DOCSLIB.ORG

A Peace Nation Takes up Arms a Peace Nation Takes up Arms

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
A Peace Nation Takes up Arms a Peace Nation Takes up Arms Independent • International • Interdisciplinary PRIO PAPER 7 gate Hausmanns Address: Visiting NO Grønland, 9229 PO Box (PRIO) Oslo Institute Research Peace A Peace Nation Takes Up Arms A Peace Nation Takes Up Arms The Norwegian Engagement in Afghanistan - 0134 Oslo, Norway Oslo, 0134 The Norwegian Engagement in Afghanistan Visiting Address: Address: Visiting NO Grønland, 9229 PO Box (PRIO) Oslo Institute Research Peace War (CSCW) Civil of Study the for Centre The Norwegian government Minister of Foreign Affairs in This paper is part of a series was fully behind the Opera- the new government gave his that examines the strategies of tion Enduring Freedom first presentation on the Nor- four NATO members in Af- (OEF), the US-led war against wegian contribution to the ghanistan: The US, the UK, 7 gate Hausmanns the Taliban regime and Al parliament. The main justifi- Germany and Norway. Each - Qaeda initiated in October cation for the Norwegian case study first contextualizes Norway Oslo, 0134 2001. By late November the commitment was the same as their Afghanistan engagement government had offered Nor- that which had informed the in light of the broader foreign wegian military resources, in- country’s security policy since policy concerns of the country cluding Special Forces, F-16 the late 1940s: that full sup- concerned, and then focuses on the development and ad- jet fighters and one Hercules port to the United States and ISBN: 7 www.studio Studio Design: justment of military strategy C-130 transport aircraft with to NATO was essential for a 978 in relation to other compo- - personnel. There was no prec- reciprocal security guarantee. 82 - nents of the engagement. In 7288 edent for deploying Norwe- The official justification for - this respect, special attention 389 gian military forces beyond the operation has gone - is given to the importance of 7 Europe other than in peace- through significant changes realities on the ground in Af- sju.no keeping operations. The ra- over the decade that Norway ghanistan, organizational tionale was made clear when has been engaged, however. (NATO) interests, and domes- Jan Petersen, the Conservative tic factors. NATO Photos. NATO Kabul. in HQ ISAF at flags multinational of Shot Photo: Photo: Kristian Berg Harpviken Kristian Berg Harpviken Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO) Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO) A Peace Nation Takes up Arms The Norwegian Engagement in Afghanistan Kristian Berg Harpviken Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO) 2 | A Peace Nation Takes up Arms Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO) Hausmanns gate 7 PO Box 9229 Oslo NO-0134 Oslo, Norway Tel. +47 22 54 77 00 www.prio.no PRIO encourages its researchers and research affiliates to publish their work in peer- reviewed journals and book series, as well as in PRIO’s own Report, Paper and Policy Brief series. In editing these series, we undertake a basic quality control, but PRIO does not as such have any view on political issues. We encourage our researchers actively to take part in public debates and give them full freedom of opinion. The responsibility and honour for the hypotheses, theories, findings and views expressed in our publications thus rests with the authors themselves. © Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO), 2011 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced. Stored in a retrieval system or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without permission in writing from the copyright holder(s). ISBN 978-82-7288-389-7 Cover design: www.studiosju.no Cover Photo: NATO Photos A Peace Nation Takes up Arms | 3 Intra-alliance Analysis: Policies and Approaches of NATO Allies in Afghanistan A CMI-PRIO study of the US, the UK, Germany and Norway The growing difficulties facing the NATO mission in Afghanistan had by mid-decade led to increases in commitment and innovations in policy. Pressure on allies to make more robust military commitments mounted, coupled with policy innovations designed to meet the growing insurgency with more appropriate strategies and better use of resources. The 2006 Riga summit endorsement of a strategy that stressed the integration of military and civilian policy elements was an important step in this development. While the terminology and its implications differed (American policy-makers were already talking of ‘counter-insurgency’, while their European counterparts preferred ‘comprehensive’, ‘integrated’ or ‘whole of government’ approach), the Riga meeting signified a broadening as well as a deepening commitment of the alliance. In the years that followed, each NATO member and other allies struggled to adjust their policy to deal with often conflicting contexts and demands – a worsening situation on the ground, demands for alliance solidarity and awareness that NATO’s prestige was on the line in Afghanistan, an increasingly critical public at home as casualties were rising, and growing concern over the economic costs of the war. The papers in this series examine the strategies of four NATO members in this regard. Each case study first contextualizes their Afghanistan engagement in light of the broader foreign policy concerns of the country concerned, and then focuses on the development and adjustment of military strategy in relation to other components of the engagement. In this respect, special attention is given to the importance of realities on the ground in Afghanistan, organizational (NATO) interests, and domestic factors. The story is taken up to the NATO Lisbon summit meeting in November 2010, which marked the counter-point to Riga by announcing that security responsibility would be transferred to Afghan forces by the end of 2014. What are the implications of this analysis for NATO’s role in out-of-area, unconventional engagements? This question is addressed in a separate series of Policy Briefs presented as part of the project. The papers were commissioned by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Additional financial support was received from The Norwegian Peacebuilding Resource Centre (NOREF) and the German Marshall Fund of the United States (GMF). Bergen and Oslo 25 October 2011 Astri Suhrke, CMI, and Kristian Berg Harpviken, PRIO. 4 | A Peace Nation Takes up Arms Contents 1. Introduction _________________________________________________________ 5 2. The military commitment ____________________________________________ 5 3. The civilian efforts __________________________________________________ 10 4. A ‘Norwegian model’ PRT? __________________________________________ 12 5. Shaping Norway’s approach __________________________________________ 16 5.1. Threat to Norway ________________________________________________ 16 5.2. Alliance dependence ______________________________________________ 18 5.3. Afghan ground realities ____________________________________________ 19 5.4. The ‘peace nation’ ________________________________________________ 19 A Peace Nation Takes up Arms | 5 1. Introduction1 What have been the main drivers of Norway’s approach to the post-9/11 international engagement in Afghanistan? This paper considers two main types of driver. First, it examines the importance of threat to domestic security, including plans for, or actual, acts of terror as well as the perception of threat. Second, the paper assesses the importance of alliance dependence – the extent to which the country’s basic security is seen to hinge on its role in the NATO alliance – and, in addition, domestic political cleavages and issues of self-identification; in the current context the emphasis will be on Norway’s identity as a ‘peace nation’. Furthermore, the specific operational environment in which Norway is engaged matters for policy change. Overall, for Norway, alliance considerations are the key impetus to the engagement. The post-9/11 engagement in Afghanistan has proved to be extremely challenging. Deep differences of opinion have threatened the consensus-based foreign policy tradition. Inherent tensions between a policy driven by Norway’s perceived security needs and the country’s profile as an impartial contributor to peaceful settlement of conflict worldwide have been brought to the fore. In this paper, I shall first examine Norway’s military engagement, before turning the lens to the civilian contributions – in both cases with a view to the mutual integration of efforts. I will then zoom in on the Provincial Reconstruction Team (PRT) in Faryab, led by Norway since 2005. Next, I will discuss the key factors shaping Norway’s policy over time.2 2. The military commitment The terror attacks in the United States took place one day prior to Norway’s parliamentary elections in 2001. Time did not allow 9/11 to become a factor in the elections, but the fact that the question of Norway’s contribution to the war on terror sparked no controversy in the transition from one government to the next speaks volumes for the broad Norwegian consensus on security policy matters. The outgoing government was a minority government of the social democrat Labour party, led by Jens Stoltenberg. It was replaced by a coalition minority government led by Kjell Magne Bondevik, of centre right composition (consisting of the Conservative Party, the Liberal Party and the Prime Minister’s Christian Democratic Party). The Norwegian government was fully behind Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF), the US-led war against the Taliban regime and Al Qaeda. By late November it had offered Norwegian military resources, including Special Forces, F-16 jet fighters
Load more

Recommended publications
  • 29414 St Nr 32 Møte 73-74
    2013 24. april – Muntlig spørretime 3123 Møte onsdag den 24. april 2013 kl. 10 Solveig Horne (FrP) [10:03:32]: På vegne av repre- sentantene Siv Jensen, Kari Kjønaas Kjos og meg selv vil President: Ø y v i n d K o r s b e r g jeg fremme et representantforslag om et styrket aktivitets- og folkehelsetilbud for mennesker med psykisk utviklings- D a g s o r d e n (nr. 74): hemming. 1. Muntlig spørretime 2. Ordinær spørretime Presidenten: Forslagene vil bli behandlet på regle- 3. Referat mentsmessig måte. Presidenten: Representanten Robert Eriksson vil framsette to representantforslag. S a k n r . 1 [10:03:55] Robert Eriksson (FrP) [10:00:44]: Jeg har først gle- Muntlig spørretime den av på vegne av representanten Ketil Solvik-Olsen og meg selv å fremsette et representantforslag om merverdi- Presidenten: Stortinget mottok mandag meddelelse avgiftskompensasjon for privatpersoner ved bygging av fra Statsministerens kontor om at statsrådene Grete omsorgsbolig for egne barn. Faremo, Anne-Grete Strøm-Erichsen og Heikki Eidsvoll Så har jeg også gleden av å fremsette et representant- Holmås vil møte til muntlig spørretime. forslag på vegne av representantene Laila Marie Reiertsen, De annonserte regjeringsmedlemmene er til stede, og vi Vigdis Giltun og meg selv om et mer helhetlig, effektivt og er klare til å starte den muntlige spørretimen. brukervennlig Nav. Vi starter med første hovedspørsmål, fra representanten Per Sandberg. Presidenten: Representanten Laila Dåvøy vil framset- te et representantforslag. Per Sandberg (FrP) [10:04:28]: Mitt spørsmål går til justisministeren – hvis det var noen som lurte på det! Laila Dåvøy (KrF) [10:01:35]: På vegne av represen- Vi har en situasjon der kapasiteten i norske fengsler er tantene Line Henriette Hjemdal, Kjell Ingolf Ropstad og sprengt.
    [Show full text]
  • Update Conflict Displacement Faryab Province 22 May 2013
    Update conflict displacement Faryab Province 22 May 2013 Background On 22 April, Anti-Government Elements (AGE) launched a major attack in Qaysar district, making Faryab province one of their key targets of the spring offensive. The fighting later spread to Almar district of Faryab province and Ghormach of Badghis Province, displacing approximately 2,500 people. The attack in Qaysar was well organized, involving several hundred AGE fighters. According to Shah Farokh Shah, commander of 300 Afghan local policemen in Khoja Kinti, some of the insurgents were identified as ‘Chechens and Pakistani Taliban’1. The Afghan National Security Forces (ANSF) has regained control of the Qaysar police checkpoints. The plan is to place 60 Afghan local policemen (ALPs) at the various checkpoints in the Khoja Kinti area. Quick Response Forces with 40 ALPs have already been posted. ANSF is regaining control in Ghormach district. Similar efforts are made in Almar and Pashtun Kot. Faryab OCCT has decided to replace ALP and ANP, originally coming from Almar district, with staff from other districts. Reportedly the original ALP and ANP forces have sided with the AGE. Security along the Shiberghan - Andkhoy road has improved. The new problem area is the Andkhoy - Maymana road part. 200 highway policemen are being recruited to secure the Maymana - Shibergan highway. According to local media reports the Taliban forces have not been defeated and they are still present in the area. There may be further displacement in view of the coming ANSF operations. Since the start of this operation on 22 April, UNAMA documented 18 civilian casualties in Qaysar district from ground engagements between AGEs and ANSF, IED incidents targeting ANP and targeted killings.
    [Show full text]
  • Norske Selvbilder Og Norsk Utenrikspolitikk
    Norske selvbilder og norsk utenrikspolitikk Halvard Leira [red.] Axel Borchgrevink Nina Græger Arne Melchior Eli Stamnes Indra Øverland Norwegian Institute Norsk of International Utenrikspolitisk Affairs Institutt Norske selvbilder og norsk utenrikspolitikk 1 Norske selvbilder og norsk utenrikspolitikk Halvard Leira [red.] Axel Borchgrevink Nina Græger Arne Melchior Eli Stamnes Indra Øverland Norsk Norwegian Institute Utenrikspolitisk of International Institutt Affairs NUPI | APRIL 07 2 Forord Utgiver: NUPI Copyright: © Norsk Utenrikspolitisk Institutt 2007 ISBN: 978-82-7002-157-4 Redaktør: Halvard Leira Tel.: 22 99 40 00 Fax: 22 36 21 82 E-post: [email protected] Internett: www.nupi.no Adresse: Postboks 8159 Dep. 0033 Oslo Besøksadresse: C.J. Hambros plass 2 Design: Ole Dahl-Gulliksen Omslagsbilde: Scanpix NUPI | APRIL 07 Norske selvbilder og norsk utenrikspolitikk 3 Innhold 5 Forord 7 Innledning 7 Utenrikspolitikk og selvbilder 9 Norske selvbilder 10 God samaritan og hjelp til selvhjelp – dominante selvbilder 11 Norge er en fredsnasjon 16 Norge er en bistandskjempe 20 Norge er FNs beste venn 22 Utenforskap eller multilateralitet? Selvbilder i motsetning 23 Handelspolitikken og WTO: Et tilfelle av tung schizofreni? 28 Norge er en ansvarlig ishavs-forvalter 32 Norge er sine venners venn, men seg selv nok 37 Konklusjon 39 Bibliografi NUPI | APRIL 07 4 Forord NUPI | APRIL 07 Norske selvbilder og norsk utenrikspolitikk 5 Forord Når vi med foreliggende publikasjon kan Denne publikasjonen ble planlagt før presentere et bredt bilde av norsk utenriks- sittende regjering kom til makten, og den politikk, kommer det som resultat både av er derfor ikke et svar på utenriksminister ytre inspirasjon, en lang intern prosess og Jonas Gahr Støres invitasjon til debatt,1 men en aktiv historisk hukommelse.
    [Show full text]
  • Childhood Comes but Once National Strategy to Combat Violence and Sexual Abuse Against Children and Youth (2014–2017)
    Strategy Childhood comes but once National strategy to combat violence and sexual abuse against children and youth (2014–2017) Strategy Childhood comes but once National strategy to combat violence and sexual abuse against children and youth (2014–2017) 4 FOREWORD As a society, Norway has come a long way in its efforts to protect children and adolescents from violence, sexual abuse and bullying. The progress we have achieved is attributable to policy decisions, legislation, increased knowledge, public discussion, media attention and the work of professionals, parents and children themselves. We do not permit parents to harm their children, and we express collective grief and alarm when we hear of children exposed to serious abuse. To the vast majority of parents in Norway, nothing is more important than the well-being of children. All the same, violence and sexual abuse, whether in the family or elsewhere, are a part of daily life for many children. Extensive research shows how consequential violence may be, whether it is directed at a parent or the child itself, and whether it takes the form of direct physical violence, sexual abuse or bullying. Violence can lead to extensive cognitive, social, psychological and physical problems in both the short and long term. Violence against children and adolescents is a public health challenge. The approach to violence and sexual abuse against children in Norwegian society must be one of zero tolerance. We want safety and security for all children, enabling them to enjoy good health and a good quality of life as they grow. Taboos must be broken.
    [Show full text]
  • Hele Presseinfo Sommerleir 2019
    Utøyafestivalen Informasjon til presse og media 9 1 0 2 t s u g u a . 4 - i l u j . 1 3 #AUFsommer PRAKTISK INFO Akkreditering All presse må ha akkreditering gjennom forhåndsutfylt skjema. Ingen slipper over uten å være akkreditert på forhånd, og alle må bære ID- kort. Link til skjema: https://forms.gle/PLeDDkeipegNsSjY9 P arkering Det er svært begrenset parkering på landsiden. Vi ønsker derfor at besøkende kontakter oss på forhånd om parkering og at medarbeidere fra samme mediehus samkjører. Båttider Ferga vil gå fra Utøyakaia 08.00 og hver hele time frem til 22.00. Fra Utøya går båten klokken 07.45 og hver xx.45 frem til 21.45. M atbillett Pressen har ingen måltider inkludert i sin akkreditering. Matbilletter kan kjøpes i infoen. P resserom Det er rom tilgjengelig for pressen på messaninen som ligger over Café Monica. Mulighet for lading og tilgang til WiFi. Generelle kjøreregler Erfaringsmessig viser norsk presse generelt hensyn i møte med AUFere. Vi har likevel sett behov for å ha følgende kjøreregler for pressen i forbindelse med sommerleir på Utøya: 01 Avtaler med AUFere som skal intervjues går gjennom AUFs pressekontakter 02 Ikke oppsøk AUFere uten avtale Vær varsom med spørsmål som omhandler 03 22. juli. Husk at de fleste som deltar på AUFs sommerleir er unge og deltar på leir på Utøya for første gang. Kontaktpersoner Eirin Kristin Kjær, pressekontakt [email protected] 992 86 955 / 922 95 915 Astrid Willa Eide Hoem, nestleder i AUF [email protected] 922 92 815 HØYDEPUNKTER Åpning av leiren ved leder Ina Rangønes Libak Ina Libak åpner sommerleiren torsdag kl.
    [Show full text]
  • British Politics Review 01 2008A4.Indd
    British Politics Review Newsletter of the British Politics Society, Norway Volume 3, No. 1 Winter 2008 A different cup of tea: The European Union has become an inevitable part of British politics, yet it is a topic treated more as a necessary evil than a source of lively debate. © European Community, 2008 Still the awkward partner? 35 years of British EU membership unbound Jan Petersen: The case for Europe: lessons to learn Ian Bache: Below the radar: the quiet Europeanisation of British politics Bjørn Høyland: The Conservative Party in Europe: an open marriage Kristin M. Haugevik: The Europeanisation of British security and defence policy British Politics Society, Norway, established in June 2006, is politically neutral and has no collective agenda apart from raising the interest and knowledge of British politics among the informed Norwegian public. Board Members: Øivind Bratberg (President), Kristin M. Haugevik (Vice President), Atle L. Wold (Scholarly Responsible), John-Ivar S. Olsen (Secretary) Postal address: P.O. Box 6 Blindern, N-0313 Oslo, Norway ▪ E-mail: [email protected] ▪ Website: www.britishpoliticssociety.no. British Politics Review A different partnership? Volume 3, No. 1 Winter 2008 Thirty-fi ve years after Britain’s entry into the then European ISSN 1890-4505 Communities (EC), the relationship looks different from both sides of British Politics Review is a quarterly the Channel - yet some of the essential qualities of that relationship newsletter issued by the British Politics remain. This gives rise to rather different accounts of Britain in Europe Society, Norway. With contributions depending on the perspective of the observer. The present issue of British from academic and journalistic sour- ces, the British Politics Review is aimed Politics Review celebrates the anniversary of British membership at everyone with a general interest in and draws on a range of thematic contributions to illustrate the many political developments in Britain.
    [Show full text]
  • Winning Hearts and Minds? Examining the Relationship Between Aid and Security in Afghanistan’S Faryab Province Geert Gompelman ©2010 Feinstein International Center
    JANUARY 2011 Strengthening the humanity and dignity of people in crisis through knowledge and practice Winning Hearts and Minds? Examining the Relationship between Aid and Security in Afghanistan’s Faryab Province Geert Gompelman ©2010 Feinstein International Center. All Rights Reserved. Fair use of this copyrighted material includes its use for non-commercial educational purposes, such as teaching, scholarship, research, criticism, commentary, and news reporting. Unless otherwise noted, those who wish to reproduce text and image files from this publication for such uses may do so without the Feinstein International Center’s express permission. However, all commercial use of this material and/or reproduction that alters its meaning or intent, without the express permission of the Feinstein International Center, is prohibited. Feinstein International Center Tufts University 200 Boston Ave., Suite 4800 Medford, MA 02155 USA tel: +1 617.627.3423 fax: +1 617.627.3428 fic.tufts.edu Author Geert Gompelman (MSc.) is a graduate in Development Studies from the Centre for International Development Issues Nijmegen (CIDIN) at Radboud University Nijmegen (Netherlands). He has worked as a development practitioner and research consultant in Afghanistan since 2007. Acknowledgements The author wishes to thank his research colleagues Ahmad Hakeem (“Shajay”) and Kanishka Haya for their assistance and insights as well as companionship in the field. Gratitude is also due to Antonio Giustozzi, Arne Strand, Petter Bauck, and Hans Dieset for their substantive comments and suggestions on a draft version. The author is indebted to Mervyn Patterson for his significant contribution to the historical and background sections. Thanks go to Joyce Maxwell for her editorial guidance and for helping to clarify unclear passages and to Bridget Snow for her efficient and patient work on the production of the final document.
    [Show full text]
  • “Norway Is a Peace Nation”
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by NORA - Norwegian Open Research Archives “Norway is a Peace Nation” Discursive Preconditions for the Norwegian Peace Engagement Policy Øystein Haga Skånland M.A.Thesis, Peace and Conflict Studies Faculty of Social Science UNIVERSITY OF OSLO 20th June, 2008 ii Acknowledgements First and foremost, I would like to thank my supervisor Halvard Leira for his insightful feedback, suggestions, and encouraging comments. Without him keeping me on track and gently prodding me in the right direction, carrying out the analysis would undoubtedly have been an overwhelming task. I am also grateful to Iver B. Neumann, who has read through and given valuable comments on a draft in the finishing stages of the process. I would also like to thank Prof. Jeffrey T. Checkel for an excellent introduction to social constructivism in International Relations, Prof. Werner Christie Mathisen for his course on textual analysis, and Sunniva Engh for introducing me to Norwegian development aid history. You have all inspired me in the choice of perspective and object of study. Writing this thesis would not be possible without support and encouragement to overcome the many small and big challenges I have encountered. I am indebted to my fellow students, particularly Jonathan Amario and Ruben Røsler; my friends; and my parents. Last, but not least, Synnøve deserves my most heartfelt thanks for her patience and loving support. All the viewpoints presented, and all errors and inconsistencies, are solely my own responsibility. Øystein Haga Skånland Oslo, June 2008 iii Table of Content Acknowledgements ..............................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Kartlegging Av Partienes Toppkandidaters Erfaring Fra Næringslivet Stortingsvalget 2021
    Kartlegging av partienes toppkandidaters erfaring fra næringslivet Stortingsvalget 2021 I det videre følger en kartlegging av hvilken erfaring fra næringslivet toppkandidatene fra dagens stortingspartier i hver valgkrets har. Det vil si at i hver valgkrets, har alle de ni stortingspartiene fått oppført minst én kandidat. I tillegg er det kartlagt også for øvrige kandidater som har en relativt stor sjanse for å bli innvalgt på Stortinget, basert på NRKs «supermåling» fra juni 2021. I noen valgkretser er det derfor mange «toppkandidater». Dette skyldes at det er stor usikkerhet knyttet til hvilke partier som vinner de siste distriktsmandatene, og ikke minst utjevningsmandatene. Følgende to spørsmål har vært utgangspunktet for kartleggingen: 1. Har kandidaten drevet egen bedrift? 2. Har kandidaten vært ansatt daglig leder i en bedrift? Videre er kartleggingen basert på følgende kilder: • Biografier på Stortingets nettside. • Offentlig tilgjengelig informasjon på nettsider som Facebook, LinkedIn, Proff.no, Purehelp.no og partienes egne hjemmesider. • Medieoppslag som sier noe om kandidatenes yrkesbakgrunn. Kartleggingen har derfor flere mulige feilkilder. For eksempel kan informasjonen som er offentlig tilgjengelig, være utdatert eller mangelfull. For å begrense sjansen for feil, har kildene blitt kryssjekket. SMB Norge tar derfor forbehold om dette ved offentliggjøring av kartleggingen, eller ved bruk som referanse. Aust-Agder (3+1) Navn Parti Drevet egen bedrift? Vært daglig leder i en bedrift? Svein Harberg H Ja Ja Tellef Inge Mørland Ap Nei Nei Gro-Anita Mykjåland Sp Nei Nei Marius Aron Nilsen FrP Nei Nei Lætif Akber R Nei Nei Mirell Høyer- SV Nei Nei Berntsen Ingvild Wetrhus V Nei Nei Thorsvik Kjell Ingolf Ropstad KrF Nei Nei Oda Sofie Lieng MDG Nei Nei Pettersen 1 Akershus (18+1) Navn Parti Drevet egen bedrift? Vært daglig leder i en bedrift? Jan Tore Sanner H Nei Nei Tone W.
    [Show full text]
  • Regjeringens Fou-Strategi for Nanoteknologi 2012–2021 4 Regjeringens Fou-Strategi for Nanoteknologi 2012–2021
    Strategi Utgitt av: Nærings- og handelsdepartementet, Arbeidsdepartementet, Fiskeri- og kystdepartementet, Fornyings-, administrasjons- og kirkedepartementet, Forsvarsdepartementet, Helse- og omsorgsdepartementet, Kunnskapsdepartementet, Landbruks- og matdepartementet, Regjeringens FoU-strategi for Miljøverndepartementet og Olje- og energidepartementet Offentlige institusjoner kan bestille flere eksemplarer fra: Departementenes servicesenter Internett: www.publikasjoner.dep.no nanoteknologi 2012–2021 E-post: [email protected] Telefon: 22 24 20 00 Publikasjonskode: K-0723 B Omslagsfoto: Istockphoto Design: Itera Gazette Trykk og ombrekking: Andvord Grafisk 06/2012 – opplag 900 Strategi Regjeringens FoU-strategi for nanoteknologi 2012–2021 4 Regjeringens FoU-strategi for nanoteknologi 2012–2021 Hanne Bjurstrøm Lisbeth Berg-Hansen Trygve Slagsvold Vedum Arbeidsminister Fiskeri- og kystminister Landbruks- og matminister Rigmor Aasrud Anne-Grete Strøm-Erichsen Bård Vegard Solhjell Fornyings-, administrasjons- Helse- og omsorgsminister Miljøvernminister og kirkeminister Espen Barth Eide Kristin Halvorsen Ola Borten Moe Forsvarsminister Kunnskapsminister Olje- og energiminister Forord 5 Forord Nanoteknologi gjør at vi kan utnytte naturens atomer og molekyler for utvikling av materialer, komponenter eller systemer med forbedrede eller nye egenskaper. Nanoteknologi kan dermed bidra til nyvinninger innenfor­­­ de fleste samfunnsområder. Det at nano materialer kan ha andre egenskaper enn det samme stoffet i vanlig form, krever imidlertid
    [Show full text]
  • Norwegian Actors' Engagement in Global Health to Contents the New Goals Must Be Simple and Measurable, Necessitating the Need for Clarity and Good Data
    Meld.St. 11 (2011-2012) (white paper) Global health in foreign and development policy (2011-2012) Meld.St. 11 Meld.St. 11 (2011-2012) (white paper) Global health in foreign and development policy Norwegian actors' engagement in global health Commitments to global health by Norwegian actors Content Foreword Norwegian Knowledge Centre for the Espen Barth Eide, Minister of Foreign Affairs Health Services Heikki Eidsvoll Holmås, Minister of Magne Nylenna, Chief Executive 26 International Development Jonas Gahr Støre, Minister of Health Haukeland University Hospital (HUS) and Care Services 4 Jon Wigum Dahl, Director 28 Ministry of Foreign Affairs Oslo University Hospital Gry Larsen and Arvinn Eikeland Gadgil Kristin Schjølberg Hanche-Olsen State Secretaries 6 Head of Section 30 Ministry of Health and Care Services Statistics Norway (HOD) Bjørn Kjetil Getz Wold, Head of Division 32 Nina Tangnæs Grønvold, State Secretary 8 Sørlandet Hospital Ministry of Children, Equality Anders Wahlstedt, International Coordinator 34 and Social Inclusion Ahmad Ghanizadeh, State Secretary 10 Norwegian Health Network for Development Ministry of Agriculture and Food 12 Anders Wahlstedt, Chair of the Board 35 Norwegian Directorate of Health Chr. Michelsen Institute (CMI) Bjørn Guldvog, Director 14 Ottar Mæstad, Director 36 Norad Fafo Villa Kulild, Director General 16 Jon Pedersen, Managing Director 38 The Research Council of Norway Norwegian Forum for Global Health Mari Kristine Nes, Director General 18 Research (The Forum) Inger B. Sheel, Chair of the Board 40 FK Norway (Fredskorpset) Nita Kapoor, Director General 20 Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO) Henrik Urdal, Senior Researcher 42 Norwegian Institute of Public Health (NIPH) Faculty of Medicine, NTNU Camilla Stoltenberg, Director General 22 Stig A.
    [Show full text]
  • Badghis Province
    AFGHANISTAN Badghis Province District Atlas April 2014 Disclaimers: The designations employed and the presentation of material on this map do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. http://afg.humanitarianresponse.info [email protected] AFGHANISTAN: Badghis Province Reference Map 63°0'0"E 63°30'0"E 64°0'0"E 64°30'0"E 65°0'0"E Legend ^! Capital Shirintagab !! Provincial Center District ! District Center Khwajasabzposh Administrative Boundaries TURKMENISTAN ! International Khwajasabzposh Province Takhta Almar District 36°0'0"N 36°0'0"N Bazar District Distirict Maymana Transportation p !! ! Primary Road Pashtunkot Secondary Road ! Ghormach Almar o Airport District p Airfield River/Stream ! Ghormach Qaysar River/Lake ! Qaysar District Pashtunkot District ! Balamurghab Garziwan District Bala 35°30'0"N 35°30'0"N Murghab District Kohestan ! Fa r y ab Kohestan Date Printed: 30 March 2014 08:40 AM Province District Data Source(s): AGCHO, CSO, AIMS, MISTI Schools - Ministry of Education ° Health Facilities - Ministry of Health Muqur Charsadra Badghis District District Projection/Datum: Geographic/WGS-84 Province Abkamari 0 20 40Kms ! ! ! Jawand Muqur Disclaimers: Ab Kamari Jawand The designations employed and the presentation of material !! District p 35°0'0"N 35°0'0"N Qala-e-Naw District on this map do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, Qala-i-Naw Qadis city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation District District of its frontiers or boundaries.
    [Show full text]