axis. Upon Parliament out of the group with a handful closer investigation, it European Peoples’ Party Do members of the British of MEPs from other becomes clear that this (EPP), which is the party Conservative Party make countries will not only group consists almost umbrella for centre-right Bjørn Høyland is use of this possibility to exclusively of members of a post-doctoral reduce the infl uence of parties of the EU member researcher at the Dept. defect from the rest of the the British Conservative states. of Political Science, EPP or are they squeezed to the Conservative Party... Party. University of Oslo. conform with centralised It will also mean that [...] The reason was that the He has published positions adopted by the the party will obtain less The British Conservatives extensively on legisla- EPP was perceived as EPP leadership? To answer infl uential roles than they hence do already make being too integrationist tive politics with a this question, we must look use of the possibility focus on the European currently enjoy as a large for the taste of the new Parliament. closer at the actual voting to defect from the EPP leader. The Conservatives decisions in the European delegation within the on integration issues, would be freer to promote their vision of Parliament. The below largest party group...” which is where they Britain in Europe if acting outside of the fi gure is a spatial map of essentially disagree with dominant party group of the centre-right, the coalitions that formed on recorded votes conservatives or Christian democrats from was Cameron’s claim. in the European Parliament from July 2004 the continent. It is therefore diffi cult to see until March 2007, in total 2,115 votes by 705 what they have to gain from forming a While humming to the tune of British MEPs on a range of different issues. new and more exclusive group of the Euro- Euro-scepticism, the idea of pulling the Each dot represents an MEP. The closer two sceptic centre-right. Conservatives out may not be such a good dots are to each other the more likely it is strategy as one could be led to believe. that they vote the same way. I n d e e d , t h e y m a y h a v e m o r e t o l o s e t h a n g a i n . The underlying rationale for withdrawing Committee chairs, and the responsibility of from the EPP was that the party would The fi rst dimension is the basic left-right drafting EP positions on legislation at the henceforth stand freer to vote in line with dimension: here, a range of parallell issues committee stage, are allocated among the their ideological beliefs. The problem distinguish social democratic and socialist party groups in proportion to their size. As with this line of reasoning is that the parties on the one hand from Christian EPP is the biggest party group, it also has British Conservatives are already free to democratic and conservative parties on the the largest share of these spoils. And, with vote against the rest of the EPP in cases of other. Liberals in the European Parliament the British Conservative Party representing disagreement. All of the main party groups tend to place themselves between these one the biggest party delegations within the have a standardised procedure for dealing two camps. The second dimension can be group, their MEPs currently enjoy a large with dissent inside the party group. interpreted as preferences over the speed of share of these spoils. European integration. Those placed towards The legislative cycle in the European the lower end would like to slow down or Forming a rival party group with a handful Parliament is, in principle, organised around halt the integration process, while those of MEPs from other countries will not only four-week cycles. The representatives have towards the top end would like to increase reduce the infl uence of the Conservative the fi rst week to cultivate the relationship the speed of integration. Party in shaping the position of EPP on with the national party and their most legislation; it will also mean that constituencies. The second week MEPs from the Conservative party will is devoted to committee work. The obtain less infl uential roles than they third week is the party group week. currently enjoy as a large delegation During this week the national party within the largest party group. The delegations meet to discuss and move will reduce the overall size of EPP, agree on common positions on the and hence their total share of committee issues that have emerged from the spoils. These spoils will not be given to committees. On most issues the the Conservative party in a much smaller recommendations from the party group, as it is fi rst allocated amongst the group leader on a committee are party group on the basis of their total size, adopted by the group as a whole, or not the size of any one national delegation. a consensus is reached as result of a The biggest winner would therefore discussion. be the Party of European Socialists. The consequence of David Cameron’s Howe ve r, i f s o m e n at io n a l de l e g at io n s pledge would be a strengthening of the are unprepared to support this integrationist and social democratic common position, for ideological, infl uence in the European Parliament. domestic or other reasons, they may declare their intention to defect The behaviour of British politicians on the from the party group position on European scene has often been deemed the vote. Indeed, during the fourth irrational, and as such the Conservative week, the plenary session week, Party has a long tradition to heed to. defecting fractions of the party group are The blue dots toward the upper right corner However, if realpolitik and pragmatism are often provided a slot during the debate represent the members of the EPP group still essential Conservative values, Cameron on the issue to express to the whole of the to which the Conservatives are affi liated. and his party should stop and think again.

9 Could Labour contribute to a progressive agenda in Europe? By Øivind Bratberg Labour on European war years, with the League of Nations, the been far more prevalent than on the soil. What is the social Russian Revolution and the rise of fascism European left. The lengthy parliamentary democratic vision of as important issues, and with a party leader and industrial tradition in Britain Europe? If there is such in James Ramsay MacDonald who was moulded Labour to this mode of thought, a vision, what could much concerned with international affairs. where moderation, capitalism and steady be the contributions political institutions remained the basis to it from the British Perhaps, the self-suffi ciency of the British on which policy would be made. The side of the Channel? left had a clearer point of departure with British state remained, with Labour as a Clement Attlee’s post-war government reformist party within a market economy. Both questions are (1945-51), which was given the task of worth asking as the Øivind Bratberg is rebuilding Britain and forging a welfare Compare this with the enormous last fi fteen years have a PhD fellow at the state. Except for the emerging dismantling changes in both France and Germany brought renewed vigour Dept. of Political of the Empire, Attlee’s government never between the First Wold War and the end to the idea that social Science, University of put much emphasis (and certainly little of the 1950s. In both nations, the form, Oslo and President democracy may have of British Politics ideological emphasis) if not the very existence, of something to offer Society, Norway. on foreign affairs. the political and economic at the EU level. The Although Britain ”[W]hile Labour has system was uncertain for Union, it seems, has changed character was linked to the been a party of the left considerable periods of time. from an essentially free-market arena to continent through it has also been deeply a regulatory regime where the left can NATO and collective affected by the British Finally, the leaders of the fi nally fi ght for its own political values. defence, to Labour British Labour Party - be they the idea of party economic model, where political or ideological - have While this perception of a European political alignment the virtues of the market, rarely focussed their attention political space has been a core idea of at the European personal liberties and a towards the international the French socialists, for example, since level was irrelevant. taste for the self-made arena or, more particularly, to the years of Mitterand, it has taken the man have been far more Europe. Roy Jenkins, one of the British left much longer time to accept To these few Europeanists in the party, it. Historically, social democracy was circumstances of the prevalent than on the was president of the European closely attached to the nation-state, post-war era we may European left.” Commission from 1977 to -81, where macroeconomic control and add a set of more but left Labour shortly after his permanent causes return to Britain to establish of Labour’s uneasy relationship with the Social Democratic Party. Leaders the European left. Interestingly, some such as Wilson, Callaghan and Kinnock of these features seem today to be in a rarely gave Europe genuinely positive process of change, which may suggest attention, although a more positive view that the relevance of Europe to Labour – of the EU was important to Kinnock’s and vice versa – could be on a different remaking of the party during the 1980s. and altogether more promising track. On the ideological side, consider Anthony The fi rst bar to a genuine engagement Crosland’s classic The Future of Socialism between Labour and its European sister (1956). Where was Europe in Crosland’s parties relates to the particularities vision of social democracy, other than as of British social democracy. From its an irrelevance to the pursuit of essentially beginning as the Labour Representation national goals? Later, especially during Committee in 1900, the party has been the 1970s and early 1980s, the British left a remarkable blend of trade unionism, would distance itself even more from ethical socialism and progressive Europe, conceiving of the Common reform. The party has been, in other Market no longer as an irrelevance but as words, a very broad movement, uniting a threat against social democracy at the everything from communists to the national level. The force of this argument British breed of Christian socialists. would of course be seriously weakened by eighteen years of Thatcherism when No real split occurred in the party over Labour found that Brussels could actually the Russian Revolution, no revolutionary be a source of mitigating some of the schemes were seriously conceived. harsh effects of the free market economy. In its parliamentary politics, the Labour Party of the fi rst industrialised Labour’s change of approach to Europe country of the world proved to be a was a combined effect of Thatcher’s A friendly welcome? Gordon Brown receives the mature, yet near-sighted wanderer policies at home and the changing powers President of the European Commission, José M. - more concerned with supplying the of Brussels. During the last decade- Barroso, at 10 Downing Street. kitchen tables and keeping factories and-a-half, the EU has moved from a © European Community, 2008. at work than with the ideological or common market to a Union where foreign internationalist dimension of politics. and security policy, defence, currency public welfare were essential concerns. and many aspects of home affairs British Labour has been even more Secondly, while Labour has been a party (such as asylum and immigration) are oriented towards the domestic level of the left it has also been deeply affected now subject to inter- or supranatioanal than most of its European sister parties. by the British economic model, where the decisions. Meanwhile, enlargement has As most other leftist movements, it had its virtues of the market, personal liberties brought a whole number of Central and share of internationalism during the inter- and a taste for the self-made man have East European countries into the fold.

10 Cont.: Could Labour contribute to a progressive agenda in Europe?

What have these new policy areas done to interests are promoted but the nation-state the role of keeping people in work. This is Labour’s approach towards the EU? Accounts remains the core idea. a curious mix of strands from the British typically focus on British awkwardness: social democratic tradition with liberalism reluctance to contribute fi nancially, non- Third, on leadership, much has been said and the work ethic that was so successfully participation in the Schengen area as well of Tony Blair’s failed European mission, exported to the United States. as the euro. What is typically forgotten but he has still played a considerable part is how Britain under the present Labour in moving Britain and its fellow member Now, there are different ways of discussing government has contributed to selected states towards a the relevance of areas such as the Lisbon process (designed closer unity on the social democracy to enhance the EU’s competitiveness), the issues discussed in today’s EU, and common foreign and security policy (where above. Meanwhile, much of what is Britain and France play the major roles) Blair’s old ally Peter communicated by and on enlargement (where the British Mandelson holds the Mandelson and approach has been far more constructive key post as EU Trade Nyrup Rasmussen than that of France). Meanwhile, Britain’s Commissioner. amounts to economy has fared consistently better over At a time when recommendations the last decade than the eurozone. Blair the guidelines for for national parties and Brown’s economic model has become world trade are rather than policy something of an ideal - some would say, under continuous being decided at due to its non-ideological appeal and focus negotiation, this the EU level. This Peter Mandelson, EU Commissioner for Trade: on growth and stability. is a very powerful Few leaders have greater infl uence over the scope is also where the position indeed. and direction of globalisation. leadership of Tony If we return to our three traditional barriers Few political © European Community, 2008 Blair as well as for Labour in Europe it is obvious that key leaders have Gordon Brown factors in the relationship have changed. greater infl uence than Mandelson over is particularly relevant. Leadership by On the fi rst point, the particular nature of how globalisation is to be handled, what example has always been a standard British British social democracy: the twenty years kind of regulation the international trademark, and there is much in this also since the mid-1980s have seen a cautious market place should be subject to and how in the way Labour under Blair and Brown Europeanisation of Labour. This implies developing countries should be assisted. have approached party allies in the EU. a more cooperative approach to its sister The Commissioner’s role is most evidently Exporting the British model is an obvious parties as well as a tighter involvement displayed in the WTO process where he concern for Brown today, especially since with policy processes in Brussels. On the alone represents the block of EU member he on supranational issues is handicapped latter point, the British trade unions have states. by Britain’s non-participation in the had a role to play in Labour’s conversion. euro, Schengen and other key areas of Suffering under the strains of Thatcherism, Mandelson’s role also has signifi cance for cooperation. the British trade union movement looked the Party of European Socialists (PES), the to the European level for regulation umbrella organisation for social democratic Tellingly, with regard to policy learning and protection. This development has parties in the European Parliament. it is often the centre right that has been contributed to to a quiet Europeanisation of Adaptation and renewal have been ever- listening most closely to Labour’s message the left, as noted by Ian Bache elsewhere on returning topics on the agenda of the left. in Europe. José Maria Aznar and Silvio these pages. The emergence Under the leadership Berlusconi were both courted by Blair, of labour market regulation ”[T]he French socialists of Poul Nyrup while Brown today preaches the New from Brussels has deeply for example would not Rasmussen, former Labour message about market fl exibility affected the promotion of Danish prime minister, and targeted welfare to Angela Merkel workers’ rights in Britain. accept much of Labour’s the PES seems to have and Nicolas Sarkozy. Labour, it seems, has Labour have followed in prescribed policies in arrived at a consensus placed itself close to the political centre in the wake of its trade-union Europe. Yet, British where what is often Europe. avantgarde, redesigning its common sense holds a called the Scandinavian conception of the EU from strong force of argument, model represents an Few if any on the European left have that of a European free particularly where one ideal. Flexicurity is embraced globalisation and international market towards a common the convenient term trade to the extent as Labour. Indeed the regulatory space. can speak from a position for how Denmark French socialists would, for example, not of superior economic has responded to accept much of Labour’s prescribed policies Second, with regard to the growth. Tony Blair [...] the challenges of in Europe. Yet, British common sense holds British economic and social brought an initially hostile globalisation: a highly a strong force of argument, particularly model, the last few years - European Parliament close fl exible labour market, where one can speak from a position and, in particular, current with much emphasis of superior economic growth. When reforms in Germany to a standing ovation with on education and a addressing an initially hostile European and France, have moved his ideas of where Europe qualifi ed workforce. Parliament in June 2005, Tony Blair brought Britian and the continent should go.” This is supported by the assembly close to a standing ovation somewhat closer in terms a limited welfare state with his ideas of where Europe should of how the welfare state, labour market with strong incentives to work. go. While Labour under Blair and Brown and enterprise and industry should have become more comfortable with work. The emphases on competitiveness, If this description of fl exicurity sounds Europe, then, it is also because Europe fl exibility and the knowledge economy familiar, it is also because its principles has become more supportive of the New have been strengthened across Europe, have been essential to New Labour’s Labour perspective. If this is no longer closely related to Blair and Brown’s ideas. reformulated policies. The concept of British detachment, it is still leadership by Moreover, many of the new member states the enabling state captures this attempt at example rather than full commitment to an just as unashamedly as the British perceive making the individual capable of catering integrated European Union. the EU as an arrangement where common for his or her destiny, with welfare playing

11 The Metric Martyr and the awkward dimension of Britain’s membership By Atle L. Wold Imperial measures. their return, and the case eventually However, he became the first person to Britain’s relationship ended up in court. By then, Thoburn be charged and prosecuted under the with the EU has often had gained the support of organisations Metrication Regulations for ‘selling a been described as that such as the British Weights and Measures pound of bananas.’ What was exposed in of an “awkward” or A s s o c i at ion , t h e U K I nde p e nde n c e Pa r t y, the court case that followed and subsequent “reluctant” partner. It some members of the Conservative appeals highlighted the fact that laws made has been argued that Party and, notably, the Sun newspaper by Brussels now had supremacy over British the British never quite which launched a “Free The Sunderland law, but Steve was determined to fight to warmed to the idea of Scales”-campaign. clear his name. The case was rejected by a community for close Atle L. Wold is a the European Court of Human Rights a few European cooperation, Senior Lecturer at the An ad hoc organisation entitled “The weeks ago, but Steve vowed to continue the and that their decision Dept. of Literature, Metric Martyr Defence fight declaring, ‘we may to apply for membership Area Studies and Fund” was set up not beat the Government was caused more by European Languages, to provide financial ”In a way, the people but we will win in the dire necessity than any Univ. of Oslo and support for the legal inhabiting the island court of the people.’ Scholarly Responsi- real enthusiasm for the ble of British Politics action, but solid of Britain have never project. Society, Norway. finances not with really been or become His relentless battle became standing, Thoburn’s Europeans, and the sense a symbol for upholding the The British view of the EEC and later EU legal campaign proved British way of life.(1) was then, and remains today, primarily unsuccessful. He first of being set apart from one of a “necessary evil”, and while lost his case in the Europe is underlined The campaign against not all Britons see themselves as Euro- Magistrates Court, then by the view that there metrification may sceptics, the British approach to the EU – appealed to the High is a “European” way of appear as somewhat once a member of the community – has Court where he also doing things... quaint, if not to say far- often been one of non-cooperation or lost, before he and his fetched or even bizarre, reluctance to accept further integration. legal team took the case for observers outside to the highest court of appeal in the UK the UK (and probably for some inside Few examples serve as a better – the House of Lords. the UK as well), yet it can be argued illustration of this awkward aspect that the story of the Metric Martyr has of Britain’s membership than the The Law Lords, however, upheld the a more serious undertone. story about the Metric Martyr, Steven conviction of the High Court, which Thoburn. meant that all options for appeal within Apart from the rather glaring the UK legal system had been exhausted. inconsistency and paradox which lies Steven Thoburn was a Sunderland Thoburn and his legal advisors now in Thoburn and his advisors decision to greengrocer who decided to pursue legal take their case to the European Court of became famous in 2000 ”The British view of action outside of the Human Rights, for selling his fruit and the EEC and later EU UK, by claiming that following their vegetables in imperial was then, and remains the refusal to let Steven defeat at the measurements, that today, primarily one of Thoburn use imperial highest court is, the old British measurements was of appeal in measurements which a “necessary evil”, and an infringement Britain, the were meant to have while not all Britons of his right of free arguments they been gradually phased see themselves as Euro speech, and the case raised point out in favour of the sceptics, the British was brought before towards several metric system following approach to the EU the European Court more generally Britain’s entry into the of Human Rights at held British EEC in 1973. – once a member of Strasbourg in 2002. objections to the community – has the EU. Using the imperial often been one of non- Two years later, the system to measure cooperation or reluctance court dismissed The most loose quantity products to accept further Thoburn’s case, obvious is the such as fruit & veg was integration.” and any plans of a Rebels. Steven Thoburn question of illegal according to an continuation of the and his fellow Metric Parliamentary EU directive (though campaign came to a Martyr and supporter Neil Sovereignty arguably permitted by an Act of the halt when Thoburn died suddenly of a Herron (Thoburn to the versus the British Parliament) and in April 2000, heart attack in March 2004. right) selling bananas ”by supremacy of the pound” © BBC, 2002 Thoburn received a warning from Shortly afterwards The Defence Fund EU Law over the the Sunderland City Council Trading issued a “Tribute to Steven Thoburn”, of legislation of individual member states. Standards Officers that his scales would which the following is an excerpt: Is it acceptable that an institution outside be confiscated if he continued to price the UK – which is not accountable to the and sell his goods using the imperial Steven, known affectionately as the Metric British electorate – can pass legislation system. Thoburn, however, refused to Martyr, became the people’s champion for that supersedes laws passed by the comply, insisting that he only wished his courage in standing up for his customers’ Crown-in-Parliament as the sovereign to use a system his customers were right to buy their fruit and vegetables in body within the UK? familiar with. imperial measures. He was, however, when asked, the first to point out that he was not In July 2000, two Trading Standards anti-metric, he just wished his customers to (1.) Tribute to Steven Thoburn: http:// Officers accompanied by two Policemen have the freedom to choose, and he provided www.metricmartyrs.co.uk/dynamicPage. came to Thoburn’s stall and seized his scales and pricing accordingly. aspx?id=36 scales. Thoburn decided to demand

12 Continued: The Metric Martyr... This points towards the alleged continental Europe, which is perhaps overly bureaucratic nature of the EU democratic deficit within the EU, and best illustrated by the use of the terms and its institutions. raises questions as to how traditional the EU and Europe as synonyms in “British Liberties” can be secured if British debates on issues relating to the The “continental” love of rules and Parliament is no longer sovereign within community. regulations down to the minutest detail the UK. is neatly contrasted with the pragmatic In a way, the people inhabiting the and common sense-approach of the On a cultural level, the issue of island of Britain have never really British. As the campaigners against metrification touches on a longstanding been or become Europeans, and the metrication argued: what is the purpose British feeling of separateness, and sense of being set apart from Europe is of forcing the British to use the metric of being different from continental underlined by the view that there is a system? Recent developments whereby Europe. “European” way of doing things, which the EU might relax the ban on imperial is fundamentally different from and measures seem to indicate that they There is still among many Britons a inferior to the “British” way. Nowhere is may well be winning this particular sense of “us and them” with respect to this more apparent than in the supposed argument.

British Politics Society, Norway – 2007 in retrospect

March on. In view of its promising and the University of Dundee; Allan Macinnes members’ unexpected relocation to Japan inspirational inaugural year, the board of from the University of Aberdeen; Bill Miller at the beginning of the year, the AGM was the British Politics Society, Norway entered from the University of Glasgow and Charlie postponed from April.) At this meeting, 2007 with great optimism and many plans Jeffrey from the University of Edinburgh. Kristin M. Haugevik and Atle L. Wold were for the society’s future. The four offered their accounts of the re-elected as, respectively, vice president British Union historically and today. The and scholarly responsible for another year. Accordingly, when the winter issue of speeches were followed by a Q&A-session, Other key topics on the agenda included the British Politics Review was published in the led by chairman of the day Atle L. Wold. acceptance of the society’s annual accounts beginning of February; the newsletter’s for 2006 and budget for 2007. Furthermore, number of pages had been tripled from In the beginning of May, the spring issue it was unanimously decided that the a modest four to an ambitious twelve. of British Politics Review was published. membership fee would be increased from The issue was entitled “A relationship This time, the overall topic was the rise, 50 NOK to 100 NOK for one year as from 1 under construction: 300 years of Anglo- fall and resurgence of British liberalism. October 2007. Scottish Union”, and offered a wide range Among the many prominent contributors of articles on the 300th anniversary of to this issue were two former leaders of the In mid-November, the autumn issue of British Union. The distinguished group British Liberal Democrats, Lord Ashdown British Politics Review was in print. This of writers was topped by Sir Malcolm and Charles Kennedy. In addition, fi rst class time, the relationship between the British Rifkind, one of the Conservative Party’s commentaries were offered by former monarchy and democracy was the centre of most prominent spokesmen on Scotland, party leader of the Norwegian liberal party attention, opening with special guest writer and Thorbjørn Jagland, President of the Venstre, Odd Einar Dørum; senior lecturer Labour MP Jeremy Corbyn’s fundamental Norwegian Storting. Other contributors at the Department of Modern Languages question as to whether Britain is in fact included Richard Wyn Jones, Director of the at the University of Umeå, Philip Grey and a democracy. Furthermore, interesting Institute of Welsh Politics at the University Ph.D fellow at the Department of Political articles were offered by journalist and of Wales; Annette Groth, journalist with the Science at the University of Oslo, Dag Einar royal commentator Carl-Erik Grimstad; Norwegian national broadcast (NRK) and Thorsen. NRK correspondent in London Kari-Grete Helle Linné Eriksen, a former MA student Alstad and historian Trond Norén Isaksen. of British civilization at the University of With the change of political leadership in In addition, Dag Einar Thorsen reprised his Oslo. London from Tony Blair to Gordon Brown guest role from the spring edition of British in June, the prospects and challenges Politics Review. The 300th anniversary was also marked facing the new prime minister and his with two events under the auspices of cabinet was a natural choice of topic for The British Politics Society, Norway the British Politics Society. At the end of the summer issue of British Politics Review. received fi nancial support in 2007 from April, BPS co-hosted a feast of traditional This time, our special guest writer was the Department of Political Science and British cuisine with the Department for former Norwegian minister of fi nance, the Department of Literature, Area Studies Literature, Area studies and European Per-Kristian Foss, who offered his views and European Languages at the University languages (ILOS) at the University of Oslo. on Gordon Brown’s legacy as British of Oslo. In addition, we had income from The society’s scholarly responsible, Atle L. chancellor. Other guest writers included paying members (35 at the turn of the Wold, gave an inspirational introductory post-doctoral researcher at the Department year). The available funds in 2007 have note on the origins of the Union, following of History at the University of Bergen, Sissel been directed at covering the expenses which impressive amounts of English Rosland; research associate at the Center for everyday management. The society’s ‘Bangers’, mash and Scottish Haggis were on International Cooperation at the New main expenditure continues to be the consumed. York University, Richard Gowan; former printing and distribution of British Politics senior lecturer in British Civilization Review, which currently has a distribution A little more than a week later, on 9 at the University of Portsmouth, David of approximately 200 paper copies, in May, BPS organized its fi rst full-day J. Hutchinson; publishing editor of addition to electronic distribution. academic seminar at the University of Fagbokforlaget, Jan Erik Mustad, and senior Oslo, in collaboration with ILOS and the research fellow at the Norwegian Institute In 2007, the board of British Politics Department of Political Science (ISV). Once of International Affairs, Andreas Selliaas. Society, Norway has consisted of Øivind again the topic was the British Union, and Bratberg (President), Kristin M. Haugevik the society was immensely proud to have By the end of August, the society (Vice President), Atle L. Wold (Scholarly four very renowned professors speaking accomplished its fi rst ordinary Annual Responsible) and John-Ivar S. Olsen at the seminar: Christopher A. Whatley from General Meeting. (Due to one of the board (Secretary).

13 Britain in Europe 1973-2008 still the awkward partner?

British Politics Society, Norway, in collaboration with the Department of Political Science at the University of Oslo, will host a seminar to mark the 35 years of British EU membership.

Time: 15 April 2008 at 10:15-12:00 Venue: Aud. 3 Eilert Sundts hus, Blindern (University of Oslo)

Programme: 10:15 – 10:20 Welcome by Øivind Bratberg, President of British Politics Society, Norway 10:20 – 10:40 Elisabeth Walaas, State Secretary: Opening address 10:40 – 11:10 Kenneth Clarke, Member of Parliament: Britain’s European dream 11:10 – 11:30 Ian Bache, University of Sheffi eld: The quiet Europeanisation of British politics 11:30 – 12:00 Questions and debate, chaired by Atle L. Wold

Elisabeth Walaas Rt. Hon. Dr. Ian Bache is State Secretary Kenneth Clarke is a Reader at in the Norwegian is a British the Dept. of Ministry of Conservative Political Science, Foreign Affairs. Member of University of She was deputy Parliament for Sheffi eld. Among head of the Rushcliffe and his many publications on Norwegian delegation to a former Home Secretary Britain and Europe he recently Brussels from 2001 to 2004 (1992-93) and Chancellor of authored Europeanization and and has also served as the Exchequer (1993-97) in Multilevel Governance: Cohesion ambassador to Croatia prior John Major’ Conservative Policy in the European Union to her present role. governments. and Britain (2008).

Chair: Atle L. Wold Senior Lecturer, Dept. of Literature, Area Studies and European Languages, University of Oslo and scholarly responsible, British Politics Society, Norway

All readers of British Politics Review are heartily welcome. Registration by e-mail to: Øivind Bratberg: [email protected]

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