Reflections on the Little Rock Desegregation Crisis
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Commonlit | Showdown in Little Rock
Name: Class: Showdown in Little Rock By USHistory.org 2016 This informational text discusses the Little Rock Nine, a group of nine exemplary black students chosen to be the first African Americans to enroll in an all-white high school in the capital of Arkansas, Little Rock. Arkansas was a deeply segregated southern state in 1954 when the Supreme Court ruled that segregation in public schools was unconstitutional. The Little Rock Crisis in 1957 details how citizens in favor of segregation tried to prevent the integration of the Little Rock Nine into a white high school. As you read, note the varied responses of Americans to the treatment of the Little Rock Nine. [1] Three years after the Supreme Court declared race-based segregation illegal, a military showdown took place in the capital of Arkansas, Little Rock. On September 3, 1957, nine black students attempted to attend the all-white Central High School. The students were legally enrolled in the school. The National Association for the Advancement of "Robert F. Wagner with Little Rock students NYWTS" by Walter Colored People (NAACP) had attempted to Albertin is in the public domain. register students in previously all-white schools as early as 1955. The Little Rock School Board agreed to gradual integration, with the Superintendent Virgil Blossom submitting a plan in May of 1955 for black students to begin attending white schools in September of 1957. The School Board voted unanimously in favor of this plan, but when the 1957 school year began, the community still raged over integration. When the black students, known as the “Little Rock Nine,” attempted to enter Central High School, segregationists threatened to hold protests and physically block the students from entering the school. -
White Backlash in the Civil Rights Movement: a Study of the White Responses to the Little Rock Crisis of 1957 Abby Motycka, Clas
White Backlash in the Civil Rights Movement: A Study of the White Responses to the Little Rock Crisis of 1957 Abby Motycka, Class of 2017 For my honors project in the Africana Studies Department I decided to research the response from white southern citizens during the integration of Central High School in Little Rock, Arkansas in 1957. I want to explain the significance of Little Rock and its memorable story of desegregation broadcasted across the nation. Little Rock was in many ways the beginning of the Civil Rights Movement and a representation of tension between state and federal governments. The population shifted to appear predominantly segregationist and actively invested in halting plans for integration. Many white citizens chose not to participate, but others chose to join violent, vicious mobs. The complex environment leading up to the crisis of Little Rock was unexpected given the city’s reputation of liberality and particularly progressive southern Governor. No one could have predicted the nation’s first massive backlash to Brown v. Board of Education to be ignited in the small capitol of Arkansas or foreseen the mob violence that would follow. Analyzing white southern responses to African Americans at this time exposes the many dangerous ideologies and practices associated with American culture. Little Rock provides a specific location and event to compare to the other significant moments of white counter protest events in Birmingham, Montgomery, and Atlanta. I want to know how the white population evolved from moderate to outspoken on issues of education over the already integrated bus systems and stores. In my project, I explore approaches the white administration chose to take, including the School Board and the state government, to explain the initial and evolving response the state of Arkansas had to the Brown v. -
The Spirit of ’98: a Defense of Civil Or States’ Rights?
The Kabod Volume 2 Issue 1 Fall 2015 Article 9 October 2015 The Spirit of ’98: A Defense of Civil or States’ Rights? William Hopchak University of Missouri, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/kabod Part of the United States History Commons Recommended Citations MLA: Hopchak, William "The Spirit of ’98: A Defense of Civil or States’ Rights?," The Kabod 2. 1 (2015) Article 9. Liberty University Digital Commons. Web. [xx Month xxxx]. APA: Hopchak, William (2015) "The Spirit of ’98: A Defense of Civil or States’ Rights?" The Kabod 2( 1 (2015)), Article 9. Retrieved from https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/kabod/vol2/iss1/9 Turabian: Hopchak, William "The Spirit of ’98: A Defense of Civil or States’ Rights?" The Kabod 2 , no. 1 2015 (2015) Accessed [Month x, xxxx]. Liberty University Digital Commons. This Individual Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholars Crossing. It has been accepted for inclusion in The Kabod by an authorized editor of Scholars Crossing. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Hopchak: The Spirit of ’98: A Defense of Civil or States’ Rights? Hopchak 1 The Spirit of ’98: A Defense of Civil or States’ Rights? William Hopchak HIUS 314 Jeffersonian History Dr. Schultz November 18, 2014 Published by Scholars Crossing, 2015 1 The Kabod, Vol. 2, Iss. 1 [2015], Art. 9 Hopchak 2 The Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions of 1798 and the subsequent Virginia Report of 1800 have created a great deal of controversy since their adoption. Passed in response to the recently enacted Alien and Sedition Acts which collectively extended the naturalization period, gave the president power to expel immigrants, and criminalized criticism of the government, the Resolutions and Report denounced the Acts as unconstitutional. -
Choices in LITTLE ROCK
3434_LittleRock_cover_F 5/27/05 12:58 PM Page 1 Choices IN LITTLE ROCK A FACING HISTORY AND OURSELVES TEACHING GUIDE ••••••••• CHOICES IN LITTLE ROCK i Acknowledgments Facing History and Ourselves would like to offer special thanks to The Yawkey Foundation for their support of Choices in Little Rock. Facing History and Ourselves would like to acknowledge the valuable assistance it received from the Boston Public Schools in creating Choices in Little Rock. We are particularly appreciative of the team that consulted on the development of the unit under the leadership of Sidney W. Smith, Director, Curriculum and Instructional Practices, and Judith Berkowitz, Ed.D., Project Director for Teaching American History. Patricia Artis, history coach Magda Donis, language acquisitions coach Meira Levinson, Ph.D., teacher, McCormack Middle School Kris Taylor, history coach Mark Taylor, teacher, King Middle School Facing History and Ourselves would also like to offer special thanks to the Boston Public School teachers who piloted the unit and provided valuable suggestions for its improvement. Constance Breeden, teacher, Irving Middle School Saundra Coaxum, teacher, Edison Middle School Gary Fisher, teacher, Timilty Middle School Adam Gibbons, teacher, Lyndon School Meghan Hendrickson, history coach, former teacher, Dearborn Middle School Wayne Martin, Edwards Middle School Peter Wolf, Curley Middle School Facing History and Ourselves values the efforts of its staff in producing and implementing the unit. We are grateful to Margot Strom, Marc Skvirsky, Jennifer Jones Clark, Fran Colletti, Phyllis Goldstein, Jimmie Jones, Melinda Jones-Rhoades, Tracy O’Brien, Jenifer Snow, Jocelyn Stanton, Chris Stokes, and Adam Strom. Design: Carter Halliday Associates www.carterhalliday.com Printed in the United States of America 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 November 2009 ISBN-13: 978-0-9798440-5-8 ISBN-10: 0-9798440-5-3 Copyright © 2008 Facing History and Ourselves National Foundation, Inc. -
Little Rock Nine
Little Rock Nine Few people know their names, but the nine black students who became known as the Little Rock Nine helped to bring widespread integration to public schools in the United States. In the fall of 1957, Americans who were impressed with their courage and curious about the confrontations they caused watched as these ninestudents braved repeated threats and other indignities from segregationists as they tried to attend classes at the all-white Little Rock Central High School. The determination of the Little Rock Nine in challenging Arkansas Governor Orval Faubus, who used armed troops to bar the nine students from entering the school, is legendary. Despite the obstacles they faced, the Little Rock Nine eventually entered the school and were able to attend classes, and as they did, their experiences continued to be documented and preserved as a testament to their characters. In 1954, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Brown v. Board of Education that segregation in public schools was unconstitutional and that school systems should begin plans to desegregate. However, during the early years of his administration, President Dwight D. Eisenhower did not focus on education and, therefore, many states were slow to implement plans for or actively to pursue desegregation. Civil rights organizations like the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) continued to pressure state and federal officials about integration while implementing their own plans to facilitate the process. The Arkansas state president of the NAACP, Daisy Bates (who was elected in 1952), organized a youth council that included the first ninestudents to desegregate Little Rock Central High. -
Reverse Nullification and Executive Discretion
Florida State University College of Law Scholarship Repository Scholarly Publications 5-2015 Reverse Nullification and Executive Discretion Michael T. Morley Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.law.fsu.edu/articles Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, Courts Commons, and the Supreme Court of the United States Commons ARTICLES REVERSE NULLIFICATION AND EXECUTIVE DISCRETION Michael T. Morley The President has broad discretion to refrain from enforcing many civil and criminal laws, either in general or under certain circumstances. The Supreme Court has not only affirmed the constitutionality of such under-enforcement, but extolled its virtues. Most recently, in Arizona v. United States, it deployed the judicially created doctrines of obstacle and field preemption to invalidate state restrictions on illegal immigrants that mirrored federal law, in large part to ensure that states do not undermine the effects of the President’s decision to refrain from fully enforcing federal immigration provisions. Such a broad application of obstacle and field preemption is inconsistent with the text and original understanding of the Supremacy Clause and unnecessarily aggrandizes the practical extent of executive authority. The Supremacy Clause prohibits states from attempting to nullify or ignore federal laws that they believe are unconstitutional or unwise. It should not bar states from engaging in “reverse nullification” by enacting statutes that mirror federal law to ameliorate the effects of executive under- or non-enforcement. Far from undermining the “law of the land,” reverse nullification reinforces it by ensuring that the President cannot effectively amend or nullify federal law by declining to enforce it. The Court should craft an exception to its obstacle and field preemption doctrines to accommodate reverse nullification, and Congress should generally include an exception permitting reverse nullification in statutes’ express preemption provisions. -
Living, Dead, and Undead: Nullification Past and Present Author(S): James H
The Jack Miller Center Living, Dead, and Undead: Nullification Past and Present Author(s): James H. Read and Neal Allen Source: American Political Thought, Vol. 1, No. 2 (Fall 2012), pp. 263-297 Published by: The University of Chicago Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/667615 . Accessed: 10/07/2013 12:57 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The University of Chicago Press and The Jack Miller Center are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to American Political Thought. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 152.65.133.249 on Wed, 10 Jul 2013 12:57:26 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Living, Dead, and Undead: Nullification Past and Present JAMES H. READ and NEAL ALLEN ABSTRACT Nullification is considered an antebellum relic. But recently several state legislatures have passed or introduced bills asserting a state’s right to judge federal laws uncon- stitutional and block implementation within the state. Policies today targeted for nul- lification include health care regulation, firearms law, and birthright citizenship. This essay examines the constitutional theory of nullification in its antebellum, 1950s, and contemporary variants. -
Little Rock Nine
National Park Service Little Rock Central U.S. Department of the Interior Little Rock Central High School High School National Historic Site The Little Rock Nine The Little Rock Nine in front of Central High School, September 25, 1997. The Nine are l to r: Thelma Mothershed Wair, Minnijean Brown Trickey, Jefferson Thomas, Terrence Roberts, Carlotta Walls LaNier, Gloria Ray Karlmark, Ernest Green, Elizabeth Eckford, and Melba Pattillo Beals. Behind the Nine are, l to r: Little Rock Mayor Jim Dailey, Arkansas Governor Mike Huckabee, and President William Jefferson Clinton. Photo by Isaiah Trickey. Who Are The Little Rock In 1957, nine ordinary teenagers walked out of their homes and stepped up to the front Nine? lines in the battle for civil rights for all Americans. The media coined the name “Little Rock Nine,” to identify the first African-American students to desegregate Little Rock Central High School. The End of Legal In 1954, the Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka “[Blossom said] you’re not going to be able to go Segregation Supreme Court decision outlawed segregation in to the football games or basketball games. You’re public education. Little Rock School District not going to be able to participate in the choir or Superintendent Virgil Blossom devised a plan of drama club, or be on the track team. You can’t go gradual integration that would begin at Central to the prom. There were more cannots…” High School in 1957. The school board called for Carlotta Walls LaNier volunteers from all-black Dunbar Junior High and Horace Mann High School to attend Central. -
Delta Sources and Resources ...134 Reviews
Delta Sources and Resources . 134 The King Biscuit Blues Festival (Helena, Arkansas) by LaDawn Fuhr Reviews . 137 Epps, Slavery on the Periphery: The Kansas-Missouri Border in the Antebellum and Civil War Eras, reviewed by Carl Moneyhon Nabors, From Oligarchy to Republicanism: The Great Task of Reconstruction, reviewed by William H. Pruden III Gordon, The Second Coming of the KKK: The Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s and the American Political Tradition; and Harcourt, Ku Klux Kulture: America and the Klan in the 1920s, reviewed by Kenneth C. Barnes Cox, Goat Castle: A True Story of Murder, Race, and the Gothic South, reviewed by Colin Woodward Ossad, Omar Nelson Bradley: America’s GI General, reviewed by Keith M. Finley Devlin, Remember Little Rock, reviewed by Misti Nicole Harper Ward, Out in the Rural, reviewed by Anthony B. Newkirk Bales, ed., Willie Morris: Shifting Interludes, reviewed by Barclay Key Osing, May Day, reviewed by Lynn DiPier Berard, Water Tossing Boulders: How A Family of Chinese Immigrants Led the First Fight to Desegregate Schools in the Jim Crow South, reviewed by Doreen Yu Dong Mitchell, Unnatural Habitats & Other Stories, reviewed by Janelle Collins Ferris, The South in Color: A Rural Journal, reviewed by Marcus Charles Tribbett Contributors . 158 ___________________________________________________________________________________ Arkansas Review 49.2 (August 2018) 82 Reviews Slavery on the Periphery: The in the creation of a world different from that Kansas-Missouri Border in the An- each brought to the confrontation. Addition- ally, she is influenced by the rhetoric of histori- tebellum and Civil War Eras. By ans concerned with social justice. -
Little Rock Study Guide
3434_LittleRock_cover_F 5/27/05 12:58 PM Page 1 Choices IN LITTLE ROCK A FACING HISTORY AND OURSELVES TEACHING GUIDE ••••••••• CHOICES IN LITTLE ROCK i Acknowledgments Facing History and Ourselves would like to offer special thanks to The Yawkey Foundation for their support of Choices in Little Rock. Facing History and Ourselves would like to acknowledge the valuable assistance it received from the Boston Public Schools in creating Choices in Little Rock. We are particularly appreciative of the team that consulted on the development of the unit under the leadership of Sidney W. Smith, Director, Curriculum and Instructional Practices, and Judith Berkowitz, Ed.D., Project Director for Teaching American History. Patricia Artis, history coach Magda Donis, language acquisitions coach Meira Levinson, Ph.D., teacher, McCormack Middle School Kris Taylor, history coach Mark Taylor, teacher, King Middle School Facing History and Ourselves would also like to offer special thanks to the Boston Public School teachers who piloted the unit and provided valuable suggestions for its improvement. Constance Breeden, teacher, Irving Middle School Saundra Coaxum, teacher, Edison Middle School Gary Fisher, teacher, Timilty Middle School Adam Gibbons, teacher, Lyndon School Meghan Hendrickson, history coach, former teacher, Dearborn Middle School Wayne Martin, Edwards Middle School Peter Wolf, Curley Middle School Facing History and Ourselves values the efforts of its staff in producing and implementing the unit. We are grateful to Margot Strom, Marc Skvirsky, Jennifer Jones Clark, Fran Colletti, Phyllis Goldstein, Jimmie Jones, Melinda Jones-Rhoades, Tracy O’Brien, Jenifer Snow, Jocelyn Stanton, Chris Stokes, and Adam Strom. Design: Carter Halliday Associates www.carterhalliday.com Printed in the United States of America 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 November 2009 ISBN-13: 978-0-9798440-5-8 ISBN-10: 0-9798440-5-3 Copyright © 2008 Facing History and Ourselves National Foundation, Inc. -
States' Rights Apogee, 1760-1840
“States’ Rights Apogee, 1776-1840” By Ryan M. Setliff A Thesis Submitted To The Faculty of the History Department and Graduate School At Liberty University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for a Masters of Arts in History December 2011 – Abstract – America’s states’ rights tradition has held much influence since the ratification of the U.S. Constitution in 1788. In late 1798, in response to the Federalist administration’s adoption of the Alien and Sedition Acts, the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions were formally adopted by the legislatures of Virginia and Kentucky respectively. These resolutions set a lasting precedent for state interposition and nullification. As well concurrence with these doctrines can be found in the Virginia Resolves of 1790, the constitutional debates of 1787-1790, and all throughout the colonial-revolutionary period of the 1760s to 1780s. In time, the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions would gain stature and would define the American political culture of the nineteenth century. They became known as the Principles of 1798. The Tariff Crisis of 1828-1832 in South Carolina may be contextualized in light of the Principles of 1798. This inquiry endeavors to answer why those principles are integral to the American constitutional tradition. The continuity of the 1798 resolves with colonial-revolutionary practice reveals them as neither rash nor innovative, but in accord with the localism innate to American political tradition. -ii- – Acknowledgments – Special thanks to my thesis committee participants for their mentorship. In particular, my thesis advisor Dr. Samuel C. Smith, Professor of History, and committee reader, Dr. Roger Schultz, Professor of History and Dean of the School of Arts and Sciences, have my gratitude for their assistance and encouragement in this project. -
Downloadsandwiching in History: Daisy Bates House
1 Sandwiching in History Daisy Bates House 1207 W. 28th Street, LR March 4, 2011 By: Rachel Silva Intro Hi, my name is Rachel Silva, and I work for the Arkansas Historic Preservation Program. Welcome to the March Sandwiching in History tour of the Daisy Bates House! I’d like to thank the Christian Ministerial Alliance and the L. C. and Daisy Bates Museum Foundation for allowing us to tour the house today (introduce Dale Charles & Kwendeche). The Daisy Bates House was listed as a National Historic Landmark on January 3, 2001. It is nationally significant for its role as the meeting place for the Little Rock Nine, their supporters, and reporters during the 1957 Little Rock Central High School desegregation crisis. The house is also important for its association with Daisy Lee Gatson Bates, equal rights activist and mentor to the Little Rock Nine. Daisy Bates was a driving force in the effort to integrate Central High School in 1957 and thus played an integral role in the first test of the U.S. Supreme Court’s 1954 ruling in Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, KS. Keep in mind that this property is a National Historic Landmark, which means that it is EXCEPTIONALLY significant in our nation’s history within the theme of racial desegregation in public schools. [The house is also listed on the National Register.] There are 23 NHLs in Arkansas (Central High School is also a NHL). 2 Post-WWII Little Rock After the end of World War II, the enormous growth in the use of automobiles along with the network of streets and highways to accommodate them contributed to urban sprawl in Little Rock and cities throughout the U.S.