1 / 142 COPING BY REMEMBERING

Coping by remembering Introduction Model learning Constructive remembering God images Personality type Positive psychology Empathy training 1 Empathy training 2 Considering stereotypes Historical psychology Remembering for the future 1 Remembering for the future 2 Remembering for the future 3 Remembering for the future 4 Remembering for the future 5 Resume References Copyright

2 / 142 COPING BY REMEMBERING

STUDIES IN CONTEXTUAL PSYCHOLOGY OF RELIGION

3 / 142 INTRODUCTION

War children as a core example for multidimensional trauma-coping Besides the cruelties during the war, in 1945, children also suffered in the war, losing their homes and belongings, their parents or older siblings. (Stargardt, 2005 and 2013; Glaesmer & Brähler, 2011). Therefore, research about their experiences is crucial (Bohleber, 2006). In this context, the so-called “skeptical generation”, born in the 1930s (Schelsky, 1957), is a core-sample for such research, because these people suffered as children from bombing, evacuations, and refuge or expulsion, and mostly have to live without father or both parents with significant post-traumatic symptoms, such as panic, depression, weak (gender-) identity (Radebold, 2006). Such persons also avoid remembrance and emotions, and, at the same time, suffer from re-actualizing of such traumatic situations in nightmares, often caused by key-impulses (noises, sounds etc.). The following studies evaluate a particular kind of psychological and autobiographical literature, which emphasizes the religious, psychological, and cultural aspects of experiences and coping strategies of people, who experienced War and after wartime as children in Germany, or of children expelled from Eastern Europe. In particular, it emphasizes the post-traumatic symptoms. It does neither emphasize other War-children of the 20th century or in current wars nor on war-experiences of teenagers or young adults or on the particular situation of Jewish child-experiences during the Holocaust nor any “non-war traumata” of children. When using the term “trauma” a shocking and emotionally overwhelming situation is meant, in which an individual experiences or perceives a threat to his/her physical and/or psychological integrity, resulting in a reaction of intense fear, helplessness or horror (Rothschild, 2000). Concerning this situation, most commonly reported are elevated symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), depression, and anxiety disorders; therefore, the re-experiencing of traumatic memories becomes is a core-phenomenon, and, thus, a core-challenge for coping- strategies (Ehlers & Clark, 2000). Such coping strategies can be illustrated in an elementary form by the transactional model of stress and coping (Lazarus &

4 / 142 Folkman, 1984), which describes coping as a dynamic interchange between a person and the environment to manage a difficult problem or situation (Franzenburg, 2016a). Concerning such coping strategies, religious aspects of this process become important, when rituals, narrations, and symbols are taken into account, which make the coping a more emotional way (Pargament, 1997). Another core-instrument to understand the cognitive aspects of this particular coping is the social learning theory (Bandura, 1986) because perceived coping self-efficacy emerges as a focal mediator of post-traumatic recovery (Benight & Bandura, 2004; Franzenburg, 2015a). Concerning religious coping, particularly collaborative coping involves a sense of mutually sharing by give-and-take interactions with God, while the self-directing style refers to taking control through one’s actions and a heightened sense of personal responsibility provided by God. Finally, the deferring style describes coping by giving the problem, responsibility as well as action, to God (Hathaway & Pargament, 1990). There are, however, also negative patterns of religious coping, which suggest a sense of insecurity in relation to God, such as spiritual discontent, punishing God or demonic reappraisal (Franzenburg, 2015a; Pargament et al., 1998). A further core-aspect within this field of coping is Man’s search for meaning, which was the life-challenge of Victor Frankl. According to his “logo-therapy”, meaning can be discovered by three ways: by creating a work or doing a deed, by experiencing something or encountering someone, and by the attitude people take toward unavoidable suffering, or, when confronted with a hopeless situation, as Frankl experienced as a concentration camp survivor (Frankl, 1975). This leads to the main focus, the situation of former War-children in Germany. Coping with their traumata, they adopted Nazi- „Black education“ and war-virtues for a helpful coping-strategy, in order to become harder (Grundmann, Hoffmeister, Knoth, 2009). One core-trauma, which wounded their heart, is missing basic trust; therefore, they often became unable to show emotions (Naechster, 2014).Thus, evaluating the experiences of former war- children, particular the adaption to German post-war society is seen as a problem and as the challenge to integrate attitudes of new beginning with former Nazi-traditions (Riedesser, 2006), because often non-conformism was taken as a solution, combined with the temptation to hide one’s War- experiences (Franzenburg, 2016a). Such an attitude might have facilitated

5 / 142 intergenerational (authority-) conflicts which could break out and lead to right- wing and authoritarianism-attitudes (Kiess et al., 2014). Because religiously oriented people use to feel as victims after traumatic events, the question of religious orientation, whether primary intrinsic or extrinsic, is crucial (Allport & Ross, 1967; Franzenburg, 2016a). Several studies in Germany have explored the long-term effects of war trauma on the physical and mental health of former War-children, particular interdisciplinary longitudinal studies (Franz, 2006; Franzenburg, 2016a; Schmitt,2007). Concerning the 12 million Germans (mostly from the Eastern territories), who were displaced in WW II, long-term consequences of expulsion and flight in ageing former refugee children also became significant during the last years, particular in association with higher levels of anxiety and depression, and lower levels of life satisfaction and health at ages 70–75 years (Werner, 2012). Overall, displaced former WWII children were exposed to almost twice as many traumatic experiences (including rape) than non displaced children of war. PTSD and poor (self-reported) health were significantly associated with the number of multiple war trauma experienced more than 60 years earlier (Forstmeier et al., 2009; cf. Boothby, 1992; Kuwert, et al., 2008). A number of protective factors appear to moderate the impact of war- related adversities in children, such as a strong bond between the primary caregiver and the child, the mother’s mental health, the availability of additional caregivers, the social support of members in the community who are exposed to the same hardships, especially teachers and peers, a shared sense of values, a religious belief that finds meaning in suffering, the assumption of responsibility for the protection and welfare of others, an internal locus of control, and the use of humour and altruism as defence-mechanisms (Franzenburg, 2016a; Werner, 2012). Religion, thus, becomes involved in such coping processes, when an adolescent encounters problems that impinge on something that is important or significant to him or her (Pargament, 1997). Hence, in the context of reciprocal determinism (Bandura, 1986), a person’s religious coping cognitions are present as a result of the interactions among and between the (religious) coping behaviour of a person and others (e.g. parents and peers) in his or her environment (Franzenburg, 2016a). Therefore, the following studies demonstrate and explain important coping strategies, which underline the key- function of remembrance and resilience. By model learning, constructive God

6 / 142 images, methods of positive and historical psychology, through empathy training, and future-oriented methods of remembering including considering stereotypes, people can learn to cope even with traumatic experiences in a constructive way, which can also be exemplified by the experiences of 1918 and similar situations (Franzenburg, 2018a). By integrating these approaches into a multidimensional model, a kind of “grammar of remembrance” becomes possible, which facilitates coping strategies for situations of any kind (Franzenburg, 2016b; Franzenburg, Ilisko, Verkest, 2018).

7 / 142 MODEL LEARNING

One core-coping strategy is vicarious learning by observing the behaviour of others (Bandura, 1986). As applied to religious coping, when the observed behaviours are religious in nature, the observer forms religious cognitions and symbols that represent his or her developing repertoire of religious thoughts, beliefs, feelings, and judgements about the observed religious behaviour, the situation, and the environment, in which it occurred. These are cognitively stored as an option for religious coping at a later time; vicariously encoded as symbols and cognitions (Bandura, 1986) related to religious coping, are also the observed risks and benefits of the behaviour: the age, sex, race, and background of the model, similarities to the model, and the degree, to which the model is admired (Franzenburg, 2016a). In general, the models most available to late adolescents are parents and close friends, because these are the people with whom adolescents typically spend the most time, and from whom they got social support as a core factor to prevent depressive illness under stress (attachment- model). These observations can also be made concerning former War-children: Securely attached individuals differ from those with non-secure attachment histories in their styles of interpersonal relationships, and also (Kirkpatrick, 1999) in their religious histories. Securely attached individuals will develop a pattern of religiosity which corresponds to that of parents, while insecurely attached individuals turn to God in difficult situations as compensation (Franzenburg, 2016a). A further core-protective factor besides of vicarious learning and attachment models, might – as mentioned above – also is logotherapy, because becoming responsible for and finding meaning and reason within one’s life are core-purposes of people suffering from victim-experiences; in such situations, conscience as referring to a real person in a real situation, and not to a simple ” universal law”, can facilitate faith, hope, and love by filling an existential vacuum (Frankl,1975; Franzenburg, 2016a). During his own experiences in the Nazi death camps, Frankl found most of the prisoners have lost a sense of meaning and the look into the future, and, therefore, suffering from depression, addiction, and aggression. Only experiencing facilitates

8 / 142 creative, attitudinal or transcendent values within human freedom to choose one’s own way (Frankl, 1963). By paradoxical intention, de reflection and other methods facilitate opportunities for traumatized people to discover their own meanings by self-transcendence (Frankl,1975). One way to find meaning and a sense of coherence within one’s biography is narration and biographical writing: If people consider own experiences as a War-child, the results are of particular interest, because they emphasize on the existential aspect of trauma and of coping strategies (Franzenburg, 2016a). Particular after retirement or in advanced age, when recalling old situations of helplessness, writing down – or painting – such situations helps to grieve as children, and prevents from freezing up and from; it also prevents from refuge into just adventurous war stories, which lead horror, fear and panic into nightmares. Third, it prevents from the separation between narratives and emotions, particular, when combined with media information, which becomes part of one’s remembrance (Radebold, 2006). One core-example of such “coping by writing strategy” - similar to Frankl - is Elisabeth Pfeil, who wrote 1951 about refugee-children in Germany as an eye-witness. She describes the experiences of the 3 million refugee-children after WWII as a phenomenon, which everyone in Germany was familiar with after 1945. She evaluated what happened with the children, how these events influenced them, and how they coped with them. She changes into the children’s point of view and describes, how they experienced the adventurous and traumatic elements of expulsion, and emphasized on the mother’s calming and caring function during the coping-process, and on her educational responsibility to balance between challenging and caring or hiding. As result, she suggests that family, educators teachers, peer-groups and community should recognize the traumatic experiences, particular of the hidden one, of the children and answer them with love by restoring their basic trust, and by strengthening their own coping-capacities (Franzenburg, 2016a; Pfeil, 1951). A particular kind of such strategy is writing one’s autobiography using a third person within the narrative. This “Alter Ego” (Minke) explains, how she became able to cope with traumatic experiences, particular bombing- experiences. One core-strategy was dreaming, another one playing with her peers. As an adult, she could collect and evaluate documents, which helps to explain, what happened between 1939 and 1949, but she really understood these

9 / 142 papers from her child-memories; therefore, she develops this concept to assist other children to understand these traumatic experiences by identification with “Minke” (Schwarze, 1988). There also examples concerning the expulsion of ethnic Germans from Sudetenland and other parts of former German regions. The so-called Sudeten Germans, living in the border regions of former Czechoslovakia, were treated as Nazi collaborators and expelled from the country; many thousands died violent deaths during the expulsion in late 1945 and many more died from hunger and untreated illnesses contracted during or after the massive exodus (www.radio.cz/en/section/special/memories-of- world-war-ii-in-the-Czech-lands-the-expulsion-of-Sudeten-germans (25.11.2015). An estimated 1.3 million ethnic Germans were deported to the American zone (Franzenburg, 2016a). . In an interview of Radio Prague, two women describe her experience as children one as the daughter of the director of the gymnasium in Zatec until 1945, the other as a daughter of farmers there. The explain how their parents were expelled and many others killed. As children, they had to spend eight months in a camp, where many children starved because they had not enough to eat (www.radio.cz/en/section/special/memories-of-world-war-II-in-the-Czech- lands-the-expulsion-of-Sudeten-germans (25.11.2015). Such narrations underline that living without family was a core-experience particular of expelled War-children (Gafert, 2007). One coping-strategy can be noticed in the work of Ottfried Preußler, who transformed the expulsion of his family from Sudetenland into a novel about Jesus Christ as a little Child, who had to escape with Maria and Joseph and archangel Gabriel to Egypt; their way leads them in Preusslers fantasy through Bohemia exactly the opposite way, his family chooses as escape-route. His narrative expresses the religious aspect of coping strategies, which often are hidden in secular terms and attitudes, but becomes obvious when being translated (Preußler, 1978). These observations and considerations underline that the religiously active are likely to have access to a repertoire of religious coping beliefs, which may be drawn upon when stimulated by the unpleasant thoughts caused by stress, and particular concerning traumata like War and expulsion. Negative religious coping beliefs, which may be less commonly used than positive beliefs, increase distress, and there is evidence that this is a genuine causal relationship. Positive coping beliefs improve positive

10 / 142 mood and lower distress, and again, there is evidence that this is a genuine causal relationship. Indirect exposure to trauma might be accompanied by positive psychological changes, exemplified by Jewish ex-POWs’ children during Yom-Kippur-War (Zerach, 2015). This comparison between Jewish and Christian PTSD-research underline the general trauma-coping phenomena and suggests further research with a religious focus. Religiousness as a particular search for significance and meaning changes from sacred to secular expression when internal or external pressures require such change (Pargament, 1997); therefore, religious pathways can be manifested through multiple dimensions in which the sacred is involved, such as ideology, ethical conduct, emotional experience, social intercourse, and study (Franzenburg, 2016a). Such awareness facilitates a new approach of psychologists and mental health professionals, who often tended to view religion from a narrow, stereotypic perspective (avoidance method of coping, or defense-mechanism against anxiety). Because religious coping is fully embodied in the individual’s life and in situations, which push people beyond their everyday understandings and limited personal and social resources, such as War-traumata during childhood, people draw on religious solutions to problems from a more general orienting system that is made up of well-established beliefs, practices, attitudes, goals, and values (Pargament & Abu Raiya, 2007). Because coping methods are concrete manifestations of religion in difficult times and stressful situations, and a complex, multi-faceted phenomenon, social scientists need to be aware of the multi-dimensional implications of religious coping, which can be both helpful and harmful, and should integrate it with the individual’s needs, goals, situations, and social context (Franzenburg, 2016a). Because religious beliefs, attitudes, and practices are essential ingredients of the daily functioning of many individuals, professional help means to appreciate the individual religious (positive and negative) coping resources, such as seeking spiritual support, religious problem solving, religious forgiveness, punishing God reappraisal and spiritual discontent: positive religious coping activities reflect a secure relationship with God, a belief that there is a greater meaning to be found, and a sense of spiritual connectedness with others, while negative religious coping activities reflect an ominous view of the world, and a religious struggle to find and conserve significance in life (Pargament, Smith, Koenig, Perez, 1998). Therefore,

11 / 142 researchers have to talk to people, get to know them, learn about their lives and faiths, and follow their concerns and difficulties over time; thus, they become able to deepen their knowledge and to gain empathy, particularly concerning the wounded child, people take life-long within their heart (Franzenburg, 2016a).

12 / 142 CONSTRUCTIVE REMEMBERING

In order to find out how do people remember traumatic or strange situations, what kind of strategy they choose for which kind of memory, how these strategies can be categorized and distinguished, and how they can be compared to psychological typing, published interviews (Dierig, 2013; Jakobi & Link, 1997) are evaluated following Jung’s scheme of extroverted and introverted sensing, intuition, thinking and feeling (Jung, 1971); it evaluates, whether a remembering person emphasizes more on the objective world with its factual data, and sensory experiences, or more on subjective sensory experiences, more on possibilities or symbols, on logical order or principles, on open expressed or deeply felt values and attitudes. The focus is on an elementary structure of memory and communication type because it facilitates the opportunity for transfer: extroverted vs. introverted sensation; extroverted vs. introverted intuition; extroverted vs. introverted thinking; extroverted vs. introverted feeling (Franzenburg, 2016a). 1. How do people remember? Evaluating the mentioned interviews demonstrates the significant and hidden differences concerning remembering and sharing or communicate memories and experiences, and, thus, show particular attitudes of remembering: One particular issue of remembrance concerns the food ration cards. Evaluating the different memories, particular differences can be observed, which often differ between men and women: While Mrs M.O., born 1924, mentioned these cards, which, however, only allowed a few, because most were lacking. She remembers these cards together with a short version of a famous song arranged with new words, of a repertoire, which characterizes the atmosphere in these times. Mr P. B., born 1928, remembered these ration cards in the context of the duty to clean the streets from ruin stones – who refused, did not get any card. A similar observation can be made according to suffering from hunger: While Mrs K.L, born 1925 emphasize on her empathy and regret the many, who gave all their belonging for something to eat; thus, she often had prayed to God to end it. One

13 / 142 core symbol for this situation was the potato, which was of great value, particularly for sharing; thus, Mr C. B., born 1925, remembers the warning, that the police was controlling. Nevertheless, his parents went barefoot a long way to get some potatoes (Franzenburg, 2016a). A further core-aspect of German postwar memories was the new experience of democracy, particularly exemplified by the process of de-nacification by questionnaires: Because, by answering them, they had to consider their identity, the cultural identity as Germans became crucial. Therefore, coping with the cruelties, done by Germans during the Nazi-time, became a core-challenge, often motivated by Allied rules; also private friendships became valuable, because the experience of boundaries was obvious for people from Germany, concerning the different Allied zones. Another core-event, which combined political and family sphere, was the currency-exchange in Germany 1948. Influenced by this particular incident, some answers distinguish between the time after and before it, and, thus, underline the core-element of time for remembrance. Concerning both issues, de-nacification and currency exchange, men and women remember in different styles with their particular focus. Concerning the questionnaire for de-nacification, Mr K.P., born 1926, remembered the number of 132 questions, which had to be delivered in a double version; very angry about it, he sat down and had answered any single question, without getting any answer afterwards; his father, however, did receive a confirmation, because his father was in a responsible age during Nazi times, he, however, have been too young for the responsibility. Mrs B. A., born 1924, mentioned her considerations and sceptics concerning the questionnaire, because she remembered that some people were rehabilitated very fast by a special paper („Persilschein“), but neither she nor her father has given any such confirmation, because her father was a very sincere man; in many cases, she had warned him not to fill such paper. Concerning the currency reform 1948, Mrs R.K., born 1932 remembered this event in the context of getting new shoes, particular in order to go to church. Until currency reform, she often only had wooden shoes. Mr K.H., born 1928, remembers this event in the context of a job change, before the currency exchange, he worked on a farm because of given work clothing, afterwards in a fabrication for knitwear, where he was working until retirement (Franzenburg, 2016a).

14 / 142 A private core-element of memorizing are parents, often combined with the thank for all they did for their children, particularly the mother as the emotional part, father as the authority and breadwinner of the family; from the other members, grandmother seems of a particular value. By remembering such particular family-model of generations-encounter a virtual home framework is built up, where experiences are remembered, which are often combined with homeland or home-town and expressed by years going by. The following examples, male and female, underline that the family and home belong together when people remember postwar experiences. They also confirm the former observation that men and women show a particular emphasis in their memories: Mrs D.X. Born 1932, mentions that the flat of her parents was occupied by relatives of her mother, whose house was destroyed. Therefore, the family had to stay with other relatives of her father without furniture, water, toilet in the room. Because her parents could not get their furniture back from Munich (no wagons), they had to sell them for nothing, and could only bring back a zinc tub with clothes, and a sewing machine. Mr F.N., born in the 1930s in East-Prussia, mentioned that he feels at home in Western Germany, but is often considered his lost homeland in the East. His son was born in Muenster, and, therefore, has no contact with his parents’ homeland. In 1960 they could build their own home because they used any opportunity to save money. With this house, there were new contacts with other people, too. The contacts to their lost homeland were lost because all relatives and friends have left the land. Nevertheless, a particular kind of homesickness is left; therefore, he intends to visit his former homeland soon, because – as he cited a proverb - a man can forget anything, but never his homeland (Franzenburg, 2016a).

When people are confronted with current learning challenges, such as preparing for a new job, for a journey or for retirement, their effort and success depend on former learning experiences. Therefore, they often remembered their learning experiences as children. While remembering their former learning experiences, they make a journey from the present time, where certificates, efforts, and suffering from difficult remembering and learning, of coping with different theories, models, concepts at a time, when learning means adventure, experience activity. Although the social circumstances of that

15 / 142 learning-experiences were often bad or even traumatic (hunger, lack of important things), they mostly appreciate this authentic kind of learning. In their current experience, they often feel depending on mediated information, which often seems manipulated. When Germans remember religious rituals, they remember – like German refugees the Altar, the Bishop, Christian associations, nuns, the cathedral, Lutheran events; also the particular work of women during and after the war became religious aspects. God is a core term, mostly as the short-prayer; Thank God; also learning about German deities are mentioned. Another core-aspect is the experience to belong to a group, although sometimes as a kind of stigmatization. Also, clergy are mentioned, catholic and protestant ones; the answers show knowledge about both confessions, such as the Jesuits and Kolping, nuns and the “Kulturkampf” on one side, or Confirmation and female bible lecturer and pastor on the other one; they distinguish between mess for men, women and children and consider life in a parish, the value of Sundays, Christian anthropology and the value of order in life. They also remember Sunday services and Pentecost-events Like the former evaluations, particular gender differences can be noticed, when men or women remember their childhood experiences in school and church. Concerning school, Mrs D. X., born 1932, mentioned that after the War eight years the primary school was obligatory. The school, which she attended in Muenster, has to be closed during winter because of missing coals. She remembers that the Americans had sent meals for the school children (pea soup or „cookie-soup“ in exchange) there were about 45 children in one classroom, boys and girls, stages seven, eight, and nine. There were no history lessons and only particular lessons in geography mostly focused on the northern part of Germany. Mr R. H., born 1932, mentions that he only could attend school until the sixth stage because of the bombing. When he became 13 years old, he had to leave school and take a job on a farm. He remembers school education during War times when the teacher presented the military messages from the newspaper. After the lessons, the pupils had to collect potato beetles. He remembers that he met the same teacher again after the War, who during the Nazi time propagated the „Heil Hitler“ opening, and after the War, suggested the pupils pray commonly. That they only have swimming once a week as the only sports lesson, he remembered with negative emotions. Concerning church life, Mrs D. X., born 1932,

16 / 142 mentions that she was born in a religious family, and, therefore, had to go to church/mass always on Sunday. Mrs H. U., born 1927, mentions that they had a barrack as a church room; because she had got the key, she had to open and to prepare the room for services or masses. Mrs T.S., born 1936, mentions that Protestant services were held in the Catholic church, later in a school. She remembered not only the Protestant pastor but also a couple of refugees, who facilitated community life as a parish by their practical work and help; thus, youth camps and bible study were prepared. She also remembered that her grandma, confronted with the Catholic environment in the new home, felt like still living in Poland. Because of the discrimination of Protestant refugees, living in a mixed partnership or family became a core challenge. Protestants had to pay for bell ringing at funerals, and had only a small desk for services instead of the altar; for children most of the Catholic rituals and attitudes were strange. Mr R.K., born 1932 in Silesia, remembers that the Sunday school pupils had to go a long way to church. The dining room in the refugee camp was used as a church room, where the confirmation event took place. The services were held by a teacher and deacon, Until they got their own refugee pastor, and could build an own church building, they had to attend services in the Catholic church, which was very astonishing for the Catholic inhabitants of the small village. Mr S.A., born 1921, in Czechoslovakia emphasizes the conviction that church for the expellees was a kind of homeland, because singing, prayer and encounter connected them with their lost homeland. Mr H.D. Born 1935, remembers protestant services twice a month in a school. He remembers that the refugees were supported by the Catholic parish, but also by Protestant groups, such as YMCA, women associations or brass bands. Mr R.K., born 1932 mentioned that the Protestant refugees were discriminated by the Catholic church as Protestants in a Catholic school and the environment. Thus, they had to go a long way to a Protestant church, where they were educated in their confession for confirmation event, which was held not by a pastor, but by a Protestant teacher of religious education. After one year a Protestant pastor came into the village to assist the Protestant refugees by visiting them on his motor-bike. He was very popular in the community Some years later, the community could build their own small church. A particular emphasis of his memories is on brass music during services, but also at other events. As a member in such brass band, and of

17 / 142 an amateur fire brigade, he became accepted as a refugee in the town community (Franzenburg, 2016a). 2. What kind of strategy do people choose for which kind of memory? Evaluating the core elements of war and postwar memories, there can be distinguished two main particular strategies, which can be characterized as „male-oriented“ (m) or „female-oriented“ (f) according to the answers, and according to research about gender difference in memorizing as measured in personality types (Giudice et al., 2012): Male respondents - depending on their particular male socialization – were convinced that people have to earn their food, and therefore, work hard for it. When f-types remember such situations, they - following their particular female socialization – seem convinced that people have to be obedient towards „fate“ or rules, and could only be coped with by irony. Similar observations can be made concerning memories of changes in politics, and economy, When m-types remember such experiences of change, they seem – following their particular male socialization - convinced that people have to present themselves as not responsible for past faults, and, therefore can get a new chance. When f-types remember such situations, they - following their particular female socialization – seems convinced that people are responsible that traumatic situations never happen again; therefore, people should present their values sincerely and in public and should illustrate the new values by rituals. When m-types remember an experience of changes in their private framework – home, family, school, church, they seem – following their particular male socialization - convinced that people can find a new home by building it by themselves – even if only small, and that, therefore, only changing one’s superficial attitudes was not sufficient for them. When f-types remember such situations, they - following their particular female socialization – seem convinced that people have to understand past conflicts to cope with current ones, and, therefore to be prepared for future surprising or strange situations (Franzenburg, 2016a). 3. How can these strategies be categorized? While the „m-type“ emphasize earning, working, chances and self-image „f- types“ focus on obedience, responsibility, values, and rituals. Therefore, there can be distinguished two main categories, which seem to depend on gender and

18 / 142 socialization: a more active one, and a more passive one, and sub-categories, which depend on the particular remembered situation: When people remember War and postwar times, they mainly remember particular key categories, which are recognized in the published interviews. These categories are specified by particular key terms, which depend on remembering rituals or symbols: When remembering suffering from hunger, they preferably remember – similar to family life - the general organization of food supply (cards, weight, control) When remembering school life, they mostly remember the lack of books, material, knowledge, lessons, but also food supply and mixed classes, which underline their particular “ hunger” for learning. When remembering family and home, they emphasize the core function of the family as authority for traditions, values, care and home, particular in traumatic situations (suffering). When remembering church life, they show similar attitudes by emphasizing community and suggesting one’s own responsibility for a fruitful encounter and community. When remembering changes in postwar society, they emphasize rituals and symbols (questionnaire, new currency), and underline their intention to become an appropriate member of the new society (Franzenburg, 2016a). 4. How can these categories be compared to psychological typing? Comparing the „m“ and „f“ type of remembrance with the „e“ (extroverted) and „i“ (introverted) type of attitude (Jung, 1971), similar observation can be made: external oriented activity on one side, and internal considering on the other side. Concerning the sub-types, there also can be observed similarities, because sensing, intuition, thinking, feeling, judging and perceiving, too, depending on the particular context of a (remembered or current) situation: People remembering suffering, act similar to sensing ones, because they remember spontaneously sensory details (footsteps, weight), and combine them with current ones (age challenges)(e/m), or combine emotional experiences (suffering, irony) with facts (cards, song) (i/f). People, who remember political changes, act similar to judging ones because they definitely interpret experiences (responsibility) (e/m) or depend on their beliefs (logical consistency) (i./f). People, who remember economic changes, act like intuitive ones because they are aware of the interrelations between situations and of the profits of particular attitudes (e/m), or of an aura/ essence of a situation, they use chances and try to

19 / 142 keep being sincere by particular rituals. People, who remember lost or a new home, act like thinking people because they discuss ideas of problem-solving by confronting others (with provoking ideas) (e/m), or are aware of (missing) logical consistency, which they answer with creativity. People, who remember school, act like perceiving ones, because they prefer passive expressions for the situation (e/m) or follow inner concepts (i/f), when they follow the circumstances or find empathy with complex situations. People, who remember church, act like feeling ones, because they are aware of other emotions, and answer them with support (e/m) or consider the sense of life and the congruence of good and bad by preparing for challenges and finding explanations (small, but strong) (Franzenburg, 2016a) 5. What are the consequences of this comparison for education and counselling? The value of typing in educational (Gronland&Linn, 1990, Ridig&Baynes, 1998) and counselling situations (Dodd&Rayne, 2000; Varlani&Bayne, 2007), particular of the bipolar dimension (Girelli&Stake, 1993), depends on the different dimensions: individual and collective aspects, past experiences and their memorizing, present attitudes and their implications for future events, and, therefore, facilitate multidimensional opportunities for intervention, particular by working in groups: A first group concerns facilitating alternatives for focusing types: If an extroverted sensing type remember any sensory detail of a particular situation and show spontaneous and impulsive reactions, educators and counsellors could facilitate new contextualization for the traumatic impulse They also should be aware of an extroverted intuitive person, who tries to manipulate memories, because he/she uses her chance to draw benefit from interrelations, and compare her/his narrations with facts. If an extroverted thinking person confronts the counsellor/teacher with his/her particular problem-solving ideas, providing alternative perspectives might be helpful, similar to an extroverted judging person, who interpret experiences mono- dimensional, and should exercise awareness without judging. A second group concerns activating passive types: If an extroverted feeling person is only focused on supporting others until suffering, she/he should be continuously invited to consider own feeling, thoughts, memories, similar to an extroverted perceiving person, who should cope with her passive attitude and often victim stereotype by searching for chances in any challenge. A third group member

20 / 142 could be an introverted perceiving person, who has become aware of the particular environment of his/her inner concepts. A third group concerns creating new ideas: Harmony oriented introverted sensing persons, too, need the challenge to imagine unfamiliar situations or consequences, while introverted intuitive ones have to learn to remember not only aura and essence of an event but also facts. Therefore, an encounter with introverted thinking people, who prefer logical consistency, might be helpful; both could work with mosaic stones for new buildings. Introverted feeling persons could join this group and become aware of the variety of life, which is more than black and white (paintings as method). The third member of this group could be an introverted judging person, who becomes aware by sharing experiences of alternative convictions and beliefs. Confronted with situations, when people are coping with strange or traumatic experiences from the past, (adult) educators and counsellors need for their assistance not only knowledge about learning or memory strategies but also about remembrance strategies and attitudes; therefore, they further need not only counselling or soul care skills but also awareness of psychological attitudes, own and foreign ones. Therefore, group work is helpful, which allows people making experiments with coping strategies. This work can be in two stages: Facilitating an atmosphere of basic trust, while later confronting different attitudes by mixing the groups might be helpful. The chosen examples invite educators, counsellors, and researchers to make own experiences with a creative and multidimensional typing concept, which understands types as tendencies of remembering and communication attitudes, depending on the remembered and the current situation (focus on thoughts or emotions, senses or decisions) (Franzenburg, 2016a).

21 / 142 GOD IMAGES

Recent research underlines the strong relationship between positive God images (loving God) and self-esteem (Benson & Spilka, 1973; Francis, Robbins & Gibson,2001;[ Francis, 2005; Francis, Robbins & Gibson, 2006; Francis, Robbins & Kerr, 2007) and self-concept (Jolley& Taulbee, 1986); therefore, they suggest similar results concerning God-images and psychological well-being (Franzenburg, 2015a). Indeed, there is evidence concerning the relationship between God images and different aspects of psychological well-being, which are characterized by Ryff (1989): Contribution to purpose in life (Francis, 2013; Francis, Jewell, Robbins, 2010); empathy (Francis, 2007; Francis, Croft & Pyke, 2012,; Khajeh, Baharloo &Soliemanib, 2014), personal adjustment (Tisdale, Key, Edwards, Brokaw & Kemperman, 1997), with self-worth and moral-values (Francis, Gibson & Robbins, 2001; Francis,2001, Francis & Robbins, 2007), motivation (Schaffer & Gorsuch, 1992), coping (McElroy, 1999), mental health (Koohsa & Bonab, 2011) and others (Francis, 2007; Francis, Croft&Pyke, 2012, ). All these (selected) studies underline that the coping with God images is based on a (positive or negative) religious socialization and depends on the personality (Eysenck, 1975). They are based on a specific sample (mostly pupils of religious schools); thus, not only the content but also the fundament is limited. Based on these partial results, the following considerations should evaluate the contribution that God images make to psychological well-being in general (Franzenburg, 2015a). Because the evaluating perspective is not from empirical expertise, but from experiences in pastoral care and religious education, the core-criteria for evaluation will be, whether the arguments for and against a significant contribution are convincing for such purposes. Therefore, the essay will neither discuss the relationship between religion and psychology, nor the influence of religious attitudes on well-being in general, or the influence of single images on well-being; it will neither discuss all aspects of God images nor the relationship between God-attachment and well-being, but will consider the following aspects (Franzenburg, 2015a): What is meant by God images and by

22 / 142 psychological well-being? What are the arguments for or against the contribution? What conclusions can be drawn from these observations? What is meant by God images? Although God images as one aspect of a “religious imagination” (Greeley (Hegy, 2007) seem constructed and experienced (Kunkel et al., 1999), they represent attitudes, which combine old religious traditions with modern secular needs. Therefore, God images as “relational and emotional God representations” and “internal working models” for God-experiences (Davis, Morarty & Mauch, 2013) reflect the person‘s heart knowledge of God in an implicit, symbolic and emotional way (Davis, 2009) as a kind of “implicit personal religion” (Argyle, 2000). Therefore, antecedents (personality, gender, family), and consequences (social attitudes) of individual differences are crucial for research (Francis, 2001 and 2007; Franzenburg, 2015a). What is meant by psychological well-being? Psychological well-being is a holistic and dynamic process (Khumalo, 2010,), and a complex, and integrated concept encompassing various facets (Wissing and Temane, 2008) (Franzenburg, 2015a) As a dynamic process, it includes subjective, social, and psychological dimensions as well as health-related behaviours (Khumalo, 2010; Golke, 1994). Following the Ryff Scales (Ryff, 1989), psychological well-being consists of the following facets (Franzenburg, 2015a): self-acceptance, establishment of quality ties to others, a sense of autonomy in thought and action, ability to manage complex environments, ability to suit personal needs and values, pursuit of meaningful goals, and a sense of purpose in life (Ryff, 1989). Attached is empathy as an expression of personal well-being, and self-esteem as a kind of self-acceptance (Franzenburg, 2015a). As a kind of intrinsic religion, it is separated from „ extrinsic“, virtue-oriented models of hedonistic or eudemonistic well-being (Peterson & Seligmann, 2004). Therefore, it should be evaluated, whether such internal symbolic constructions of God make any significant contribution to the dynamic process of well-being What are the arguments for and against such contribution? Because God images and well-being are both influenced by childhood experiences of nurturance and discipline (Roberts, 1989), there are three answers concerning the contribution of God images to psychological well-being (Lawrence, 1997). There is no

23 / 142 contribution at all Children, who missed acceptance and basic trust, develop a God-image, which is mostly characterized by distance and control, from which they suffer as “ parent-symbols”. In their interpretation, their well-being does not depend on any God (images), but on their own achievement (Seegobin, Reyes, Hostler, Nissley& Hart, 2007). There is a partial contribution: Children, who experienced ‘conditionalized’ love (“good child”-model), develop a self- image that facilitates an authoritative God image (Franzenburg, 2015a). Therefore, God as an image contributes to their well-being only as an authority, whose rules have no real power (Francis, 2007). There is a strong contribution: Children, who experienced authentic love and basic trust, are able to integrate critique, rules, and conflicts within this framework, because they developed social attitudes from their socialization (Franzenburg, 2015a; Piazza & Glock, 1979,). In their interpretation, God images represent this basic trust, and, therefore, are the core-fundaments of their psychological well-being (Francis, 2007).

What contribution do God images make to psychological well-being? What contribution do God images make to psychological well-being? The research of almost 40 years demonstrates that coping with God images contributes to certain aspects of psychological well-being within a certain sample. Especially the questions of Lawrence inventory scale (2007) combine the individual situation of a person with his/her God image and with the social context and socialization. Other research underlines the different categories God images and thus contributes to a better understanding of their complexity. Especially educational purposes can draw benefit from such results. Thus, there are partial contributions of God images to psychological well-being, which facilitate opportunities for further research, which has already begun (political consequences, research of non-religious or retired/elder people and others) (Franzenburg, 2015a).

24 / 142 PERSONALITY TYPE

Eysenck (1975, 1976) obtained evidence that religious attitudes and beliefs load on tender-mindedness and are not related to radicalism. He further argued that tender-minded attitudes arise as a result of conditioning. Originally, it was assumed that the personality dimension of introversion-extraversion was of most relevance to conditioning, with introverts being more conditionable than extroverts. However, subsequent evidence indicated that psychoticism is negatively related to ease of conditioning (Eysenck & Eysenck, 1985). As a consequence, it is possible to predict that positive attitudes towards religion or religiosity will be associated with low extraversion or low psychoticism. It has also been predicted that religiosity will be associated with high neuroticism, in spite of the fact that neuroticism tends to be positively related to ease of conditioning (Eysenck & Eysenck, 1985). During the 1990s, interest has switched from extraversion and neuroticism to psychoticism. Psychoticism is typically higher in males than in females, and it tends to be negatively correlated with age (Eysenck & Eysenck, 1985). Accordingly, most researchers have assessed the relationship between psychoticism and religiosity with sex, or sex and age partially led to the evidence that low psychoticism is associated with religiosity within other, non-Christian, religions. For example, Wilde and Joseph (1997) obtained a significant negative correlation between psychoticism and scores on a Moslem Attitude towards Religion scale. Francis and Katz (1992) found that psychoticism correlated negatively with religiosity in a sample of Israeli students Carter et al. (1996) reported that psychoticism was negatively related to religious attitudes in a sample of adults highly committed to Christianity and attending a Christian study programme. Francis and Kay (1995) found that male Pentecostal ministry candidates attending the British Assemblies of God and Elim Bible colleges were significantly below population norms on psychoticism. However, this was not the case for female ministry candidates. there are some indications in the literature that psychoticism is negatively related to some aspects of religiosity but not to others. Maltby et al. (1995) distinguished between a personal orientation towards religion (including

25 / 142 religious attitude and personal prayer), and a public orientation to religion (e.g. church attendance). They found that low psychoticism was related to a personal (rather than a public) orientation towards religion. Related findings were reported by Lewis and Maltby (1996). They studied American male college students and found a significant negative correlation between psychoticism and frequency of personal prayer. However, psychoticism was unrelated to the frequency of church attendance (Eysenck 1998 (2012). Studies found, no evidence for a negative correlation between religiosity and mental health, despite the fact that religious subjects are in general more prone to guilt and also report more guilt feelings (Franzenburg, 2015a). Religious subjects generally reported more feelings of empathy than other subjects, which could be partly due to their higher levels of guilt. Concerning shame, religious subjects do not report more shame or are more prone to shame than other subjects (Luyten et al., 1998). Therefore shame and guilt could be important mediating variables in the relationship between religiosity and mental health (Allport and Ross, 1967; Hood et al., 1996). Thus, it could be argued that religion in general (Hood et al., 1996), and the Judaeo-Christian belief in particular, while emphasizing guilt and sin (and hence shame), at the same time provides the means for overcoming, or at least diminishing, the maladaptive effects of guilt and/or shame (Luyten et al. 1998). There is a growing body of empirical and theoretical evidence that supports the idea that religion can play an important role in coping with all kinds of (psychological) stress negative correlation between religiosity and psychological symptoms associated with a shame-prone and possibly guilt-prone modes of superego functioning, such as depression, anxiety, and anger, has often been reported (Baker & Gorsuch, 1982); if religion, directly and indirectly, prevents and/or attenuates the negative effects of shame and/or guilt, then the positive effects of a guilt-prone mode of superego functioning on interpersonal and intrapersonal functioning can come to the fore, especially in believers since they are expected to be more prone to guilt. This leads to the following predictions concerning the amount of religious involvement and mental health: although subjects who score high on religiosity are expected to score higher on both shame and guilt than subjects who score low on religiosity, there will be no differences between these two groups concerning interpersonal and intrapersonal adjustment since religion can be expected to attenuate or even

26 / 142 prevent the negative effects of shame and/or maladaptive guilt (Luyton et al., 1998).

27 / 142 POSITIVE PSYCHOLOGY

Concerning forgiveness, the relationship between gratitude and subjective well- being is crucial and can be compared with the distinction between hope and optimism which is often made by religious thinkers; it, thus, could usefully be imported into the psychological literature, as much of what is called hope may really only be optimism (Franzenburg, 2015a). The theory of hope demonstrates in this context, how religious faith can contribute to human hope (Joseph et al. 2006). This might lead some people to see positive psychology as supplanting and improving upon the centuries of rather imprecise, ineffective religious concern with human spiritual qualities to approach positive psychology within the broader framework that religious reflection and practice can offer. Recently there has been an explosion of psychological work on forgiveness, embodying two main strands of therapeutic intervention, one based on Attribution Theory and reframing, the other on empathy Empathy is the basis of the second major therapeutic approach to forgiveness, which underpins Worthington’s five-stage model of forgiveness: (1) recall the hurt; (2) empathize with the one who hurt you; (3) altruistic gift; (4) commitment to forgive; (5) holding onto forgiveness (cited by Joseph et al. 2006). When considering the interpersonal context of psychological forgiveness, it is important to consider the development of the capacity for forgiveness. Simmons (1979) provides a useful typology of those factors inherent to the concept of gratitude concept: (1) the benefit must be granted voluntarily, intentionally, freely, and not for disqualifying reasons; (2) the benefit must not be forced (unjustifiably) on the beneficiary against their will; (3) the beneficiary must accept the benefit (or would accept the benefit if certain impairing conditions were corrected); (4) it must be the case that the person to whom gratitude is owed provided with a benefit, or, through great effort or sacrifice, tried to provide a significant benefit. the distinction between hope and optimism. you can hope for things that you do not expect. Second, hope is influenced by moral values, and you can only properly hope for what is morally good. Third, you only hope for things that are important for you, not trivial things; and forth, hoping for something commits you to work to bring it

28 / 142 about. In this context, the function of the locus of control becomes obvious: The traditional distinction between internal and external control is that people with an external locus of control believe that rewards are largely determined by external forces such as fate, luck, chance, the government, or powerful others, whereas those with an internal locus of control believe that their own responses largely determine the amount and nature of the rewards they receive no control. Studying locus of control as a mediator in the relationship between religion and life satisfaction may be especially important in older adults as compared with younger adults, older adults may be better able to integrate their belief in an external source of control (God) with a sense of internal control. Locus of control will mediate the relationship between religiosity and life satisfaction; specifically, religiosity will be positively associated with external control, which will, in turn, be negatively related to life satisfaction, but religiosity will not be related to internal control, whereas internal control will be positively related to life satisfaction. Among older adults, religiosity will be positively associated with internal control; for younger adults, religiosity will not be related to an internal control (Fiori et al., 2006; Graffeo/Silvestri, 2006). Locus of control will mediate the relationship between religiosity and life satisfaction; specifically, religiosity will be positively associated with external control, which will, in turn, be negatively related to life satisfaction, but religiosity will not be related to internal control, whereas internal control will be positively related to life satisfaction. Among older adults, religiosity will be positively associated with internal control; for younger adults, religiosity will not be related to internal control. (Joseph et al. 2006) Among individuals in the sample self-identified as black, the association between religiosity and internal control is expected to be positive as compared with non- blacks, for whom religiosity will not be related to internal control. (4) For females, the association between religiosity and internal control will be positive, and this pathway will not be significant for males younger males and younger females, as well as younger males and older males, who differed in the pathway from religiosity to internal control. (Fiori et al. 2006) The relationship between religion and happiness has been the focus of much research. The majority of studies report a positive association between measures of religion and happiness; however, contradictory findings are common. This is exemplified in

29 / 142 the literature that has systematically employed the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity alongside two different measures of happiness among a variety of samples (Lewis et al., 2000).

30 / 142 EMPATHY TRAINING 1

Adult educators, particularly concerning teaching German as a foreign language, are often confronted with intercultural conflicts and make the experience that education includes more than teaching facts, vocabulary or grammar (Franzenburg, 2018b). Thus, they need a strategy of coping with cultural and communication challenges, which facilitates an empathic learning atmosphere; therefore, such concept has to be non-violent by avoiding (mutual) stereotypes and different levels of communication (Goffman, 1959). The study explored such strategies. It was based on the particular German context, characterized by the interdependence of historical and current intercultural conflicts, which are caused by the remembrance of Nazi regime racism and its influence on right- wing oriented violence against refugees and refugee camps. Therefore, it evaluated adult education programs concerning issues of intercultural conflicts and violent or non-violent communication, as well as biographical material used in these workshops. Although it is obvious that in the near future, intercultural learning will become a core challenge for adult education in a multidimensional sense (Fountain, 1999; Muller, 2002) it seems still focused on competencies for school teachers and managers. Thus, the study can assist adult educators in coping with the challenges of intercultural conflict in educational settings and everyday communication by finding non-violent strategies “approved by experience”. The more people’s conceptions of reality depend upon their symbolic environment, the greater is its’ social impact (Bandura, 2003). This is a core aspect of peace education for adults, which was influenced by the peace movement since 1970 by NGOs and by peoples’ lifeworld (Esser, 1973; Harris, 2004; Hamburger, 2009; Kühne & Rüßler, 2000). Because (youth and adult) education is more and more confronted with intercultural contexts, coping with diversity by conflict strategies becomes a core challenge for all participants (Wulf, 2006). Educators and learners have to acknowledge the different dimensions of cultural difference (Hofstede, 1997)), and have to become aware of stereotyping, communication apprehension and ethnocentrism (Neuliep & McCroskey, 1997).

31 / 142 The strong relationship between bias awareness and conflict resolution (Prutzman & Johnson, 1997) suggests an awareness of the other’s potential and of one’s mutual responsibility (Olson & Millgate, 1972). This facilitates increasing sensitivity to violence (Kivivuori, 2014), particularly as an anthropological phenomenon, depending on impulse-situations (Baberowski, 2015). The different types of peace education depend on the particular emphasis (on the atrocious sides of violence, on decreasing the potential for aggression, on conflict as the core of peace education, on prejudice, on state anarchy, on world citizenship, on influence and change: Burns & Aspeslagh, 1983); such concepts can be found in handbooks (Haußmann, Biener, Hock & Mokrosch, 2006; Snauwaert, 2008) or reviews (Reardon, 2000). Particularly the values of ethnic tolerance and patriotism and the differences between pedagogical and territorial differentiation are crucial because comprehensive schooling and non- federal systems are associated with smaller disparities of ethnic tolerance and patriotism across ethnic and social groups (Franzenburg, 2018b). Patriotism is positively linked to ethnic tolerance in non-federal systems (Janmaat & Mons, 2011). Therefore, peace studies and peace action belong together (Bing, 1989). In this context, the social representations theory can provide a positive approach to peace research and a theoretical framework for understanding peace movements (Sarrica & Contarello, 2004). As emphasized shortly after World War II, first-hand knowledge of one people by the other is a core aspect of peace work because self-appraisal is based on true understandings of the local and national lives of other peoples (Brouillette, 1949). The situation in Germany after 1945 could become a core model of transformative learning (Fretlöh- Thomas, 1998); in a similar way, also education after Auschwitz (Boschki & Schwendmann, 2010), or after Hiroshima (Demenchonok, 2009) can become a model for the need of reconciliation and understanding (Franzenburg, 2018b).

32 / 142 EMPATHY TRAINING 2

Compassion, empathy, and resilience Concerning the value of non-violent communication, Rosenberg (2005) explained that compassion influences both intra- and interpersonal relations. Influenced particularly by Carl Rogers, Rosenberg suggested that people should allow the positive within them to emerge, and to be dominated by love, respect, understanding, appreciation, compassion, and concern for others rather than allow the self-centred and selfish, greedy, hateful, prejudiced, suspicious and aggressive attitudes to dominate human thinking, and behaviour (Franzenburg, 2018b). He described both attitudes with words as “windows or walls”. This illustrates his life-long purpose to facilitate compassionate communication as a particular kind of resilience (exemplified by the concentration camp survivor Etty Hillesum). Another influence besides national and foreign biographies and besides humanistic psychology is a biblical tradition: With a quotation from Matthew 7,11 Rosenberg (2005) illustrated the difference between life alienating (by validating and moral judging) and life supporting (by observing and appreciating) attitudes. Besides this, other religions, particularly Buddhism, influenced his approach: In an interview, Rosenberg (2004) explained that spirituality is at the base of Non-Violent Communication (NVC). By integrating spirituality into the training its beauty should not be destroyed by abstract philosophizing. Therefore, God was for Rosenberg not a person, but more a kind of divine energy as a particular connection to life. (Martin/Varney, 2003). Following eastern (Buddhist) religiousness, being connected with human beings facilitates contact with the divine energy by tasting, feeling and becoming a part of it (Rosenberg, 2004). Although violent opposite movements get more interest in the media, non-violent campaigns have proven as successful in many countries (Stephan & Chenoweth, 2008). Such action models underline that communication is central to the effectiveness of non-violent action: methods of protest are essential means of communication, while methods of non-cooperation have crucial communicative

33 / 142 dimensions: conversion, power equalization, mobilization of third parties, collective empowerment and individual empowerment (Martin & Varney, 2003; Sipitanou & Foukidou, 2012). Evaluation of studies concerning NVC (Juncadella, 2013) underlined the heterogeneity of methods and measures. Five studies assessed the impact of NVC in real-life situations, conducted in educational institutions, and confirmed the core function of empathy (Butters, 2010; Lam, Kolomitro & Alamparambil, 2011; Shechter & Salomon, 2005; Stepien & Baernstein, 2006). Because the literature about non-violence seems still dominated by case studies without any systematic attempt to find the correlates of non-violent actions, an empirical study contrasting correlates of violent and non-violent action might be helpful, if there are enough examples (Galtung, 1965). Therefore, the complex multidisciplinary roots of multicultural education should be considered, and original research should be encouraged, following the educational policies of Israel (emphasis on Zionist ethos), Northern Ireland (focus on pluralism), and Cyprus (priority on Greek-centered education) (Bekerman, Zembylas & McGlynn, 2009), particularly in prejudice- oriented, inter-group education (Van Til & Denemark, 1950). NVC acknowledges the main assumptions concerning constructive conflict management: interests more important than legal issues, the purpose of shared gains, cooperative communication, perceptions and interpretations of events subjected to review and revision, no unilateral creation of any fait accompli, but preliminary discussions (Glasl, 2004; Orth, 2016). Nevertheless, people should avoid believing that any or all conflicts can be resolved for all time. Thus, conflict resolution is an interminable task, since new contradictions continually arise and old ones are revived (Galtung, 1998). Refugee studies underline that the volunteers, who are caring for refugees, are mostly well-educated females, and motivated by the purpose to facilitate changes in society, such as preventing stereotypes and racism(Schiffauer, Eilert & Rudloff, 2017 and others). Because intercultural communication apprehension can be seen as anxiety associated, with either real or anticipated communication with people from different ethnic groups, people show different attempts to engage in intercultural interactions. Thus, both attitudes, intercultural communication apprehensiveness, and ethnocentrism can have negative effects on an individual’s willingness to communicate outside of the “in-group”

34 / 142 (Neuliep, 2012). Such behaviour concerns the different dimensions of cultural difference: Access to power, collectivism versus individualism, masculinity versus femininity, avoidance of insecurity, long-term versus short-term orientation (Hofstede, 1997). This underlines the particular role of culture, perspective, goals, and methods (Glasl, 2004) or interests, mutual gains, cooperative communication, revised interpretations and perceptions, preliminary discussions instead of unilateral agreements (Glasl 2004) for managing intercultural conflicts. Besides, also the renunciation of violence, change of perspective, readiness to talk, readiness for dialogue, mediation, trust, rules of fair play, empathy, commonalities, the balance of interests, and reconciliation are core attitudes (Gugel & Jäger, 2009). Because however, not all conflicts can be resolved for all time, conflict resolution is just another stage in the conflict process, which has to be evaluated (Galtung, 1998). Combining both analysis and action facilitates a model for the design of evidence-based intercultural education and training programs (Martins, 2008; Stephan & Stephan, 2013). Particularly the need for immigrants for participation in adult education suggests adult educators become intercultural consultants by empathy, parity of relationships, humour and a climate of cooperation (Sipitanou & Foukidou, 2012). This is facilitated by empathy, respect, role behaviour, non- judgementalism, openness, tolerance for ambiguity, and interaction management as core skills for intercultural sensitivity for cultural differences (Bennett, 1993; Hixson, 2003; Schairbaum 2011). In this context, the transformative learning theory is helpful (Mezirow, 1991; Taylor, 1994), because it facilitated contextual awareness of beliefs and feelings, and encourages changing attitudes and perspectives. Thus, adapting and acknowledging other cultures becomes possible. Therefore, adult educators should clarify their own conceptions of teaching and the particular beliefs and intentions; thus, they place themselves in the institutional, cultural, political, and social contexts of their co-workers (Pratt, 1992). For this challenge, categorizing the different approaches to intercultural training is helpful (Deardorff, 2006; Spitzberg & Changnon, 2009). One further core aspect of intercultural education is language learning and communication between different languages as the processing and negotiating information across boundaries declined by the respective languages and cultures

35 / 142 involved (Huth, 2010). In a similar way, the practice of community-based intercultural inquiry facilitates a collaboratively transformed understanding (Flower, 2003). Combining theory and practice of different religious and cultural contexts and conflicts, which concern conflict resolution and intercultural training concepts into inter-religious peace-building facilitates an intercultural sensitivity model and encourages intercultural communication by mutual acknowledgment of attitudes, rituals, symbols, knowledge, and beliefs within a collaborative interfaith dialogue (Abu-Nimer, 2001). Different dispute- resolution formats can serve as alternatives for the traditional court trial (or civic litigation), and thus, facilitate conflict resolution projects (by facilitation, negotiation, mediation, arbitration, and trial by peers in small groups) (Chetkow-Yanoov, 1996). Because the existing research literature discusses only particular aspects of adult education, of non-violent communication, and of intercultural conflicts, and shows little interest in their interdependence, the study contributes to this research by its integrative approach, and by the additional aspect of German history and its influence on adult education with refugees (Franzenburg, 2018b). Summarizing this brief review about the important literature concerning peace studies, non-violence studies, adult education studies, spirituality studies, intercultural studies, it becomes obvious that the research mainly focuses on single aspects, such as coping with religious and secular values, the individual and collective sphere, past and present experiences of intercultural conflicts, global and local approaches towards peace-making, and communication as a core medium for conflict management learning. An integrative approach, which combines these single aspects from a religious and psychological point of view, and with a particular adult educational focus, seems missing. In order to fill this gap, this study intends to answer the following research questions: 1. Which religious and psychological aspects of intercultural conflicts and non-violent conflict management can be found in Protestant adult education? 2. Which are the religious or value aspects of non-violent conflict management by adult education? 3. How do adult educators and trainers of non-violent communication characterize the biographical, conceptual, and particularly religious or value-oriented aspects of their work? ( (Franzenburg, 2018b).

36 / 142 Research method Data triangulation (Mays & Pope, 1995) was applied in the study, with the collation and analysis of three different data sources: Programs, educational material, and interview answers. According to the research questions, only such programs, materials and answers were chosen, which - show religious and psychological aspects of intercultural conflicts and non-violent conflict management, - facilitate evaluating the religious or value aspects of non-violent conflict management, and - underline the biographical, conceptual, and particularly religious or value-oriented background and aspects of such attitude. The study analyzed Protestant adult education programs since the year 2000 by searching for (non-) violence or intercultural oriented terms (conflict, culture, intercultural, migrants, migration, non-violent, peace, resistance, totalitarian, violence, war) during the process of Thematic Analysis (Braun & Clark, 2006; Tuckett, 2005). This analysis facilitated choosing the right workshops or courses for deeper evaluation, courses, which belong to both fields, non-violent conflict management and intercultural conflicts concerning the appropriate terms in the text. Applied educational texts of each chosen workshop (parts of biographies, narrations, reports) were analyzed using Thematic Analysis (Braun & Clark, 2006; Tuckett, 2005). During the process of data collection, looking for key terms concerning non-violence and intercultural issues facilitated finding the appropriate main and sub-themes (with quotes) (Franzenburg, 2018b). Design In order to try and understand the lived experience of negotiating potential conflict in an adult educational setting, a qualitative approach was appropriate. Therefore, the study adopted a qualitative approach through the use of Thematic Analysis (Braun & Clark, 2006; Tuckett, 2005) applied to the three data sources: educational programs, text material, and interview answers (Kvale, 1996; Rubin & Rubin, 1995). Three different types of data were evaluated: Programs of Protestant adult education; short texts applied in the chosen workshops; and interview data from adult education teachers and NVC trainers. This data triangulation (two or more methods of data collection; two or more sources) helped to ensure validity (Mays & Pope, 1995). The influences of the researcher on the investigation

37 / 142 through personal biases, beliefs and experiences were considered throughout; and it was further endeavored to ensure validity by exploring alternative explanations for findings or contradicting data during the analysis process (Franzenburg, 2018b). 1. Program data. After deciding the topic of the research, evaluation of literature, and following ethical approval, data collection started with collecting the programs of Protestant adult education - via the internet (Evangelisches Forum, 2004-2015; Erwachsenenbildungswerk, 2004 – 2015). By searching for appropriate terms (World War II, Nazi regime, Soviet regime, resistance, Shoa, modern conflicts, non-violent communication, intercultural learning) the chosen workshops were selected and categorized according to their main topic (Person, biography, issue, place etc.) In detail, the following material was chosen: Religious (protestant) adult education programs: - From the last 20 years of a Church independent Protestant organization (“Evangelisches Forum Muenster“). - From the last 10 years of a Church based religious (Protestant) adult education centre (belonging to the Church district of Muenster). Because the Church-oriented adult education programs integrated the issue of non-violence and intercultural conflicts into other contexts (presentations of countries or excursions), the analysis concentrated on the programs of the “Evangelisches Forum Muenster”. In line with Thematic Analysis, in a first step, the study analysed materials of all courses and workshops, which were found in the adult education programs, by applying appropriate key terms, such as war, peace, violence, culture, religion, conflict, reconciliation, resistance, coping and others (in German). It accepted only those workshops from the adult education programs for further evaluation, which concerned either intercultural or peace-oriented issues (or both) by showing one (or more) of these terms. In a second step, it analyzed workshops, which allowed further analysis concerning key codes (psychological information, religious messages, historical contexts, educational concepts) by looking for the applied material (documents, narrations, reports, and others). Therefore, general worships, excursions, cultural exhibitions, demonstrations, cultural events, and theological issues were excluded, because their contribution

38 / 142 to particular aspects of the research issues was without any significance (Franzenburg, 2018b). 2. Educational material data. In order to find the appropriate parts of the material which represent the particular workshop, the main themes and sub-themes of the workshop were evaluated by multiple reviews; and themes were chosen which were pertinent to the research questions due to the inclusion of the relevant terms (war, peace, violence, culture, religion, conflict, reconciliation, resistance, coping and others (in German)). Concerning the single texts (reports, narrations, documents) such parts were chosen for further analysis which demonstrated the chosen themes (non-violence, intercultural conflict, and others) in a significant way, and, thus, allowed the analysis of psychological information, religious messages, historical contexts, educational concepts, and similar issues (Franzenburg, 2018b). 3. Interview data. In order to find out how Protestant adult educators used non-violent strategies in intercultural conflict, the evaluation of their workshops and of the applied educational material provided only partial information. Therefore, adult education teachers with a Protestant context were recruited by invitation letters with information sheets, and interviews were conducted once written, informed consent was obtained from participants. Because of the intercultural context, and because most of the lectures were held by external (not available) experts, the interviews were held with teachers of German as a second language and of German culture for (adult) refugees. They answered about the biographical influences of intercultural contacts or conflicts and of experiences of violent or non-violent communication in their educational strategies, and about their purposes or visions concerning non-violent intercultural strategies for dialogues, groups, and society. In order to explore the biographical backgrounds of non-violent communication (NVC), NVC-trainers were recruited and asked in an analog way about their biographical influences, conceptual considerations, and visions for the future. The interview sample was chosen from the author’s former colleagues and their peers or associates, and through internet advertisements of NVC workshops. Seven women and three men (between 25 and 65 years old) who worked in a Protestant institution (either in a parish, a

39 / 142 Church centre, or a deacon organization), agreed to take part in the study, and appointments were made for interviews, each about 30 minutes in duration. Because the participants preferred that the interviewer take notes rather than audio record the interview (this alternative was provided on the information sheet and consent form), their answers were written down during the interview by the researcher (in German). Each of the interviews consisted of three parts - concerning the aspects of past (biographical background), present (approach), and future experiences (expectations), and concerning the meaning for individuals, groups, and for social life (Bandura, 1997, 2003). After the transcription of the handwritten notes into a word-processed document, the texts were analysed by Thematic Analysis (Braun & Clark, 2006; Tuckett, 2005) concerning the particular aspects of non-violent strategies in intercultural conflicts (rituals, rules, traditions, peer groups, beliefs, stages of faith (Girard, 2013)), and of psychological aspects (virtues and character strengths, social learning, different coping styles, coping with prejudices and stereotypes, individual and collective memory, and others). Finally, the (German) results were translated (Franzenburg, 2018b). Data analysis Following the triangulated data collection, thematic analysis was conducted on the three data sources: 10 programs, 10 educational texts, and 10 interviews, which were evaluated using Thematic Analysis in line with the research questions, the exclusion criteria were applied to choose the appropriate workshops from the general sample (about 700 courses) (first step) and from the peace and intercultural oriented sample (about 50 workshops). (second step). From these 50 workshops, ten were analyzed concerning their super-ordinate themes, main themes and sub-themes through multiple readings and evaluations (Franzenburg, 2018b). 2. Educational material data. The same procedure and evaluation (orientation at the evaluation categories by searching for appropriate terms (religious and secular strategies, socialization, and values, past-, presence- or future orientation)) concerned the applied educational material in each workshop. Each type of material (narration, document or report) was analysed by reading and re-reading it concerning

40 / 142 message, context, purpose, and style of the texts, until particular themes emerged. In order to find superordinate themes, main themes, and sub-themes from this sample, they were re-evaluated several times according to the mentioned (non)violence and intercultural oriented terms and issues (Franzenburg, 2018b). Interview data. Interviews were analysed by using the following categories as a framework: Biographic influences, educational concept, and interpretations. The following questions were asked during the interviews and applied during evaluation: Questions for teachers of religious (Protestant) adult education with a focus on peace education: Why are religion-oriented, conflict-oriented, or intercultural issues important? (biographical aspect) How are you coping with religious or value conflicts during the education process? (concept aspect) What are Your experiences with this concept; are there any religious implications? What are Your purposes and aims? What are the benefits for individuals and society, particularly concerning religiousness and value systems? (interpretation aspect) Questions for trainers of non-violent communication (NVC): How and why did you come in contact with the concept of NVC? (biographical aspect) What were my experiences with NVC (chances and challenges), particularly concerning intercultural and religious issues? (concept aspect) What are my purposes and aims concerning NVC; why is it important for individuals and society, which are the values behind? (interpretation aspect) As the evaluation of the mentioned particular homepages demonstrated, Church independent Protestant adult education seemed more interested in non-violent intercultural conflict management than that organized by Churches. While the programs of Church organized adult education included such topics into presentations about foreign countries, particularly the Baltic States or Africa, there were many more workshops concerning this issue in the programs of Church-independent Protestant adult education. Both types of Protestant adult education acknowledged the particular value of remembrance days for their work: Non- violent intercultural conflict management – like general peace work – became acknowledged and obvious, when integrated in a global event of a particular „peace day“. Particularly Church independent Protestant adult education

41 / 142 acknowledged the value of biographical learning: Both kinds of Protestant adult education acknowledged the sensitive relationship between Germany and Israel, and between Germany and former colonies, or responsibilities of (Lutheran) Church for war crimes. 1. Program data. During the process of repeated analysis of Protestant adult education programs, the following sample of main themes (and sub-themes) emerged: Anti Nazi resistance (biography, biographical model, biographical resources, concentration camps) caring (empathy (training), encounter, God images, sermon, (common) worships), complexity (balancing, contexts,discussion), enthusiasm Christians as mediators, Church, religious rhetoric), finding a new home (finding own coping, lost homeland), healing of memories (spiritual coping, (religious) stereotypes, remembrance, (silent) stories, faith, memory, memory places), model learning (analogies, appropriate approach, awareness, family, single person, social influences) new beginning (Bible studies, encouragement, own decision, own experience),project learning (experience and contexts, sharing experiences), reconciliation (mediation strategies, mourning, narrations, small steps),World War (coping, suffering (from War), theodicy, trauma, home front grave, heroism. Napoleon, model, nation, paroles, Poland, prison, propaganda, religion and politics) From these themes - as a result of initial analysis of the workshop materials - the following five were most appropriate for further analysis, because they showed the closest connection with the research aims, and integrated some of the others as main themes . Anti-Nazi-resistance World War I mobilization. finding a new home, reconciliation, healing of memories by memory places (Franzenburg, 2018b). 2. Educational material data. During this repeated analysis process, the following sample of sub-themes emerged, which demonstrate, how particular texts contribute to the research: Analogies (1914 and today, beginning of WW I, „Buß- and Bettag“), Church and Nazi regime (awareness of actors and witnesses, life in Nazi prison, empathy with victims, against cruelty and oppression,machinery of mass murder, confession, becoming a confessor, police report, socialization, totalitarian system, violence), Language (encouraging, multidimensional approach,

42 / 142 contextualization, translation), Life in DP-Camps (life of Displaced Persons, contacts, encounter, WW II, suffering,homeland, housing, hunger).,Patriotism (duty, Heimat, patriotic rituals, Prussia, style of war), Poland and Germany (European relations, learning from a model, learning from history, Polish migrants in Germany). (Post-) Colonialism (consequences of colonialism, group conflicts, “Orange revolution“, Orthodox Churches after 1945 and 1991, trauma, unification of Churches). Reconciliation (cemeteries, encounters and research, historical research and political actions, secular ritual, mediation).,Responsibility (Church supported War, coping with stereotypes, empathy, caring), Shoa („Endlösung”, autobiography, from Germany to Israel, German – Jewish relations).,Worship (prayer, clergy, extrinsic and intrinsic religiousness, faith and Bible study, Church and politics/state, sermon, theodicy, symbols). From these themes, five were chosen as most appropriate for deeper analysis, because they include most of the others, and illustrated in a significant way, what is meant by non-violent coping with intercultural conflicts. Shoa or Holocaust, Church, and Nazi regime. Life in DP-camps, Poland and Germany, (Post) colonialism (Franzenburg, 2018b). 3. Interview data. During the process of repeated analysis of the interview answers, the following sample of sub-themes emerged: Christian groups (informal learning, models, motivation, religion, and politics, religion and culture, religious instruments, rituals, trust, vision). Encounter (change of perspective, awareness, peers study, students). Inner and external peace (enthusiasm, peace movement, interest, peace work, non-violence, social justice). Institutional cooperation (complex situations, political action, political interest, projects, searching). Language learning (foreign languages, mutual learning, interpretations, multidimensional approach). Learning by excursions (actions, everyday life, experience, experiment, field studies, journeys, learning by doing, systemic approach). Memory places (cultural instruments, emotion and argument). Mutual tolerance (intercultural contacts, projects, cultural differences, individual differences). Participation( contact with migrants, community, communication,dialogue, equal rights). Family socialization (family contacts, family history, parents as refugees, media, private contacts). War childhood (coping strategies, camps,

43 / 142 Ruhr region). From these themes, five seem most appropriate for deeper analysis concerning non-violent coping strategies with intercultural conflicts during adult education, because they include most of the others, and illustrated in a significant way, what is meant by non-violent coping with intercultural conflicts. family socialization war childhood, inner and external peace, learning by excursions, mutual tolerance (Franzenburg, 2018b). Synopsis In order to integrate the findings of these different data sources, the shared themes were helpful. Comparing all 400 emerged themes facilitated the following observations: 1. A core influence on non-violent or violent attitudes – particularly in intercultural contexts, came from family socialization. This emphasis could be found in all three data sources as super-ordinate, main and sub-theme. 2. For religious oriented persons, Church and religiousness influenced belief systems, attitudes, language and social environment in all three data sources. 3. For more secular-oriented persons, peer group encounters and intercultural contacts with others have similar impacts. 4. Awareness and empathy are core attitudes toward non-violent conflict management in all three data sources. 5. Concerning learning of non-violent coping strategies, model learning is a core approach (Roberts, 2010). 6. Memory places particularly facilitate such a learning process. 7. Language is the core medium of all learning processes and approaches. Discussion The study analysed from a German Protestant point of view how and why teachers use particular conflict-and non- violence oriented contents, strategies, and methods during their workshops. Using a qualitative approach, interviews with adult educators, programs of Protestant adult education, and educational material were analysed using Thematic Analysis. By answering the research questions which concerned religious and psychological aspects of intercultural conflicts and non-violent conflict management in Protestant adult education; religious or value aspects of non-violent conflict management by adult education; and biographical, conceptual, and particularly religious or value-oriented background, the findings contribute to the existing research literature, the particular aspect of the religious and psychological of both intercultural conflicts and their non- violent management. They demonstrated that family socialization, Church and

44 / 142 religiousness, peer group encounters, and intercultural contacts are core motivations for presenting and sharing past and current non-violent coping attitudes with intercultural conflicts, and that awareness and empathy – facilitated by model learning and visiting memory places – are core attitudes, particularly concerning language as the core medium of programs, texts and educational or training processes. The following considerations will discuss in detail this particular contribution; the strengths and limitations, implications, and practical applications will be emphasized in the conclusion. Analysing these main themes under intense scrutiny resulted in the following super-ordinate themes, which can be characterized as core aspects in respect of the research question: Remembering for coping. 1.2. Me and the others. Living in a “global village”.1. 4. “Speak that I can see you”. 1.5. “De gustibus non disputandum est” , 2.1. Coping by faith. 2.2. Coping by encounter. 2.3. Coping by narration 3. Interview data: 3.1. Secular or religious oriented? 3.2. Intrinsic or extrinsic, introverted or extroverted? 3.3. Looking back or looking forward? Similar to the single data sources, also the synoptic findings underline the multidimensional character of non-violent coping with intercultural conflicts, which integrates individual and collective, past, present and future, local and global aspects: 1. That family socialization was a core theme of all data sources, demonstrates the role of socialization, which facilitates – or prevents – such empathic attitudes 2. That in all data sources the particular role of extrinsic (church) and intrinsic (faith, values) religiousness was emphasized, underlines its facilitating (or preventing) function, not only for members of a particular religion or denomination, but with the emphasis on peer group encounters and intercultural contacts, which is also emphasized in all data sources. 3. In all data sources, non-violent coping with intercultural conflicts is a matter of learning, particularly a kind of experience-oriented learning: It is based on awareness and empathy and is model oriented, and is facilitated by a particular environment (memory places) and communication styles (integrating of mother-tongue and foreign languages). Therefore, an integrative and multidimensional educational approach to non-violent coping with (intercultural) conflicts is crucial ((Deardorff, 2006; Spitzberg and Changnon, 2009), which combines migration study and memory study (Boesen and Lentz, 2010). Although such emphasis on

45 / 142 the Protestant principle since Martin Luther might be influenced by the Protestant context of researcher and participants, and also by the Christian background of most of the evaluated texts, the results, nevertheless, indicate that non-violent coping with intercultural conflicts by adult education is both: a chance and a challenge: It is a chance, because non-violent coping with intercultural conflicts concerns only a small part of Protestant adult education, and only concerns a small part within a report or an autobiographical narration, but, as a constitutive part of adult education and educationally applied texts, influenced narrations or belief systems. Although, as an essential element within the professional life of adult (language) educators and of NVC trainers, non- violence influenced their biography and educational strategy. in a significant way. It is a challenge because of its integration into other contexts, because of its integration of experiences, expectations, belief and value systems, emotions, different languages, and purposes. Both experiences, of non-violent coping as a chance and a challenge, suggest further research, which recognizes both the chance of integrating NVC and intercultural conflicts into a broader framework and the challenge of elementarization of complex situations without simplification. Because of its complexity, the research can be compared with a mosaic stone within a large field of research, which became obvious during the evaluation of research literature. Because of the small sample, and the qualitative method, the results should not be generalized (no general overview), but they are transferable to similar contexts. According to the ecumenical character of the results also other denominations – and perhaps religions – should be evaluated concerning their educational approach towards non-violent coping with intercultural conflicts. According to the main historical focus of this research on the Nazi era (with preconditions, aspects (colonialism, nationalism) and consequences, also other historical events (“Cold war”, American history, Russian history) should be analysed concerning the role of non-violent coping strategies (Franzenburg, 2018b). A comparison between school and adult education would also be valuable. Motivated by former professional work of the author in Protestant adult education, and by confrontation with intercultural conflicts based on cultural differences, and different learning or communication approaches, the study evaluated systematically how adult educators could draw benefit from non-

46 / 142 violent strategies during intercultural conflicts in their work by applying appropriate contents and texts, and by considering their biographical and professional experiences. Concerning the religious and psychological aspects of intercultural conflicts and non-violent conflict management, the evaluation of programs, texts and interview answers exemplify how education contributes to peace studies and peace work by demonstrating that intercultural conflicts in many cases depend on the complex interdependencies between an individual person and the social environment, between the different and not transparent memories, experiences and expectations, value systems, language and communications styles and networks on both sides (Franzenburg, 2018b).. As illustrated by particular examples from evaluated programs, educational material, and interview answers, the different activities of Protestant adult education – including non-violent communication training – emphasize the purpose of learning from the past for understanding the current experiences, in order to be prepared for future challenges. A further core aspect concerning religious and psychological aspects of intercultural conflicts and non-violent conflict management in Protestant adult education are religious and secular values, which also influence contents, methods and purposes of Protestant adult education. While workshop information and applied texts for the workshops often showed these values only in an indirect, covert way, it became clear that the basic conviction of Protestant education about human dignity, apart from any external characteristics (culture, language, social or intellectual status) influenced both workshop and text. This conviction became obvious in the interview answers, where this dignity was explained as a partnership, open- minded encounter, avoiding stereotypes, and similar expressions. The findings of the research recommended transforming educational knowledge into educational experiences and attitudes concerning the increasing challenge of intercultural conflict-resolution. While the (negative) impacts of stereotypes on social life (between partners, groups, ethnic groups, nations) are extensively discussed, there is only few research about the social impacts on stereotypes, particular concerning historical events (Hahn and others, 2008). This research underlines the value of stereotypes as an opportunity to categorize encounters into „we“ and „others“, and to develop a kind of „product-image“; when keeping unconsidered and used

47 / 142 for stereotyping others, they change into prejudices and stigmatisations. Because stereotypes demonstrate how people interpret their experiences emotionally and politically, and how they cope with them at the same time, such research is crucial, particular concerning traumatic events, such as flight and expulsion. What people remember from childhood in a religious sense, is – even in a secular form - a particular “religious imagination” (Greeley (quoted by Hegy, 2007, 7), such as love, freedom, peace, and acceptance. Although such images seem constructed and experienced (Kunkel and others, 1999, 194 and 198), they represent attitudes, which combine old religious traditions with modern secular needs, particular concerning different social and historical frameworks, such as the German and Czech relationship. (Franzenburg, 2015) Therefore, religious metaphoric language reflects the person‘s heart religious knowledge in a symbolic and emotional way as a kind of “implicit personal religion” (Argyle, 2000). Such experiences are the main content of religious-oriented memories and influence personal life-satisfaction within a dynamic process (Khumalo, 2010, 4-5), and a complex and integrated concept encompassing various facets (Wissing and Temane, 2008). As a dynamic process, memorizing and coping include subjective, social, and psychological dimensions, which lead to self- acceptance, establishment of quality ties to others, a sense of autonomy in thought and action, ability to manage complex environments, ability to suit personal needs and values, pursuit of meaningful goals, and a sense of purpose in life (Ryff, 1989, Franzenburg, 2015 , 1071 and 1074; cf. Khumalo, 2010). Such abilities are crucial, particularly in traumatic situations, such as flight and expulsion (Franzenburg, 2016). Because such effects depend on personal experience, first-hand accounts from expellees facilitate not only an examination of the role of subjectivity in „ objective“history, but also provide an opportunity to observe the way, in which collective memory is formed within a group: by sharing individual memories, and forming a common narrative, which often is confronted with alternative, competitive or antagonistic narratives such as between German and Czech people (Assmann and Czaplicka, 1995, Halbwachs, 1950, Hirst, 2008).

48 / 142 CONSIDERING STEREOTYPES

A stereotype can be defined as a cognitive structure that contains the perceiver’s knowledge, beliefs, and expectancies about some human group (Hamilton and Trolier,1986), It contains schemas about objects, events and people, which help to simplify a complex social environment by quickly and efficiently processing incoming stimuli based on the presence of a few relevant characteristics (Hamilton and Trolier,1986). Such schemas also categorize expectations, once other traits of a category have been encountered by priming as giving a short information about what features or traits one should expect to encounter (Franzenburg, 2015c). Therefore, a primed concept is more accessible to human consciousness than others, and, thus, can influence how people perceive subsequent information. As a kind of knowledge- and belief-management about social groups, stereotypes are learned through media and everyday interactions with others;nevertheless, there are differences between knowledge of the stereotype and endorsement of it, and between high- and low-prejudiced individuals, because of the different use of controlled cognitive processing to suppress the automatically-activated stereotype (Hamilton and Trolier,1986). Thus, stereotypes of various social groups can be activated automatically, and they can influence how people interpret incoming information; they also can activate and influence processing, even when people don’t endorse them, but people can inhibit these tendencies if they know about them (Lewinston, 1993) and if they have the cognitive capacity to work against them (Blair &Banaji, 1996). People can try to work around stereotypes, once they have been activated (Devine, 1989). These general considerations should be exemplified by the stereotypes, which Sudeten-Germans and Czech people developed as their particular coping- strategies. (Gorham, 20110). Therefore, a primed concept is more accessible to human. Following and illustrating their own particular interests, their examples remind of the theory of the “ultimate attribution error” (Pettigrew, 1979), which explains the behaviours of “ingroups” and “outgroups” as functions of either “internal” or “external” causes concerning one’s inferences about people’s

49 / 142 behaviours (Power et al, 1996). Positive behaviours will likely be attributed to external causes, when performed by out-group members and internal causes, when performed by members of the in-group . Thus, the in-group is always held in higher esteem, because good behaviours are seen as internal to the group, whereas bad behaviours are the result of negative external influences (Gorham, 2010). Such attitudes should be evaluated concerning the expulsions of 1945. That cultural stereotypes – particular of the majority-groups – give highly edited and distorted images of groups that tend to support the way groups are treated in society, can also be demonstrated by Sudeten-germans and Czech people. Germans create the group narrative of the expulsions, while Czech memories of the same period of time present a conflicting story. The interaction of individual memories with the collective memory of both, the group to which an individual belongs, and groups with different collective memories, is a key to understand the importance of the expulsions in Central European history since the end of the Second World War (Wilson, 2011). Conflicting and shifting collective memories still govern the relationship between Czechs and Sudeten-germans to the present day. Furthermore, analysing the collective memories of both, Czechs and the Sudeten-Germans, helps to understand the national and ethnic identities of both groups: Collective memory plays a huge role in uniting the members of a given group, and defines their relationship to the world around them (Assmann and Czaplicka, 1995; Halbwachs, 1950; Hirst, 2008). The collective memories of persecution and victimhood on both sides of the expulsions have defined the identities of Czechs and Sudeten-Germans for more than sixty years (Wilson, 2011) Political acceptance of the collective narrative of the expulsions has been crucial to the development of a unified identity, both for those who were expelled, and for those who did the expelling.(Agnew, 2004). The evaluation of these narrations should answer the following questions (Franzenburg, 2015c): 1. What social background influenced the experiences of German and Czech people in 1945? 2. How did the expellees cope with these impacts? 3. What kind of metaphoric and stereotypes did they use to explain their experiences? a) religious – secular b) for persons – things – events c) considered – not considered

50 / 142 These questions should be answered both ways, quantitative and qualitative, in order to evaluate how, and how often specific stereotypes are used in particular situations of expulsion and flight. Personal memories of an event are inherently subjective, as they filter apparently objective facts through a lens of individual beliefs and opinions (Wilson, 2011) Collective memory, on the other hand, as well as collective history, collects many of these unique experiences and perspectives to construct the event in the minds of a group (Hirst, 2008).The individuals involved may have all endured the same traumas and survived the same ordeals, but no two accounts will ever be exactly identical (Wilson, 2011) Since the Sudeten Germans now have no concrete link to their homeland, those collective memories are one of the main ways the group is able to maintain its unity; these memories primary are concerned with desolate food, accommodations in the camps, and with treatment by the Czech nationalists. On the Czech side, the primitive conditions of the barracks for the Germans were a logical consequence of their attitudes during Nazi-era. Thus, individual experience that contradicts the master- narrative of collective memory, does not necessarily prompt an individual to reject this collective memory. It is likely that, on the contrary, the motifs and plots of collective memory in many cases replaced memories of events, through which individuals had actually lived. In many cases, memories of kind Germans or the brutality of their forced resettlement were driven from the minds of the Czech people who had personal experience of the events, because they did not fit it into the officially sanctioned master-narration; thus, they became cultural artifacts or stereotypes. (Wilson, 2011). Quantitative (ANOVA) and qualitative (Grounded Theory) instruments should evaluate how social and individual stereotypes influenced attitudes, beliefs, and interpretations of individuals and groups, and how education can draw benefit from such influences and interdependences. Both instruments together build and demonstrate a multidimensional approach, which facilitates an overview and insight concerning stereotypes and their social impacts. The content of research are published and unpublished autobiographical narrations about own experiences of both nations during the End of War 1945, particular flight and expulsion. Because there are different coping strategies – direct or indirect way, real or fictive, cognitive or emotional – there are different kinds of narration that will

51 / 142 be evaluated: 1. Ottfried Preussler, the flight of the holy family (quotations) as a model, how to encode and decode, de- and reconstruct experiences, 2. memory- narrations of expelled as a way of coping with traumata, 3. comments. and interpretations. Evaluated single and in comparison, the psychological and religious, individual and social dimensions of memory-cultures become obvious, exemplified by the element of stereotypes. The evaluation of Preussler’s narration about the flight of the holy family (as quotations), of memory- narrations of expelled and Czech people, and modern comments and interpretations, should demonstrate how the social environment influenced the experiences of both groups and their stereotypes, and how both groups coped with these impacts by using different types of stereotypes. Therefore, these texts will be evaluated also in comparison to each other, concerning the statistical and hermeneutic meaning of particular stereotypes. The material consists only of short examples, which allow some conclusions, but is not representative or a real overview. Evaluated are the following texts: 1. Preussler, flight (in parts): Start of the refuge (chapter 1) – looking for shelter until morning (chapter 19) – empathy with the victims (chapter 28) 2. Czech quotations (from Turmwald, 1951): From a female settler (peace-loving neighbourhood and violent soldiers) – From a nurse-nun (a suffering German would get no help because Germans did not help her) – from a new landowner (benefit from the expulsion) – from a camp-officer (Germans have no God) - from the Benes-Decrees (Germans as Fascists without Czech citizenship rights) 3. From German quotations (Turmwald, 1951): Soldiers attacking the Germans – Germans in camps without luggage received things that were uniformly unusable - Russian officers prevented worse violence - astonishment about Czech violence - German women rescued their husbands from starvation 4. From Dissertations Sudeten- Germans with strong preferences for practical higher secondary schooling (Semrad, 2015) – Czech administration and committees responsible for expulsions (Gerlach, 2007).. Evaluating the texts with the method of Grounded Theory, the following categories of stereotypes seem to be crucial: „Not civilians but troops were the devils“ – „Germans are rightless“ – „The others are the winners“ - „There are friendly helpers/angels“ – „Empathy is a key for understanding“ – „education and culture are crucial“ - „Germans are Nazis“. Both approaches, quantitative and qualitative, underline the crucial meaning of each

52 / 142 of these categories of stereotypes, which are core-elements of the cultural identity of an ethnic group, and, therefore, culturally and socially influenced: Most of the quotes (58%) emphasize on the stereotype „Germans are Nazis“ - German and Czech narrations, Preussler, Benes-Decrees and the Dissertation of Gerlach, each of them from a different point of view and with different purposes. These different approaches underline that this stereotype is social influenced by different group-purposes: While the Czech narrations, and also the Benes decrees emphasize on the collective memory-culture with the focus on the „master-narration“ of German occupation and oppression 1938, which transfers the Czechs from actors and collaborators to victims, the Germans found in this „prejudice“ a collective excuse for suffering from expulsion and violence. Preussler did not mention Nazism, but emphasizes the stereotyping of the (German) refugees by the Czech people. Similar Gerlach emphasizes on the „ethnic cleanse“ by Czech authorities and administration. Social influences, therefore, primary mean peer-group- and public influence. 42% of the quotations emphasize on the stereotype „not the civilians but troops were the devils“: Preussler (2x), two Czech and two German narrations mention this stereotype. Particular in Preussler’s story, this fact is expressed. Also, the other narrations confirm that the violence came from soldiers; this fits Gerlachs theory that Czech officials were more responsible for the expulsions than others. Social influences in this context mean recognition of strong relationships between Germans and Czechs by mixed families, friendship, cooperation. There also are three pairs of stereotypes, which are complementary: 1. „Germans are Nazis“ - „not the civilians but troops were the devils“: 2. „Germans are rightless“ - „The others are the winners“ 3. “There are friendly helpers/angels” - “Empathy is a key for understanding”. The stereotype that „education and culture are crucial“ is only emphasized by Preussler and the Dissertation of Semrad (2015). The quantitative results (Anova) underline the emphasis on these stereotypes (9 German, 5 Czech quotations): Germans are Nazis (57% yes, D: M=1,33, D,0,5; CZ: M=2,00, 0,00) – Germans rightless (29% yes, D: M=1,00, D,0,0; CZ: M=1,8, 0,45) – There are angels (43% yes, D: M=1,1, D,0,33; CZ: M=2,00, 0,00) The others are winners (36% yes, D: M=1,0 D,0,0; CZ: M=2,00, 0,00) - Empathy is the key (28% yes, D: M=1,00, D,0,0; CZ: M=1,8, 0,45) - Troops are devils 43% yes, D: M=1,1, D,0,13; CZ: M=2,00, 0,00) - Education and culture crucial (21%

53 / 142 yes, D: M=1,00, D,0,00; CZ: M=1,6, 0,55). Concerning the political atmosphere (Nazi-past) as the core-impact on the experiences of German and Czech people in 1945, the research evaluated different coping-approaches (German, Czech), illustrated by different metaphoric and stereotypes. These stereotypes are divided into sub stereotypes, which are partly religious encoded (angel, devil, holy child, holy land) and have to be secular decoded (helpers, responsibility, destination); they concern persons (soldiers, men, women, police), things (luggage, house, room, food) and events (camp, warning, way); some seem to be considered and conscious (help, rescue, hate), some unconsidered or unconscious (Nazi, enemy, winner-looser). The results underline the given definition of stereotype as „a cognitive structure that contains the perceiver’s knowledge, beliefs, and expectancies about some human group.” (Hamilton and Trolier,1986, 133): Evaluating the situation of the Sudeten-German expellees 1945 from a social-psychological point of view, combined with a multidimensional approach (including historical, educational and theological, quantitative and qualitative aspects), and with different kinds of narrations and documents (fiction, autobiography) demonstrates that these victim-stereotypes as parts of a master-narrative are constructed in a complex way, combining knowledge, beliefs, and expectancies about oneself, the peer-group, and the others. Thus, they transfer the social influence from the political and social background into self-definition, cultural identity, and memory-culture of both groups, Sudeten-Germans, and Czech people. The research also evaluated their different sources: Stereotypes, which are part of collective memory (-culture), such as the German double- role as actors and victims of oppression. Stereotypes, which depend more on individual and group experiences, such as Germans as rightless – Czechs as winners, and are, therefore, group-oriented and complementary, although mentioned by both, German and Czech witnesses (Franzenburg, 2015c).

54 / 142 HISTORICAL PSYCHOLOGY

Belzen (1997) defines historical psychology as a natural part of cultural psychology; therefore, it also concerns religious and philosophical issues. During his study, he evaluated that cognition and cognitive development, emotion, personality, identity, and memory as cultural elements are historically determined; thus, in earlier times people thought, desired, or felt in a different way than today. Therefore, also a certain religious experience should be resituated in a specific (sub-) cultural segment, because, according to the hermeneutical approach, people are shaped by a certain historical stage of cultural development and are, at the same time, products of a process of becoming within a particular historical and cultural context. In an analogue way, Cole and Gay (1972) emphasize the challenge to evaluate, how (religious or secular) culture influences cognitive processes, and whether the bearers of different cultures think differently. One key for the answer is mnemonic performance. Therefore, during their ethnological studies with the Kpelle ethnic-group in Africa, Cole and Gay (1972) distinguish between the content of cognitive activity on one hand, and the cognitive processes of particular groups of people in particular circumstances on the other hand. They evaluated that good performance at clustering and recall is not simply a function of the materials to be remembered, and of the persons doing the remembering, but depending on further cultural (and religious) influences like peer-group(s), social situation(s), and beliefs. Regarding historical psychology of religion, a third approach - besides of historical and ethnological research - towards the complex relationship between (religious) culture, memory and mental abilities/performance, can be demonstrated by the connection between psychoanalytical and socio-psychological research. Hutton (1994) evaluated Freud’s theory (‘Moses and Monotheism: A History of a Mnemonic Image’) that memory and history were mutually conditioning as an interplay between moments of repetition and recollection (often hidden by screen-memories). He also evaluates Halbwachs’ theory (‘Topography of the Holy Land: A History of Places of Memory’) that such interplay operates according to a social rather than

55 / 142 a psychological dynamic, because memories are not transmitted intact, but conflated as they are continuously being revised; they are also reconstructed within social contexts; without recall within the social frameworks of present life, they remain provisional and wither away. Hutten (1993) In an analogue way, Wood (1972) emphasizes on the religious and psychological question, whether the source of healing is located within the person or not, which concerns the issue of sin (religion) and deviation (psychology). Both are caused by former and remembered experiences; Wood (1972) follows Tillich’s statement that psychotherapy has replaced - model-like -the emphasis on the demanding yet remote God by an emphasis on his self-giving nearness like a supporting mother. Following these traces of historic cultural psychology of religion, there are some examples, which underline the crucial function of individual memory for personal identity. The core-illustration for such relationship is Hinduism. The theory of Karma combines immanent experience and attitude on earth (Atman) with transcendent fate in ‘heaven’ (Brahman). Coward (1983) explains that karma can be described as a memory trace recorded in the unconscious by any action or thought a person has done – analogue to the role of the unconscious in Western psychology (Freud, Jung). He emphasizes the neurophysiological observation that for both, Yoga and psychoanalysis, memory and motivation are parts of a single psychic process, which also embodies choice or selection and is driven by the unconscious. In opposition to Freudian determinism, the Yoga and Jung’s psychoanalytical ideas emphasize on creative activity of the individual’s ego-consciousness, which consists of memory traces of one’s ancestral past. This reminds of Coe‘s suggestion (1909) to appreciate subconscious (occult/spiritual) processes. Analogue to this religious and culture- oriented point of view, Burge (2003) analyses from a psychological perspective the functions of (preservative) memory and their relations to traditional issues about personal identity. He demonstrates that having a memory (as experiential or substantive content) – and not only ‘quasi-remembering’ (Burge, 2003) - is integral to being a person and to have a representational mind with perceptual abilities. A comparative approach between psychology and religion is demonstrated by Barret (2000). He evaluates the cognitive psychological approach to religion, which recognizes religious rituals, communication, and transmission of religious knowledge; therefore, he suggests that seemingly

56 / 142 extraordinary thoughts and behaviours should be understood as the product of aggregated ordinary cognition. In an analogue way, Schrauf (1997) evaluates - as a ‘cognitive archaeologist’, who is looking for embedded ‘cognitive fossils’ in an archaeological ‘site’ – a religious life-history narrative (‘initiation’ of a Spanish pilgrim) as an online reconstruction of personal memories, shaped up in service of current emotional states and personal concerns, and employed in negotiating present social and cultural environments as reconstructions of past events and not copies of pristine originals. Besides these examples and illustrations of individual memories, there are also examples of collective memory in religious and secular culture and psychological material. In order to understand the complex phenomenon of collective memory, Olick (1999) distinguishes between individualist (neurological and cognitive), and collectivist (social and cultural) understandings of collective memory, and suggests a combining holistic strategy of multidimensional and interdisciplinary rapprochement for research by evaluating symbol systems, language, narrative, and dialogue within social frameworks, which construct by neurological holistic ‘engrams’ new memory from collected experiences (Franzenburg, 2015a). For such ‘constructive’ collective and cultural memory (Assmann, Jan & Czaplicka, 1995), the first example is again Hinduism.Banerjee (1991) evaluated the nationalistic ‘Hindutva’- Ideology from a social psychological point of view. He underlines the influence of slogans and wall graffiti upon public memory by forming national stereotypes and new abusive catchwords as ‘authorities’ for social unity by active refashioning of a received tradition within a ‘positive national secularism.’. An analog case for collective memory as a crucial element of cultural identity (Assmann, Jan & Czaplicka, 1995) is the German coping with the Holocaust experience (Franzenburg, 2016). Bier and Allinder (1980) explain such collective memory as an expression and element of ideology. Analysing the process of ‘denazification’ and of ‘re-education’ in post-war Germany, they found a ‘crafty system’ of ‘truncated biographies’, ‘fakes’ and ‘exchanges of mutually accommodating testimony’, and, therefore, suggest a new approach regarding the connection between memory (Auschwitz), morality (collective guilt), and policy (restoration), demonstrated in the new “Holocaust-education”. (Franzenburg, 2016). In this context, Hirst and Maniert (2008) distinguish between the design of social resources and memory practices on one hand, and

57 / 142 of the effectiveness of each informing and transforming the memories on the other. Applying an epidemiological approach, they explain, how collective memory encompasses situations as diverse as the Holocaust, apartheid, and the velvet revolution (or ‘Hindutva’), and how communities shape and reshape such collective memories, and integrate them by communication, sharing and actualization of experiences and interpretations (Hirst/Manier, 2008). A further core-issue of collective memory as a cultural phenomenon for psychological research can be found in cultural myths and folk-tales Norenzajan and others (2006) evaluated such cultural narratives and found that by combining intuitive and counter-intuitive elements, folk-tales could achieve cultural stability. Because narratives are not “impinged” on a passive human mind, but selectively represented, retained, transformed, and transmitted, the ordinary biases and transformations in human memory can constrain the content of cultural beliefs, and make it accessible for evaluation. In this context, the consistency of the message with the religious beliefs of the subject as a function of memory is crucial, as Pargament and DeRosa (1985) emphasized. They evaluated that subjects even distorted the content of the message to fit more closely with their religious beliefs. This underlines the strong interconnection between cultural, religious and psychological strategies of coping with former experiences. Because religious belief is based on narrations, environments, peer-groups, folk- tales, stereotypes, and rituals as elements of a memory-culture, historical psychology (of religion) has to distinguish between content and process of memory (Franzenburg, 2015a) it has to evaluate the integration of memory, culture and mental abilities into such process of cultural identity (Franzenburg, 2015a). Comparing coping-mechanisms in Hinduism with traumata-coping or experiences of transition/initiation, the historical psychology of religion can evaluate the interconnection between memory, culture, and identity, between religious attitudes and cognition, and between biographical and social aspects of acculturation. Therefore, evaluating the influence of experiences of individuals and groups on their current feelings, interpretations and coping strategies explains the value of experience-based religiosity, and facilitates opportunities for further research (Franzenburg, 2015a). A particular example of such research is the situation of the years1939 and 1944 when German Balts returned to Germany at the beginning of World War II, and Latvian (and other) refugees

58 / 142 hat to escape to Germany at the end of War. Evaluation of documents and interviews confirmed that the phenomenon of displacement and enculturation, of losing and finding one’s home(land) has to do with communication issues of any kind. Both groups shared their individual and collective experiences, interpretations and attitudes in both ways, internal and external. For the German Balts, their balancing between being and feeling as both Germans and Balts during centuries became a core issue for their interpretation of the situation of 1939, when this ambivalent (double) loyalty was discussed. Influenced by the traumatic experience of the Versailles and Brest Litowsk treaty (lost of political power) and its political instrumentation, they became open for Nazi-propaganda, which emphasized their German ethnicity. Although the German-Soviet treaties of August and September 1939 changed the situation in the Baltic states, the German, Latvian and Estonian inhabitants first took no notice of them but were influenced by Hitler’s speech of October 6, 1939, at the Reichstag. It was interpreted as the astonishing and shocking signal: all German had to return to Germany, in order to avoid and prevent disturbances of the „new order“ in Europe. The real danger of the upcoming occupation of the Baltic states by the Red Army – following the hidden agreement between Hitler and Stalin – kept unknown until 1989, when it was opened in Moscow during the age of Perestroika In order to emphasize the new political concept model of a new German mission (in the „Warthegau“), the regime changed the traditional complex remembrance culture of 700 years into an „official“ version by interpreting the main themes in a particular way: the term „to feel at home“ became „becoming a member of the great German nation“; the „national mission“ of cultural colonialism became the mission of „Germanization“ under the rules of the German “Leader”. As the evaluation of documents and interviews underlined, the situation of the Latvian and Estonian displaced persons , who were cared by UNRRA (1944-46) and IRO officials (1947-50), and later by German officials and church organizations, was characterized by suffering from hunger and by poor housing, by the fear of repatriation, by the wish to immigrate to USA or England, but also by the development of a Latvian cultural identity in exile. After 1950, the „hard core“ of non-resettled people was cured as „heimatlose Ausländer“ by German authorities who divided them into different stages of care (only legal, legal and emigration, or total support The

59 / 142 aim was to integrate them into German society and economy, which became a particular challenge because of millions of German refugees. By the law about the legal status of the homeless strangers (25.4.1951), they got the same status as the Germans, but without becoming real Germans citizens, which they interpreted as unwanted assimilation. Therefore, during their stay in German camps, they built their own „Little Latvia“, characterized by language, rituals and a particular kind of religiousness and patriotism (Franzenburg, 2017) .

60 / 142 REMEMBERING FOR THE FUTURE 1

During a research with 150 students from Germany, Latvia, and Poland concerning their attitudes towards remembrance cultures (Franzenburg, 2015b), it became clear that the individual aspect of cultural memory was in the focus. In order to find one’s cultural identity, the influence of age and gender on memorizing is crucial, because it causes particular role-plays. Also, context and milieu are important elements of cultural identity, because they often cause conflicts. Only awareness of and coping with such influences and others from past experiences and particular socialization facilitate developing sustainable cultural identity. Memory as the secret of redemption (or the key to it) emphasizes the religious and transcendent aspect of memory-cultures, which are also emphasized by the answers. While the male ones often react skeptically (only patience; often traumatic memories), the female ones prefer to agree (important remembered things make us feel redeemed), remembering the first step to salvation, particular for non-religious people. When they argue skeptically, they combine it with a question or with an explanation, e.g. that memories can be malicious. Particular concerning Holocaust-education and the remembered Auschwitz-history, male and female answers consider the preventing function of memory-culture. While male answers emphasize on War, female ones put the stress on the “extreme inhumane” cruelty of Auschwitz as a symbol for crimes against humanity and on tolerance towards otherness, because nobody should be treated this way. Both underline that cruelty has not decreased, but increased after Auschwitz, and nobody could know, whether such things will happen again. memories that everybody needs to know and memories that do not need to be revealed to everybody. In a similar way also the answers from Latvian students suggest that youth needed to know history, because dying people take their memories with them in the grave, therefore, people should know what happened in the past, particularly in their own past, and anything connected with the past, became crucial; therefore, people should not hide history or keep historical facts as a secret, because

61 / 142 transparency prevented memory from infections by lies or from manipulation – as the polish answers underline (Franzenburg, 2015b). Cultural identity is influenced by remembering; the way, how we remember, is influenced by age and gender. Therefore, one research during this project concerned this issue: Quantitative and qualitative results confirm the influence of age on memory attitudes, and give some hints of gender-differences according to the three core-aspects of memory and culture: the religious one (salvation, rituals), the historical one (contents, narrations) and the psychological one (community, family). The answers were categorized by a 6- point-scale (1=strongly disagree – 2=disagree – 3 not certain – 4= agree – 5= strongly agree – 0= no answer). The individual cultural identity concerns religious aspects such as religious metaphoric interpretation or rituals: While the ability to comment on complex phenomena depends on advanced cognitive skills, coping with rituals is also characteristic for young pupils. Therefore, the questionnaires distinguish between the different abilities. The students between 16 and 20 from Germany, Latvia and Poland comment on the idea that memory might be the key – or at least one key towards salvation: While German answers were critical of both, male and female (N=56; male N=21 M=2,67 SD 1,02; female N=35 M=2,80 SD 0,09; total M= 2,75 , F= 0,26), Latvian and Polish answers mostly agree, male students more than female ones (LV: N=56; male N=23 M=4,22 SD 1,70; female N=33 M=3,27 SD 1,07;total M= 3,66, F= 1,07; PL: N=61; male N=25 M=4,32 SD 1,60; female N=36 M=3,70 SD 1,25; total M= 4,19, F= 1,25); Latvian students from Waldorf school show different results (N=23, male N=9, M=2,78, SED=0,67, female N=14, M=2,64,SD=0,74, Total M= 2,70, F=0,19) . One reason might be – as further answers confirm - that German students argue more individualistic and anti-ideologically than Latvian or Polish, who more emphasize on the common traditions and collective memories. Concerning the attitudes towards rituals, commemorating-days and similar events, the results are more differentiated: While German female pupils are more convinced of the benefits than male ones (male N=11 M=4,45 SD 1,04 female N=14 M=5,21 SD 0,80), in Latvia and Poland it is the other way round (LV1: N=76 male N=37 M=5,24 SD 1,05 - female N=39 M=4,85 SD 1,63 ; LV2 (Waldorf): N=57 male N=38 M=4,28 SD 1,06 - female N=21 M=4,52 SD 0,98; PL: N=35, male N=19 M=4,89 SD 0,37 - female N=16 M=4,13 SD 1,86). The

62 / 142 qualitative results confirm this observation: The elder German male answers react little more skeptically than the German female ones, who formulate their skepticism as a question or explanation; the younger German ones argue traditionally; both genders emphasize in this context or traumatic memories. Latvian and Polish students emphasize the value of patriotism for their cultural identity. Another core-aspect of cultural identity is coping with historical influences, particular within the German context; concerning the moral issues of collective fault and individual responsibility, by which elder students are able to find their own point of view. While in the German and Polish context, Auschwitz is a core-element of memory-culture, in Latvia cultural identity more depends on the collective memory of Occupation- and Exile- experiences. Particular the German answers emphasized on the singularity of the NS- genocide, symbolized by Auschwitz (male N=21 M=4,90 SD 1,37 female N=35 M=4,83 SD 1,07), while the Latvian answers, particularly the female ones, are more ambivalent (N=56, male N=23 M=4,48 SD 1,16 - female N=33 M=3,27 SD 1,07). Latvian students from Waldorf school show different results (N=23, male N=9, M=1,29, SED=0,49, female N=14, M=2,57, SD=1,16). In Poland, the students are even more convinced of the crucial meaning of Auschwitz (N=61, male N=25 M=5,04 SD 0,20 - female N=36 M=4,97 SD 0,51). Another historical core-aspect of an influence on the cultural identities of people are narrations about past experiences. German students show significant gender-differences (male N=11 M=2,27 SD 1,01 female N=14 M=5,21 SD 1,19), which underlines that girls are more familiar with (often emotional) discussions and narrations, while boys prefer consuming books or films. Latvian students, male and female, are less familiar than German girls, but more than German boys (N=76, male N=37 M=4,16 SD 1,34 - female N=39 M=4,10 SD 1,37); Latvian pupils from Waldorf school show different results (male: N=56, M=4,36, SD=0,96 – female N=21, M=4,52, SD=0,98). Polish male students are similar interested as German girls, but also Polish female answers show interest (N=35, male N=19 M=4,92 SD 1,07 - female N=16 M=3,67 SD 1,50), Male and female answers emphasize on the cruelty of Auschwitz and the preventing-ability of commemoration and suggest a mixed educational approach (facts for boys, narrations for girls). Similar trends and more significant gender differences can be observed concerning the psychological context, when German male elder students (15-20)

63 / 142 are more sceptical than female ones concerning the need of an ethics of remembrance (male N=21 M=2,90 SD 1,37 female N=35 M=3,23 SD 1,1). Latvian students, male and female agree to this suggestion (N=56, male N=23 M=4,42 SD 1,12 - female N=33 M=4,24 SD 0,03) - Latvian students from Waldorf school show different results (N=23, male N=9, M=2,44, SED=0,88, female N=14, M=3,50,SD=2,05,74). In Poland male students are more emphatic to it than female ones (N=61, male N=25 M=4,89 SD 1,14 - female N=36 M=4,04 SD 0,93) Concerning the attitude towards family-experiences and discussions about them pupils (11-15) in Germany show – because of similar context - similar results as concerning narrations (male N=11 M=2,91 SD 1,30 female N=14 M=4,57 SD 1,28 ) Latvian students, male and female, are uncertain (N=76, male N=37 M=3,49 SD 1,41 - female N=39 M=3,53 SD 1,13) – Latvian pupils from Waldorf-school show different results (N=59, male N=38 M=2,87 SD 1,86 - female N=21 M=2,90 SD 1,14), while Polish girls are more sceptical than the boys, probably influenced by gender-stereotypes in families (N=35, male N=19 M=3,39 SD 1,33 - female N=16 M=2,50 SD 1,51). The qualitative results underline that female answers are more communicative and emphasize more on benefits than male ones, particular concerning memory-cultures (no male answers). Female answers are more direct than male ones; concerning the preventing character of memories, male answers emphasize the content, while female answers underline the fact. When female students emphasize mistakes, they include also own ones and underline the benefit. Concerning the general value of memories, male answers emphasize more on the risk not to remember (getting lost), while female ones underline the benefits of memories (help in life). Both genders underline the global character of memories. While elder students consider the benefits and challenges of memories and commemoration, younger pupils (6-9; 16m, 20f) emphasize on particular contents of remembrance, such as birthdays. While almost all Latvian pupils from state- school know the birthday of their mother (90% (Waldorf: 46%)) and 80% of the Polish pupils (82%), only 50% of the German pupils know them; similar results can be found concerning grandmother’s birthday (German: 11%, Latvian1: 50%, Latvian2 (Waldorf): 34%, Polish: 32%); father and grandfather seem less important, particularly in Germany (father: German: 25%, Latvia1: 70%, Latvian2: 46%, but often named alone), Poland: 79%) and grandfather (German:

64 / 142 6% Latvia1: 52%, Latvian2: 20%, Polish: 29%)). It might also depend on gender- stereotypes that Latvian students emphasize more than the other ones on the role of their fathers. All pupils from the three nations agree in their preference for narrations about historical events, particular concerning Ancient Egypt and World Wars. Of particular interest is the fact that students of all three nations emphasize together on a few famous people, but have much more – especially Latvian and Polish students – their own preferences. That they emphasize on explorers, such as Christophe Columbus, Leonardo da Vinci and Marco Polo (also Latvian answer) or Copernicus (like Polish students), Albert Einstein and Alfred Nobel underline their technical and/or science-interest. Names of current politicians (Obama, Merkel, Putin), confirm that they follow the news. That all three groups also mention Mandela, Gandhi, Schweitzer, and Martin Luther King, underline their (school influenced) interest in peace-education, similar to the mentioning of Malala and Anne Frank, of two victims of violence in their time, who fought against violence and for peace, one famous by her diary (1944), the other one by winning the peace Nobel price (2014). The first one confirms that they follow not only current news (social memory), but also family- or media- narrations. The example 70 years ago (Anne Frank) comes from cultural memory, together with the mentioned dictators Hitler and Stalin; from cultural memory, they also take Luther and Goethe (Franzenburg, 2015b). These results underline that developing one’s own identity is embedded in a context of social challenges and knowledge-transfer, and depends on interests, experiences, stereotypes and purposes of the actors, particularly in countries with common cultural heritage but different historical development, such as Germany, the Baltic States, and Poland. Because memory-cultures in Europe are a pluralist phenomenon, and an educational chance and challenge, which are based on common collective memories, ritualized in society, community, family, and focused on the process-like nature of culture by de- and reconstruction, the common cultural memory over centuries, the common cultural factors and elements, such as the confrontation-memory of aggressor and victims or the trauma of Holocaust and war, of deportation and expulsion, have to be recognized as well as the challenge of political, cultural, ethical and social transition, and the resource of common interests and of an analogue emotional and religious framework, exemplified in narrations, rituals and attitudes. While

65 / 142 German male students emphasize on the fact that events, which are not remembered, will be get lost (male 17) or forgotten someday (male 17), or on the value of the right to be cleared up (male 16)), female students emphasize more on the general contribution of memories as a part of our life (female 17), which help in any situation in life (female 17), and, thus, contribute to world- history in an ambivalent way (female 19). The ambivalence of memories is not only emphasized by female answers (there are also malicious memories (female, 17) or they did not contribute very much tot world-changes (female 19), but also by male answers (In spite of the memories the same mistakes and cruelties are made and committed crimes show the same consequences (male, 17). Both, male and female, underline the global and complex character of memories and the challenge to understand past situations (male, 16) and philosophical aspects (female 16). Similar, also Latvian and Polish students – who argue less extensive than Germans - underline that dying people take their experiences into the grave (LV) and that memories are beneficial for human life at all (PL). The answers confirm the difficulty and challenge to acknowledge the different roles and life-worlds of historical processes and their different structures (economic, social etc.), and to evaluate them critically. To recognize oneself as a historical person, who is following historical norms of the present time, seems also a crucial challenge according to their answers, which try to take a neutral point of view in reviewing the past. Therefore, such learning process assists pupils improving their competencies in using contents, skills and methods, particularly in constructing, de- and reconstructing historical contexts; they become able to evaluate them by finding their interpretations and decisions within a plurality of interpretations and models of orientation. The single steps to such destination – according to the educational concept and to the pupils’ answers – are the following: 9-14 years old: The answers underline the different abilities using terms and models to understand, consider, explain and communicate historical structures and contexts, events and facts; they confirm that most of them are able to consider the aspects of memory-cultures as a core-model of historical contexts and structures. That many answers emphasize the particular role of Europe as a framework, underline that they learn about the cultural-historical development of Europe in a multidimensional way. Their interest in ancient cultures such as Egypt demonstrates that they are a way of the value of

66 / 142 archaeological tradition/transfer of ancient roots and that they know about life- culture in ancient times and can distinguish between “then” and “now”, between primary and secondary texts/sources and can describe them. That they mention explorers of the “New World”, such as Columbus, Vasco da Gama and others, underline their interest to learn basics about Asia, Europe, intercultural encounters of Christians, Jews, and Muslims. Their interest of World Wars and Nazi-ideology, and about the End of Communism and about German reunification, is also based on the curriculum. Between 15 and 19, they increase their ability to read, evaluate, interpret and communicate sources, can explain and argue, and evaluate arguments of their peers. This is also a comparative result of the answers. The ability to consider being a foreigner/stranger and being displaced is illustrated in the answers, where the pupils show empathy with suffering people. Thus – in a very elementary way - they evaluate different anthropological and cultural world-views and compare different cultures, such as the Nazi-system and the different aspects of this time and ideology. In this context, they also consider the model of Nation, nationality and cultural identity in Germany, as their emphasis on knowing more about their belonging and homeland. With their knowledge, they decide to follow particular interpretation, models, and attitudes concerning historical approaches, debates and memory-cultures and find their own model of memory-culture with narrations, rituals and discourses. Thus, it becomes obvious that they can explain particular human attitudes according to their historical context and value-system. In Latvian Schools - regarding the answers - there are particular differences between pupils from a state school and private (Waldorf) schools. This depends on the change from former Soviet-type schools with one curriculum for all schools across the union to a democratic model with new needs, subjects, and credit requirements influencing those changes. Pupils in the final grades in secondary schools can have electives and create their own curriculum. Besides of Latvian language, foreign languages (English, German, French, and Russian), natural sciences, and mathematics, economics, Latvian and world history are core-issue in school exams. Since 2006/07 in schools an integrated social sciences subject is taught, which will include ethics, health education, introduction to economics and civics and be taught all through the nine grades of compulsory education. Aspects relating to diversity, tolerance and

67 / 142 intercultural education are reported to be included in the standards. This is illustrated within the answers by emphasizing on such topics. When the pupils combine global, European and national topics in their answers, they follow the new concept of teaching Latvian history not separately as a subject (as championed by nationalist and conservative political parties and groupings and elder historians), but as an integrated part of world history (favoured by those who tend to be oriented towards a “European” approach, and by younger historians). This issue depends on the value of Latvian language and, therefore, on the attitude towards minorities (Russians, Latgalian inhabitants) by emphasizing on the maintenance, protection and development not only of the Latvian language but also of the cultural and historic heritage of the Latvian nation. That there are no “standard”–answers from the pupils, further underlines that each teacher has rights and responsibility to organize the studying process independently, to make their own programs, deciding on the scanning of the content. There must be a comprehensive world, European and Latvian history during the history classes in secondary schools. In 2010, the Latvian government mandated that world and Latvian history should be taught as separate subjects, and assigned more teaching time to the latter. Thus, although both Estonian and Latvian societies are notoriously past-obsessed, ‘mnemonically divided’ and post-Soviet, in Latvia, nationalist forces seem to have generally been more explicit with their expectation that Latvian patriotism is enhanced in schools. In some respects, the past seems also to be generally more acute in Latvian political culture (Psaltis et al, 2017). In the Latvian curriculum of 2006 it is said that history teaching should enhance students’ understanding of “ family, place of origin, and Latvia as significant values in their own and other people’s lives” and “the development of a European identity and support the growth of a responsible and tolerant member of the democratic society of European Union” (Kello/Wagner, 2017) (Latvian Government 2006, quoted – like the following ones - by Kello, 2014). However, since in Latvia school history teaching has long been the object of ‘high politics’ and in the end both parliament and government mandated ‘Latvian history’ as a separate subject in order to ensure that students had ‘sufficient’ knowledge of the national past (Latvian Government 2010, 2011), direct political influences are visible in the curricula. Thus, the current Latvian lower secondary history curriculum

68 / 142 mandates that additionally, Latvian history teaching should “ enhance the sense of patriotism and of belonging to the Latvian state (Kello/Wagner, 2017; Latvian Government 2010/11). Particularly in case of national history, there is a thin line between ‘enlightened’ informing and ‘romantic’ indoctrination in the case of such teaching. In contrast, since the 1960s and 1970s, ‘enlightened’ approaches have stressed the complexity of historical developments, recognizing “divergent experiences and multiple perspectives, contested national myths, scrutinized the darker episodes of the national past, and challenged the celebratory narratives” (Carretero and Bermudez 2012 636). Therefore, contemporary ‘enlightened’ goals include understanding the past in a complex manner by means of mastering some conceptual categories that derive from the discipline of history.(Psaltis et al, 2017) How much weight is given to the latter goal, approaching the methodology used by historians, and how this goal is interpreted, seems to be the greatest distinguishing factor between different schools of enlightened approaches. Models that value the disciplines concepts and procedures as central to history teaching and explicitly centre on teaching these concepts and procedures to students are usually called either disciplinary or historical thinking approaches to history teaching. From the answers a particular evaluation can conclude, whether a teacher prefers such topics (humanism, reformation in Polish, Swedish, Russian domination periods), which emphasize the role of language and on the tendency of Germanization (enforcement to use only German language), Polization (enforcement to use only Polish language) and Slavicization (enforcement to use only Slavic languages) and its impact, or emphasizes on Latvian identity by the analogies between the attitude of statesmen during 1920 -1940, and language problems nowadays (Franzenburg, 2015b).

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1.1. Coping with Diaspora The answers in the mentioned research (Franzenburg, 2015b) also illustrate that such topics are on one hand not only a challenge for schools in Latvia but also for Latvians abroad; on the other hand, they emphasize on the differences and conflicts between Latvians abroad and in Latvia. This can be illustrated by the names, which are mentioned in the answers and also in the curricula of the American Latvian Association and in the library of the Latvian Gymnasium in Muenster, which was the educational capital of Latvians abroad during Post- war-times. The ALA-curriculum emphasizes on everyday-life-issues (meals, events, celebrations, nature, times and celebrations during the year) in an elementary (6-9 years old), advanced (10-14) or complex mode (15-20). The main emphasis, however, is for all ages, to learn by heart songs, poetry, and tales and the Latvian symbols (day of Independence with hymn and flag and song- festivals). Also Latvian celebrations (particular Jani), Latvian history and geography were core-issues of Latvian cultural identity, which the pupils should consider by writing short essays, letters and discussions. Therefore, Latvian pupils mention in their answers: Choir-festivals, Baltic Way, Independence-day, Nov. 11, Barricades, Jani, Lacplesis day March 8, May 4, teachers-day, deportations, beginning of WWII; further - analogue to German pupils - Names-day (while Germany and Poland have the End of the German Wall and 9/11 together with technical inventions (telephone, internet, landing on the moon in common). That only Jānis Pliekāns (Rainis) and Imants Ziedonis and Anna Brigadere are commonly mentioned by ALA, by the pupils from Latvia and by the MLG-library, has to do with the non-exile tradition, because these three authors represent Latviasness and, therefore, are core-symbols for both, exile and occupied Latvia. Rainis (11.9.1865 -12.9.1929) was famous also in Soviet time because of his socialism. Similar, Anna Brigadere (1.10. 1861 - 25.6.1933) and Rudolfs Blaumanis (1.1.1863 - 4.9. 1908) represents Latvian being and became posthumous famous during soviet time. Also, the other authors, which the students mention, are no exile poets, but part of the young

70 / 142 Latvia movement or famous in LPSR, (Juris Alunāns Ojārs Vācietis, Jānis Klīdzējs Māra Zālīte). Also Vilis Plūdonis (21.3. 1874.- 15.1.1940) represents Latvian life, and became famous in soviet time because he emphasized on the struggle of the Latvians against the German invaders In the answers of the pupils, however, he is neither mentioned, nor is he found in the MLG-library, while Imants Ziedonis (3 5.1933 -27.2 2013) as the poet of the „Singing revolution” 1989, became famous during and after Occupation time. There are other Latvian exile-writer, who seems to be known in America (recommended by ALA), but neither used in schools nor mentioned by the Latvian pupils (Grinberg, Sirmanis, Berzins, Kezberis, Salina, Adamson, Valdmane, Koks Besevica). The third group of Latvian Exile-authors, also not mentioned by the pupils, but used in schools are core-writers for the Exile: Kārlis Skalbe (26.10.1879 - 14.4.1945), the ‘King of Fairy-tales’ whose words Tēvzemei un Brīvībai(For Fatherland and Freedom), are inscribed on the Monument of Freedom in Riga, lived since 1944 in Swedish exile, similar to Andrejs Eglitis (21.10.1912 - 23.2.2006) who emigrated to Sweden, and became General Secretary of the Latvian National Fonds and later politician in Latvia). Also, Zenta Maurina went to Sweden (later to Germany), and Janis Jaunsudrabins, who lived since 1944 in Germany, became famous for Latvian exile, but not in Soviet Latvia. Janis Poruks 13.10. 1871-25.7.1911, although part of the MLG- library, was not mentioned either. The same observation can be made concerning other authors (mentioned in TRIMDA Forum 3/2014). Besides of these poets, there were authors with practical or educational purposes to be found in the library concerning traditional issues, such as folk-songs, Latvian folk-history and folklore (Knudson Resins Zenta Lie pa and others, also mentioned in TRIMDA Forum 3/2014). Furthermore, they had books about gardening, about the German-Baltic tradition (Rims cha, Grote, Grude, Haupt, Kieser, Zinghaus, and about scout-life (Kletnieks and Sirmanis, also English grammar-books and -lessons (Berzina, Kalnberzs, Wagel, Bringis, Grozgalvis, Gravelis, Klavins and others, together with Eenglish textbooks of O. Wilde, Butler Yeats, and others). They also found in the library books about the Latvian life in exile and the struggle for freedom for Latvia (also mentioned in TRIMDA Forum 3/2014) and learned Latin, French, German, Italian, Swedish; they also had a lot of songs for choir (Berzkalns, Kezbere, Abele, Jerums, Vitols), Latvian

71 / 142 pupils, whose parents and grandparents did not escape to Germany and emigrate to USA or other countries, did not mention any of these authors; this underlines the complex relationship between exiled and non-exiled Latvians. Besides of Kristianis Barons, the collector of Latvian songs (Dainas), they mostly mentioned composers (Kārlis Baumanis, Jāzeps Vitols , Uldis Marhilevičs, Raimunds Pauls, Vestards Amkus Mārtiņs Brauns, Imants Kalniņs) actors and singers (Ivars Kalniņs Laima Vaikule Jānis Streičs, Arturs Kaimiņs), which confirms the core-function of music for Latvian cultural identity – similar as “global” composers (Paganini, Mozart, Bach). The students and pupils also are connected with young life-world; that is exemplified by the mentioned sport- athletes from different disciplines (Māris Strombergs, Liene Aase, Artūrs Irbe, Sandis Ozoliņs). They also mention politicians from the past (Hercogs Jēkabs (17th cent.), Oskars Kalpaks, leader of “Kalpaks Battalion” 1918), Jānis Čakste and Kārlis Ulmanis (president 1918/1934)); this underlines the person-oriented national identity. They also mention the first female president (Vaira Vīķe - Freiberga and the current president (Andris Bērziņs); that confirms that the students follow the news (Franzenburg, 2015b). Similar to Latvian pupils, also Polish pupils emphasize on the family as a core- aspect of cultural identity. They follow the curriculum for Polish schools (abroad) that - like ALA curriculum - pupils should learn basic information about their family and about themselves, Home and immediate surroundings, everyday life (times, activities), health and sports, travelling and tourism, natural environment:, Technology, media, Polish social studies: (symbols, heroes, celebrations, customs places); therefore, the answers - like the Latvian ones - emphasize on patriotic issues and national identity (Warsaw Ghetto-war, Polish Independence Day, Mission in Poland, Constitution 3 of May1791, Struggle of Tannenberg, revolt in Silesia, End of communism(1989), Polish divisions) with a focus on church and religion, exemplified by the Polish Child’s Catechism of Vładysław Bełza and other writings, which includes poems for children, which also are mentioned by the pupils ((Jan Brzechwa, Julian Tuwim and others). That Polish pupils are more interested in Knights than German, what might be influenced by books of Henryk Sienkiewicz, Nobel-price-winner for literature 1905 (“With Fire and Sword”), (“The Knights of the Cross”), and others. Their interest in Ancient Egypt might be influenced by books of Henryk Sienkiewicz

72 / 142 or Bolesław Prus (Legends from Ancient Egypt); that they emphasize on natural scientists might be influenced by Zbigniew Herbert (natural sciences), Stanisław Lem and others. The interest for Polish heroes, particular during World-war II, might be influenced by the literature Nobel-price-winner 1980 Czesław Miłosz , who were fighting against the Germans during Word-War II., but also by Adam Mickiewicz, who was during the Russian empire writing for Polish independence. The particular interest for Auschwitz might be influenced by Tadeusz Borowski, (Here in Auschwitz) (Franzenburg, 2015b). The answers of the pupils underline that they have furthermore gained basic knowledge concerning Poland’s history and culture and that they identify themselves with Polish culture according to the curriculum. Although the national anthem is not mentioned, they enumerate selected prominent personalities to form Poland’s history (Mikołaj Kopernik, Tadeusz Kościuszko, Adam Mickiewicz, Frederic Chopin, Jan Matejko, Maria Skłodowska-Curie, John Paul II, Lech Wałęsa); and are able to tell the traditions of his/her own family. Similar to the Latvian curriculum, this tradition also means to know Polish poems, songs, proverbs, and sayings and to describe Polish landscape with regard to particular seasons and corresponding traditions; although these are not mentioned, the answers nevertheless allow the conclusion that the pupils are familiar with these elements of family tradition and cultural identity. The answers further show that the pupils are aware of the history of Poland from the times of Poland’s baptism to Solidarity times and regaining independence in 1989, and identify with Polish culture and tradition, they also proof knowledge about Polish kings and presidents according to the curriculum and also about the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, and are also interested in modern history of Poland. Thus, they mention different kings of Poland (Władysław Jagiełło, Mieszko I Kazimierz Wielki, Jan Sobieski) the national poet Adam Mickiewicz, the national hero Tadeusz Kościuszko (upspring 1794), the hero of the striving for Independence (Jozef Piłsudski) the famous professor of cardiology Zbigniew Religa and the former president Lech Wałęsa. Later (from 14 years on), the answers show interest in Polish history since 1918. Their knowledge is not only based on cultural memory but on communicative memory (Assmann) by family narrations, particular the different uprisings since 1918 and the political systems in Poland, particular of the 2. Republic. Also, the

73 / 142 Holocaust and its circumstances are of particular interest. The answers also show interest in the role and function of the Catholic Church in political and social life and particularly in the significance of John Paul II pontificate and its impact on political changes in Poland. First of all, however, the answers mention persons of today, who confirm that the students/pupils follow the news and are embedded in their life-world. While Latvians emphasize ice- hockey as the core-discipline in Latvia, Polish ones prefer racing, tennis, fitness, ski-jumping and - like German ones - football. They further emphasize Polish actors (Kożuchowska, Chodakowska). Similar to the Latvian and German pupils, they combine historical and global events (Hiroshima, Chernobyl, Krim), and person, particular inventors (Edison, Darwin, Linne, Bell, Watt) and politicians from the past and presence (Napoleon, Churchill, Putin, Philip II, Washington, Robespierre, Thatcher, Urban, Hollande); they also mention Hitler, and Stalin together,); further musicians (Beethoven, Beatles, Villas), actors (Polański). That polish students live in a global youth-life-world is exemplified by Miyamoto (game-developer), and Benson (sitcom). 1.2. Coping with conflicting cultural identities The loss of the generation that had the first-hand experience of the Holocaust and the Second World War is a significant turning point, and a crucial challenge for both, memory culture and education. With decreasing of communicative memory, the need and value of cultural memory increases. These particular German observations can also be made concerning Russian Occupation in the Baltic States and Poland: Although it ended 1990, the time of traumata and suffering from Deportations, genocide, and loss of homeland was characterized particularly by Stalinism and changed after his death 1953 into a stage of arrangement. Therefore, similar to the “Third-Reich”, the turning-point from communicative to cultural memory is also approaching. What happens, when societies are dependent on media-supported forms of remembrance (such as historiography, monuments or movies), what are the educational consequences? Such questions are the topic of this study. The focus is on the young generation, which is born after the end of Cold War, and after the collapse of the binary structure of eastern and western memory cultures; nevertheless, this generation has to cope with a new confrontation between Eastern and western traditions

74 / 142 and attitudes, and also with a new “clash of cultures” between western civilization and an extreme, militant Islamic movement. Within this particular framework, questions of cultural identity, collective memory, memory-culture, and memory-learning become crucial. The framework of the Baltic-Sea- countries underlines the contrasting and conflicting memory-cultures of Russian-speaking minorities and the ethnic Latvian, Estonian and Polish people (and people from other form SU republics (Onken 2007). The increasing national and ethnic memories from former GUS-nations, the transition of such societies from authoritarianism to democratization, and the challenges of decolonization, migration, of truth and reconciliation, and of digital revolutions in media technology, combined with cultural amnesia, motivate such research, which combines historical, social and religious or philosophical approaches. The study emphasizes on collective memory in its biological (person-oriented), social (group-oriented), and cultural (culture-oriented) level, and on the distinction between history and memory, organizing the national history by ideologies and collecting personal memory by encounter, frameworks, and support-structure (A. Assmann, 2007). Particular in the historical context of Germany, Latvia and Poland, such awareness is crucial because the communist influence over collective memory of World War II in East Central Europe has effectively shaped identity narratives in that region between 1945 and 1989. This can be drawn from the students’ answers, where this symbolic construct by encounter becomes obvious. It also becomes clear that Cultures, nations, states, churches and companies “create” a memory for themselves with the help of memorial signs and symbols. Therefore, the focus of this study is on religious-oriented narrations, rituals, and symbols, which are combined with memory. Via this memory, institutions and corporations simultaneously “create” an identity for themselves, which can be recognized and identified as memory-cultures: When a student (17) identifies memory-culture as a way, how people cope with their memories, he underlines the strong relationship between memory and coping: depending on positive or negative (traumatic) memories, remembering can become a real challenge; therefore, as the student continues, can everyone “follow common rules, which facilitate the right memory-strategies”. Such common rules for appropriate strategies demonstrate that remembrance as “coping with human past” (male 17) is for young pupils a challenge, which needs

75 / 142 rules and strategies for practising as “a kind of culture”. Where these rules and strategies are coming from, is expressed by a female student (16), who emphasize on the tradition from grandparents and parents towards children. Here the particular value of family-education, socialization and tradition, is emphasized. This “chain of memories” combines by narrations about crucial past-events individual and collective experiences and memories, communicative and cultural memory, as another female student (16) underlines. Here the focus is on contents and method: Not any kind of events, but crucial, not facts, but narrations. These interpretations fit the answers of young children (6-9 years old), who underline the value of family-narrations. While the female students, who seem to have such experiences emphasize on the process of teaching and tradition, a male student defines memory-cultures in a more distant way as “memories, which are transferred from one generation to another (male 16). One female student emphasizes the emotions concerning memory-cultures, when she interprets the term as “Past and almost lost tradition” (female 19), and confirms the gender aspect in these interpretations. She compares the time of their parents and grandparents with her own generation, and the different attitudes towards the past, and find out that in former times memories have been more important. Other students emphasize on the benefits of memory- culture, which they see by assistance during their coping-process (male 17), and thus underline the educational aspect of memories: they are connected with the single person, the content and the group, and oriented at a common goal/intention. A female student (17) finds similar expressions when she emphasizes on the sharing-aspect during encounters. One male student (17) develops a kind of curriculum, which combines keeping in mind memories, remember them and share them with others. This process integrates past, present and future time. While the male point of view emphasizes on the individual memories, which are –fruitful – evaluated within a homogeneous community, the female interpretation emphasizes on the encounter of different experiences; she also distinguishes between the individual benefits and “learning – benefits” which can also include traumatic experiences. Another female student (17) also emphasizes the learning aspect and pronounces the learning- content (“War and similar situations”). The fact that such traumatic situations are in the focus of remembrance, underlines the influence of official memory-

76 / 142 cultures with similar content. A male student (17) emphasizes on the common memories of all people, from which “a sense of community can develop” This “sense of community” by common remembrance depends on the axiomatic precondition that actually all people have certain memories in common; this, however, is ambiguous: Only concerning the facts there might be a common memory; their interpretations are individual or group-oriented, because of the included emotions. Therefore, a female student (17) interprets memory-cultures as: “Commemorating past events”: This emphasizes the process of common memorizing, whatever might be commemorated. Nevertheless, there are also female students, who emphasize the memories of people” (female 17) or on “remembering everything that happened within my life (female 16). Some students emphasize the ability to cope with positive and traumatic memories. 1.3. Learning cultural identity from past for the future Cultural memory as a retrospective construction needs concretion of identity by social groups, which constitute their own cultural memory, from which they derive their collective identity; it also needs formation and a continuation of meaning by ‘memory figures’ (Assmann, 1992). Concerning the more flexible communicative memory, memories belong to the everyday ‘near horizon’ of a time perceived as the ‘present’. The rememberer connects the memories with their life-world (A. Assmann, 1991). As a link between stored/cultural and functional/communicative memory, between oral history, social science, and social psychology, intergenerational family memory emphasizes not so much on the consistency of the oral stories that are being told, but instead in the continuity of the opportunities for shared remembering (Welzer 2002). Within this particular communicative framework, memories of the past are generated according to the storyteller’s current needs to create meaning concerning an ambivalent past with the challenges of crimes and injustices, moral faults, apologies and responsibility, culminated in the “education after Auschwitz” and a ‘politics of regret’ (Olick 2007). These observations build the framework of the current project, which also recognizes psychological aspects, such as the ‘cognitive taxonomy of collective memory (Manier/Hirst, 2008), and literary aspects, which emphasizes on cultural texts (A. Assmann, 1991), and particular genre schemata (retained in the semantic memory) and on the experiential,

77 / 142 monumental, antagonistic or reflexive mode, which allows individuals to remember their past as if it were a drama in which the self is the leading player in an all-determining, ‘totalitarian’ fashion (Greenwald 1980).

78 / 142 REMEMBERING FOR THE FUTURE 3

2.1. Coping with complex situations Memory-cultures are characterized by a particular awareness of time (past- presence-future narratives), reality (myths and legends)history (life-world, dynamics, experience), identity (we-they, framework), power (bottom-up or top-down), morality (rules, motives, values), and social-economic contexts (milieus) (Pandel et al. 1991). Every single memory-culture put the stress on its priority-aspects and, therefore, gets actualized from a global potential during a complex social and discursive process of tradition, rituals, commemoration and communication within memory-systems (family, groups, communities, social media) (Welzer 2002). By considering this process, students learn about the development of modern societies, and about their own involvement and responsibility for sustainability and future-orientation by intercultural coping with alternative attitudes, interpretations and theories. Therefore, they become able to decode historical multidimensional codes, and to re- and de-construct stereotypes, values, and theories, to integrate different (regional) models into a complex (European/global) historical and/or actual and context of changes and development, and to participate in historical discourses and discussions (historical competence). Thus, they also develop a sense of coherence, and of belonging in a traditional (myths), exemplary (rules), critical, (alternatives) or genetic way (integration) during their biography (Rüsen 1994): between 2-6 y.o.: by intuition and projections in the presence - between 6-12 years old in a narrative, authority-oriented way - between 14-16 years old in a symbolic- affirmative and rule-oriented way - from 17 years on in a critical-systemic way. As adults, people might be able to consider open-minded their own and other historical contexts as a (temporary) result of a dynamic and complex process, in which different models are integrated. Similar to the answers concerning memory-cultures, the meaning of remembrance-days is emphasized in different ways: concerning abilities, contents, and encounter. Thus, one answer focuses on the memory-ability, which facilitates to explain the memories (female 16); others emphasize different contents in a very general and abstract way

79 / 142 (something, events). Only one answer emphasize “faults and heroic actions of the ancestors” (male 16). This definition underlines the interest to learn not only facts but actions and to learn from relatives, not only from anonymous people. While these answers do not emphasize the chronological aspects, there are other answers, which define remembrance-days as important for world history (female 19) or emphasize common experiences concerning a dead person (male 16). Some answers combine the definition with the benefits, and emphasize the opportunity to understand what was useful and what malicious in the past (male 17). One particular benefit concerns the reminded dead persons, who should – by encounter and commemoration - be kept in mind and not get lost (male 17), particular war-victims (female 18) by mourning for him/her (female 17). Thus for the students, remembrance days become like family-burials, which should honour both, the dead ones and the relatives (male 16), although the blessing of War-victims (female 16) and the contributions of former generations (male 17) are emphasized. For some students, remembering also has educational or therapeutic purposes, such as to teach all people to remember a particular person (male 17) or to integrate positive and negative past events (female 16) by considering traumatic events (male 17), and by encountering and mourning for a dead person (female 17). Thus, memory-encounter should first of all encourage a common sense of community, because all further going interpretations (prevent suffering) might be illusion (female 17). The Latvian students have similar definitions, when they emphasize generally on history about a humankind, and characterize memory-cultures as “something connected with the past” or as “memories about history, about all kinds of historical events”; comparing with Germans, they emphasize more their homeland. They define memory-culture as “memories about our homeland in all time” or „historical events, memories about our culture” or “knowledge about our culture, how our parents lived before.” When characterizing memory-cultures as “knowledge about cultures, war, memories about independence fights, historical events, information that is handed from the older to a younger generation” they simultaneously underline that this means “our attitude towards our homeland”; they also have emphasized important memory-days “because these or the days important for our country, these are Latvian holidays”. Another crucial aspect of remembrance for Latvian students is honouring

80 / 142 freedom-fighters: ”we remember the soldiers who died while fighting for our independence”. or: “we need to remember who has died because they have sacrificed their life for us”. As explanation for remembering “hard times in our history”, the answers emphasize the gift of Latvian independence; therefore, honouring “people who were fighting for our country” and “those who have died” means “teaching patriotism”. They also emphasize on the core-aspect of responsibility, when they underline that memory culture means “thinking about the future in order not to repeat past” The polish students underline in their answers that on remembrance-days the most important facts and heroes were remembered. Emphasizing on heroes, they illustrate the educational model to learn particularly the Polish kings and nobles and the different upbringings during Polish history. They also emphasize the conviction that particularly an event should be remembered, which is grounded in experiences. They see memory-culture as characterized by important jubilees, where the care for traditions is in the focus. They underline the need for young people to get to know, where they come from. Others emphasize the method and interpret memory-culture as the way, people are used to remember. These answers underline that the students follow the educational rules from their schools. Thus, in German history teaching, pupils should develop reflexive historical awareness/consciousness. They should evaluate past events and integrate them into a historical framework, and thus participate in the current memory-culture by analysing historical narrations concerning particular models of interpretation (re- and deconstruction). These purposes can be evaluated from the answers, which show a critical approach towards traditions. That the pupils should research their own and the foreign history and culture by heart, develop awareness of „real „and „fictive“, and integrate events chronologically is illustrated by the answers, which underline the challenge of such task: They mostly are still mixing present and past, but show an evolutionary scheme (learning facilitates better life) and suggest holistic learning: not only facts, but attitudes, emotions, and believes. When they emphasize the value of memories and remembrance for presence and future, they follow the educational concept to understand that historical research depends on requests from the presence into the past, and consists of the knowledge and interpretation of sources concerning questions and interests. Therefore, they should evaluate memory-

81 / 142 cultures concerning their historical facts and orientations; they should follow the contextual approach and appreciate the value of a particular historical situation. For commemorating in family, peer-groups and communities like nations, narrations and rituals are crucial. Rituals help to make memories and narrations sustainable and facilitate sharing moments, particularly during remembrance- days and events. 2.2. Coping with family-rituals From the religious-educational, but also from the memory-culture-perspective, the meaning of family for tradition, commemoration and socialization cannot be underestimated (Fivish/Buckner, 2003). From early childhood until adult age people are influenced by this particular life-world. Therefore, also the answers of the respondents emphasize o this issue in all three countries: they underline the change from the parent- to grandparent-orientation, they appreciate the value of family-events, suggest to give honour to dead relatives and to consider the needs of following generations. By their answers, they also prove the theory that children are able to think about multiple facets of an event simultaneously and to infer and deduct both physical and psychological connections between events (Habermas and Bluck, 2000). With these skills, adolescents become capable of overarching life narratives infused with increasingly sophisticated perspective and evaluation.(Fivush/Buckner, 2003; Fivush, 2007) Thus, in adolescence, a life narrative begins that links events across time and places the self in relation to others, embedded in an unfolding human drama of interconnected stories. (Fivush, 2007) How these stories are constructed in family reminiscing remains critical for adolescents’ developing sense of self- understanding.(Fivush, 2007) In this context, a shared collaborative perspective is related to higher adolescent self-esteem, whereas an independent perspective is related to higher adolescent self- efficacy (Bohanek et al.2006). The answers also underline that memories have to do with emotions (empathy, sorrow, respect); in this context, the relationship to their mother seems closer than to other relatives. This depends on the core-function of emotions: Emotions provide an evaluative framework for understanding and interpreting past experiences and for integrating past experiences into the larger context of a life

82 / 142 story. Such observation emphasizes the crucial aspect of gender: In comparison, mothers talk more about emotional aspects of the past than do fathers (Adams et al. 1995) and both, mothers and fathers, talk more about the emotional aspects of the past, and talk more about the causes and consequences of emotions, when reminiscing with daughters than with sons (Fivush& Buckner, 2003). Mothers, who include more emotional expression and explanation in their co- narrations of negative or stressful events have preschool children, who show more advanced emotional and moral understanding as well as more adaptive emotional regulation (Laible, 2004); mother–child talk about past emotions is more predictive of children’s emotional understanding and regulation than is talk about emotions in other contexts, including ongoing conflicts and book reading (Laible, 2004), suggesting that family narratives may provide a unique context for socializing children’s emotional regulation. Mothers generally do the majority of “emotion work” in the household (Hochschild, 1979), and family narratives are a critical context for creating emotional meaning and a shared history (Fivush et al., 2006). Similarly, mothers are responsible for being the “family historian,” for keeping track of family events and milestones, and for placing these events in an ongoing narrative of family life. These particular core-functions of family as a memory-key, becomes obvious in the answers from 6-9 year old children from primary schools in Germany, Latvia and Poland. When young children (6-9 years old) remember the birthday of their family-members, they also underline – as mentioned above - the “rating-score” of the single person. During primary school German pupils have the rating: mother/father – grandma – grandpa. After changing to secondary school, the rating changes to: grandpa – mother – father- grandma. While Latvian pupils from regular schools also prefer – a little bit – more grandpa than grandma, polish and Latvian Waldorf-pupils seem to have a closer relationship to their grandmas than to grandpas like to mothers more than to fathers. In all three countries the value of family overcomes the role of media (singer/athletes) concerning the past and/or personal events. In all three countries the mother seems more valuable than the father and both more than the grandparents, which depends on closer relationship (Fivush 2007). This result, however, changes in Germany, when the pupils come to Secondary school and cope with relationship and distance towards their parents, while grandparents try to

83 / 142 mediate. Also the importance of Singer or Athlete changes: When pupils change to the next school-level, Music becomes more interesting than sports according to their peer-group and/or fan-club. In Latvian Waldorf School and Polish primary school, there seems a little bit more interest in sports than in music. For the purpose of memory-learning such results suggests intergenerational learning by family-narrations, and underline the crucial value of such informal learning-approach by focusing the particular role of Grandparents in this context. What the pupils mean by their grandparents narrations can be illustrated by answers of 24 elder people (70-90 years old) from Muenster during interviews in 2008. All respondents agree that the years after 1945 had been an extraordinary challenge for them (Franzenburg, 2015b) They had to cope with re-edification of destroyed houses, enterprises, relationships. They had to fear Russian soldiers, had to escape danger of life, suffering from hunger and impatience, from the loss of relatives and friends, from belongings and unreachable expectations. They often felt as strangers, because of Eastern origin or of weddings with the opposite confession. Nevertheless, they did not lose their faith but got power of hope by remembering past crises, by peer groups, particularly, church groups, and by family-encounter. (Franzenburg, 2015b) Some, nevertheless, tried a career by visiting school after work in order to study later at university. All participated – more or less – at the Black marked where everything could be get in exchange for cigarettes there also were curious about forbidden books and about films with political tendency, which they should visit. Most of them missed their fathers, who have been caught in Allied prisons; thus family- encounters were a great pleasure for all of them. The bombardment in the German towns was terrible and terrifying (Franzenburg, 2015b) All remembered hills of stones from former houses, and “Weihnachtsbäume”, which prepared bombardment. One woman remembered the evacuation of Greven for the DPs as new inhabitants, and some attacks of former forced labourers upon German cottages. Often they also get into conflict with the landlords. Everyone had to improvise his life by fabricating bicycles and other equipment and particularly during Christmas time in family, and concerning food. Children had to help in autumn in the harvest and in the fight against dangerous animals; thus living in nature for them was an adventure; they suffered from lost home, but kept in contact virtually by traditional food and rituals (Franzenburg, 2015b)

84 / 142 They all agree that housing was uncomfortable. Compared with interviews with Latvians of advanced age, Latvians (N=8) do more emphasize the core-elements of religious oriented remembrance than Germans (N=14;[0 (1=important – 2=uncertain – 3=not important) :[0 Nature (Germans: M=2,36, D=0,79; Latvians M=1,00, D=0,00; Total M=1,86) Language (Germans: M=2,21, D=0,70; Latvians M=1,25, D=0,46; Total M=1,86) Homeland (Germans: M=1,93, D=0,22; Latvians M=1,00, D=0,00; Total M=1,59) Parents (Germans: M=2,00, D=1,41; Latvians M=1,50, D=0,70; Total M=1,82) Childhood (Germans: M=1,43, D=0,65; Latvians M=1,25, D=0,46, Total M=1,36) Faith (Germans:[0 M=2,29, D=0,57; Latvians M=1,38, D=0,52; Total M=1,95) Nazi- /Soviet regime (Germans: M=2,46 D=0,66; Latvians M=1,38, D=0,74; Total M=2,05) The qualitative results confirm these answers. All respondents Germans and Latvians changed their homes several times (up to 10 times); therefore, home is a core category Only a few of them have passed university- exams, seven visited primary school; therefore, culture as folk-culture and family are crucial. All attended Lutheran and Roman-catholic churches; therefore, they emphasize faith.. All participants agree that the years after 1945 had been an extraordinary challenge for them – some Germans and some Latvians, because they became refugees, others, because they suffered from allied (German) or Soviet occupation (Latvian). All of them had to cope with re- edification of destroyed houses, enterprises ((Franzenburg, 2015b), Particular, the Latvian answers emphasized the core-function of parents for religious power; they also emphasize the core-function of language and tradition for coping with the lost homeland, which became a religious-like symbol for belonging and paradise. Most of the Germans, on the other hand, tried to build up a new home in Western Germany and concentrated on this challenge. They tried a career by visiting school after work in order to study later at university. All Germans – and also the Latvian refugees - participated – more or less – at the Black marked where everything could be get in exchange for cigarettes(Franzenburg, 2015b); there also were curious about forbidden books and about films with political tendency, which they should visit. Most of them missed their fathers, who have been caught in Allied or Soviet prisons; thus family- encounters were a great pleasure for all of them. The bombardment in the German towns was terrible and terrifying. All remembered hills of stones

85 / 142 from former houses. Although, there were no contacts between German and Non-German refugees, a woman remembered the evacuation of cities for the Displaced Persons from Eastern Europe as new inhabitants, and some attacks of former forced labourers upon German cottages. Often they also get into conflict with the landlords. Everyone had to improvise his life by fabricating bicycles and other equipment and particularly during Christmas time in family, and concerning food. Children had to help in autumn in the harvest and in the fight against dangerous animals; thus living in nature for them was an adventure; they suffered from lost home, but kept in contact virtually by traditional food and rituals. They all agree that housing was uncomfortable. Similar narrations were told by the Latvian respondents; one was deported to Siberia, others came from a mixed German-Latvian family, most suffered from difficult marriages/relationships, but all agree that remembering childhood and remembering the belonging to a (lost) homeland, together with tradition (festivals, rituals, narrations) encouraged them, sharing a collective memory and collective stereotypes, to hope for a new life in a free Latvia and kept them satisfied even with worst challenges of life (Franzenburg, 2015b). Similar to German answers, they all confirm that family-encounters and socialization were core-elements of their coping strategies and facilitate – together with peer- groups and common language and rituals self acceptance, self-esteem and, thus, life-satisfaction. For religious educational purposes, such observations, confirmed by the results of this study, suggest learning from other cultures, and becoming aware of religious oriented categories in life (Franzenburg, 2015b) To consider nature as a organism, filled with memories and emotions, to consider language as a part of one’s culture, to distinguish between patriotism and nationalism, and between child-like and childish, to consider oneself as part of a tradition, faith as a holistic part of this tradition, and not only as a confession, and to decode, re- and deconstruct political stereotypes. Religious education can facilitate such attitudes by providing appropriate narrations, symbols, stereotypes, and rituals. Thus, common and different circumstances, experiences and memories of German and Latvian people of advanced age underline the value of early childhood memories of basic trust, belonging and self-acceptance for later life, and, therefore, invite young pupils and students to draw benefit from them by evaluating analogue experiences in their own life and in religious

86 / 142 narrations (Franzenburg, 2015b). As the answers of the German, Latvian and Polish pupils and students underline, such mutual intergenerational learning in families and school has started and is welcome on both sides (Franzenburg, 2016). Therefore, in this intergenerational context, educational is crucial: Memory and education is for both, male and female students, the core-aspect of memories and memory-culture between generations. It represents the integration of past, presence, and future, and remind on individual and collective responsibility. Therefore, the gender-differences are not quite significant. Nevertheless, there are some characteristic moments. While male answers emphasize the challenge of false education, which are characterized as “the way towards damnation”, and combined with a false ideology “caused such cruelties”, female ones more emphasize the benefits of good education as a way to avoid double mistakes; therefore, memories also have educational aspects: they influence present attitudes and actions and prevent from making the same mistakes. Female answers emphasize the help by learning from the mistakes of the ancestors; they also emphasize moral life by self-actualization and prevention of harm to others by caring for them; in this context, Auschwitz is a core-symbol for singular cruelty, only education could prevent a second one (male 17)). Both answers, male and female, consider the right way of education. Male students emphasize the democratic way that “any thoughts about differences between human beings should be avoided, because an education, which emphasizes differences between people, is inhumane, while female and male together agree that world-history and an holistic approach are crucial elements of education, which should not only focus on facts, but on reasons, values, and attitudes (male16), Not only the historical facts are important, but also to remind of mistakes and false decisions made in the past, in order to learn from them for future challenges (male 17) There they suggest to use films, pictures and role-plays for better understanding (male 17), and to illustrate the historical facts by modern analogies and by using original documents (male 17). Some answers, particularly female ones, underline the crucial function of global knowledge about world history (although global solutions often seem to be illusions), about backgrounds and reasons, and also by authentic learning by excursions, intercultural comparisons and by narrations. One step further, male students consider the backgrounds and conditions of memory-learning as

87 / 142 coming “from all parts of knowledge”, as belonging to everyday-life and as an interdisciplinary issue, although their core-context seems to be history. As mentioned in the educational aspect of memory-culture and memories, responsibility for further generations is a further core-aspect. While more male than female students did emphasize the educational aspects of memory-cultures, the current aspect is mostly considered by female students. While the male answers emphasize the already mentioned aspect of preventing repeated faults by memorizing all kinds of experiences, female ones are more differencing than the male ones. They also intend to avoid repeated traumata in the future by clearing up and considering, but – on step further - show empathy for the future of their children, who will take responsibility as leaders in society in the future, and, therefore, need the best education for their future tasks and challenges (female 17), caring that in the future War should not happen again (female 16). By preventing new traumata, memories of war- a refuge- and expulsion- experiences of former generations and considering the reasons for War and similar events become a crucial coping strategy, which can be found in human attitudes, and in the exploiting of other countries (female 16). The female students also show empathy for the children’s needs and attitudes and see memories of War as interesting narrations for curious children, although they might be too young for such experiences (female 17). Nevertheless, can children without learning about traumatic experiences not understand suffering and similar experiences and therefore, did not have a complete awareness of life (Franzenburg, 2015b).

88 / 142 REMEMBERING FOR THE FUTURE 4

2.3. Coping with collective rituals Rituals of collective memory are a part of the daily interpretive processes humans participate in so that they can make sense of the social world. (Lazarus&Leavy, 2010) In order to understand the present, individuals contextualize the present-moment with explicit reference to the past and implicit reference to the future. The present, and our place within in, is understood and experienced relational (Lazarus&Leavy, 2010). In this way, all points in time are on a continuum and the present is lived both temporally and spatially. In order to facilitate the contextualization of the present, the past is actively remembered through commemorative practices. These rituals of collective memory crystallize discourses and multimedia narratives about the past. Commemorative rituals are a form of knowledge construction occurring within a larger web of complex power relations (Lazarus&Leavy, 2010).While collective memory has a relationship with history, the two concepts have not always been interchangeable. Because memory has a history, history is (effectively) memory, particular as contextualized social memory by creating chronological ” records” (Hutton, 1993), and by following a dominant historical narrative and thus “historizing” social memory (Burke, 1997; Olick and Robbins, 1998). Collective memories are created and circulate in popular culture constituting a new mode of social power and knowledge building. Therefore, memory-cultures are not only neutral events, but are combined with particular purposes, which are of advantage for individuals or groups. (Lazarus&Leavy, 2010). While there are no male answers, which fit in this category, the female students emphasize on this topic, when the explain that memory-cultures “facilitate opportunities for individuals to draw benefit from other/former experience (female 16), or on “how we can draw benefit from past experiences” (female,16); others explain that “remembering prevents us from repeating past mistakes and helps us to draw benefit from experiences of other generations, because everyone is individual (female, 16), or that “current and past events are both worth considering (female 18). That female student are more interested in

89 / 142 this point of view, might depend on a more altruistic attitude concerning their traditional role-plays. The answers underline that memory-cultures combine past and future within the act of remembering and sharing experiences; based on the difference between history and remembering, the educational approach of remembrance becomes obvious. This is also underlined by the students, but with particular gender-differences. While a male answer explain that is is “more probable” that remembering conflicts might prevent further ones, a female variant suggests that his “is clear”. This difference might also depend on the more practice-oriented approach of women, which also influenced the missing distinction between remembering past and knowing history. Furthermore, also mistakes should be remembered, in order to avoid them. Also here can be distinguished gender-differences. While male answers emphasize the content (that “remembering mistakes” or “experiences”- either “from others” or “of parent-generation” “can prevent us from doing the same” or “prevent from making their mistakes again”), female answers underline the fact (that “forgotten mistakes will be repeated” (female 16) or: that “remembering prevents repeated mistakes and traumata” (female 17). When female students emphasize on mistakes, they include also own ones (“Remembering of former made mistakes helps to cope with problems in the future (female,17), and underline the benefit (they are crucial for our future (female 16) – Remembering the mistakes made in past times in order to avoid them in the future (female 17). Experiences, which people and communities made in historical contexts integrate the framework and tradition into a culture of remembrance and influence the cultural identity of a person and a group. Such cultures of remembrance find their expression in adapted rules and rituals, narrations and discourses. An important method to analyse them is oral history: By interviews or archival research, people learn to different dimensions of experiences into their own attitude. Learning tolerant attitudes means to tolerate and appreciate foreign attitudes and points of view as enrichment and complement. From a systemic and Gestalt-oriented point of view, the other is essential for me to become a fully functioning person (Buber, Rogers). If learning tolerant attitudes means to tolerate, what seems foreign and strange, learning has to become an invitation to make experiences and not attempt to spread mainstream knowledge Therefore, strengthening the individual abilities and resources instead of standard-behaviour and knowledge-

90 / 142 canon are essential approaches towards tolerance. In order to learn tolerant attitudes, people have to avoid stereotypes, which often lead to conflicts (Franzenburg, 2016a/b). Therefore, to become aware of one’s own and of the foreign character and attitudes not by rumours, prejudice or interpretation, but by mutual (inter-) perception is crucial. Perceiving behaviour with critical appreciation avoids discrimination. By doing so, foreign and strange behaviour of others and their attitude becomes less challenging or embarrassing, but can be recognized as enrichment and complement. In this sense, learning tolerant attitudes also means to find out alternative approaches towards one’s own experiences in the past (Franzenburg, 2016a). Remembering is not mere reconstructing events that actually happened, but the actual construction of the importance of an experienced event for the actual situation. Therefore, memories should be used as experiences that manifest their wealth and richness just in the moment of sharing, of creative and common de- and reconstruction as re-creation (Franzenburg, 2016a/b). An open-minded and mutual accepting attitude is crucial for learning tolerant attitudes. Such framework improves the self-confidence that is necessary to reveal oneself towards others. This attitude can transform and integrate individual experiences not only in a common culture of remembrance, but also in a kind of cultural identity ( Franzenburg 2016a/b). 2.5. Coping with national rituals There are four categories of memory-cultures, which underline the double memory-culture (Holocaust and Gulag) and suggest a differentiated approach: 1. Basic consent (museum) about occupation by an ethnic foreign regime (Baltic States) 2. Controversial discourses (only initiatives) about the communist past (Poland, Hungary, Ukraine, Czech Republic) 3. Apathy concerning coping with past (ambivalence) (Bulgaria, Romania, Serbia, Albania, and others) 4. Continuity from the past to today (regimes) (Russia, Moldova, and others) (Troebst, 2005). Evaluating the results for Latvia and Poland, the project is based on the same history (Soviet Occupation after German occupation), but different coping- strategies (consensual vs. controversial) this study, therefore, combines such national point of view with family-tradition and peer-traditions, based on

91 / 142 individual experiences and interpretations. Family-tradition and peer-group- tradition are both integrated into the framework of regional and national traditions. The answers demonstrate this by combining official celebrations with the commemoration of private mourning. They also confirm a particular “Canon” of core-persons, core-events, which connect private and official memory-cultures. They emphasize directly or in an indirect way the ambivalence of patriotism, particular in Germany. The answers underline that form and function of narratives are socially and culturally constructed and constrained in multiple ‘life scripts’ (Bernsten and Rubin, 2004) or ‘culturally canonical biographies’ (Habermas and Bluck, 2000), which define developmental periods, such as infancy, childhood, adulthood, old age and the appropriate events that should occur during each of these periods, such as education, marriage, and childbearing. These life scripts are enacted and embodied in culturally mediated activities, such as schooling and work life, cultural artefacts, such as novels and plays, and cultural rituals, such as graduation and weddings (Fivush, 2007). Because memories about the significance of the ritual might be formed not only during the ritual itself, but also in instruction and reflection before and after the ritual, they can be also formed during narrative rehearsal rather than in the ritual itself. The respondents emphasize on the challenge to find and develop a multidimensional historical approach, which not only focus on facts, but on reasons, values, and attitudes. Memory-cultures should also impact social and natural sciences, and focus on the influence on present attitudes and benefits for the future. The answers emphasize also the educational and philosophical aspects of memories and on the need to study the original documents and sources. Because memories belong to everyday-life school-education has to recognize it by using holistic approaches (different point of view, methods, multidimensional and interdisciplinary approaches), which appreciate the complex phenomenon of memories and their interpretation. This also means the integration of world-, national and regional history and distinction between patriotism and nationalism, in order to develop a sense of belonging and coherence. Thus, memorizing has a therapeutic function and acts like soul-care by facilitating self-actualization and prevention of harm. The students also consider core-issues for history-lessons, and emphasize first on world-history as a crucial part of history lessons in schools,

92 / 142 which often art focused on national history; only a global focus could facilitate intercultural comparisons and clear up about backgrounds and reasons for current challenges. As already mentioned, they also suggest a holistic approach to history, which is characterized by using memory-narrations, decision- making, excursions, films, pictures and role-plays. A third aspect is the benefits from remembrance for present and future times, by looking for analogies between past and presence and by emphasizing on the responsibility for a common future. Similar considerations can be found within the Latvian and polish answers, who actually emphasize on the aspect of patriotism, while German students emphasize on the prevention- aspect of remembrance: The answer “Who does not remember, will be forgotten someday (male 17) is like a symbol for this attitude and point of view, which is based on individuality, intercultural encounter and tolerance, which they experience since childhood in family-socialization and education. Latvian students are also emphasizing on the heroism of the ancestors, while Germans acknowledge this issue as a taboo because of their Nazi-past. All students in the three countries agree that memories belong to human existence, but Latvian and Polish students emphasize on the national value (love of homeland as part of cultural identity), while Germans put the stress on the individual benefits (prevent making faults), but all agree the need to understand foreign history and experiences by authentic narrations. Thus even young children can understand what happened, and why this was important for their family and for themselves. All agree that nobody should be killed or suffer because of religion or ethnicity. Polish and Latvian students further demonstrate the value of the independents fight over centuries for memory-culture and cultural identity, mostly combined with the victim-stereotype. Focusing on patriotism as struggle for national freedom, such memory culture got in conflict with the ruling one, which neglected and excluded some historical aspects as taboo. Memory politics can be characterized by the purpose to implement historical awareness, which facilitates political and social responsibility and civic education. Such historical or memory-attitude as a complex orientation about social and political changes and transformations in societies (Pandel (1987) consists of the following elements: - Sense of reality as the ability to distinguish between real and imaginative events and persons - Sense of History as the ability to distinguish between static theories and dynamic

93 / 142 experiences and – at the same time – to synthesise experiences, theories and narrations - Sense of identity as the ability to distinguish between we and you/they by comparing different historical events, times and places - Sense of hierarchies as the ability to distinguish between top-down and bottom-up attitudes and actions - Sense of economic and social frameworks as the ability to distinguish between rich and poor - Sense of ethics and social rules as the ability to distinguish between morally right or wrong. Such abilities are facilitated during encounters, when communication-acts develop “transactive memories”, with the individual person as an internal cache and “the others” as an external one; within this framework families as memory-encounters have the relais- function between individual biographical memories and official memory- cultures and memory-interpretation: They communicate rituals of remembrance and memories in an emotional and informal way during family sessions (common meals, events, encounters), which generate sense of life, but often also conflicts, when such rituals and narrations do not harmonize with the official ones (Welzer 2002). Commemoration within a particular social context facilitates a framework and life-world, where the single person finds himself/herself embedded within past, presence and future during the process of narration, ritual, and sharing, but also has to cope with conflicting memory- cultures and -politics. Memory-politics in Germany, Latvia, and Poland, is - in each country - controversial: While in Germany the discourse is characterized by the attempt to finish the discussions about German fault, guilt or responsibility, Latvians are coping with the “clash of memory-cultures” in their country – like Estonians, too, when there are still controversial interpretations of the “Occupation” -time between Latvian/Estonians and Russians. Therefore, the German emphasizing on individual responsibility for tolerance and understanding might be a key for collective responsibility and a sense of belonging and community; on the other hand, Germans could learn to distinguish between patriotism and nationalism and to cope with their own attitude towards their homeland and to prevent aggressive ones. These considerations underline that memory-cultures in any context emphasize on the sense of belonging, exemplified by common jubilees and remembrance days, events and rituals, which belong to a particular group, e.g. participants of events during War or peace-time, classmates, members of a network, colleagues of a

94 / 142 common enterprise etc. The answers from the pupils underline the value of peer-groups and friendship. These groups are often focused on a particular idol (music, sports) and organized virtually by social networks. The respondents emphasized on changes towards peace and understanding in small steps within one’s own framework and life-world, which is built on peer-groups and encounters with a common memory-culture (interests, experiences). This can be exemplified by the different interests of the respondents. While in Latvia (in regular schools more than in Waldorf-schools) and Poland books about Egypt and World Wars are very popular, German pupils prefer narrations. Whether the particular interest of Latvian and Polish students for knights is influenced by the common tradition of German Knights in these regions since Middle ages, is open for research, as well as the particular interest for Romans (not for Germans). It might also depend on the school-books, which emphasize on the tradition of knights in Poland. That Latvian and Polish pupils show such significant interest in Wars (more than German). That Latvian ones show significant interest in Egypt and are like polish pupils more interested in books than Germans, who prefer narrations, although all together share this preference, might depend on the educational system and didactic method. The results suggest using peer-groups and encounters as a didactic approach (group- work), and to be aware of the value of collective experiences. The results underline that history teaching has to recognize the narrative approach to history; they suggest to combine different issues (here: Egypt and World Wars) by facilitating historical attitudes instead of information. Besides of literature, symbols and rituals are crucial for the students in all three countries, as shown by their answers. Many of the (particular in Latvia) agree that jubilees, flags and hymns are crucial for remembrance. Some emphasize (mostly in Germany) on narrations in family, while Latvian students prefer films and documentation. This underlines the differences concerning patriotism, which is popular in Latvia, but difficult in Germany, where individual values and critical discussions are in focus. That the extraordinary meaning of Auschwitz as a metaphor and for systematic cruelty and genocide is particular known in Poland and Germany, but less in Latvia, is not astonishing. For Polish people, there is a particular interest to interpret Auschwitz from a victim-perspective, while young Germans often blame their ancestors, and simultaneously pretend that they are

95 / 142 born too late to be responsible for such crime. Particular in Latvia, there is an attempt within the society to compare Hitler and Stalin (Snyders, 2010) concerning their genocides and war-crimes. Thus, several conflicting memory- cultures develop, enriched by taboos concerning collaboration during the Holocaust and by the traumata during the Soviet-era. The answers of the pupils consider these circumstances indirectly by emphasizing certain ambivalence in decision, particular in Latvia. The core-question during the last decades of German academic history-debate (Historikerstreit), whether both totalitarian regimes and their cruelties can be compared or not, is in particular a question between Eastern and Western European countries: While the former experienced both occupations (German and Russian) in different ways (collaborating – traumatized), the Western countries were suffering under German Occupation alone. The answers of the pupils in Germany emphasize on the analogy between both traumata and compare Auschwitz with modern examples of genocide. They seem aware of the conflicting memory-cultures in many countries, because in their distance toward these events, they choose a neutral perspective, which condemn cruelty in global. Thus, they underline the ambivalent situation of their generation. While in the former Soviet republics the German genocide is compared with Stalinism (Snyder 2010), there is another conflict of memory-cultures between Germany and Poland, which, however, has no direct echo in the answers of the pupils. For their parents and grandparents, the expelled Germans were the last victims of Hitler’s war, subjected to ethnic cleansing as a by-product of the brutality of the German army and National Socialism (http://expelledgermans.org/distortedmemory.htm) For others, the diasporic Germans were victims of Red Army atrocities. In both interpretations, the expelled German civilians are, in general, depicted as innocent victims of a brutal ethnic cleansing. In the contrary, Poles see the war as a catastrophic era of German malevolence against the Polish people and the extinction of their long- awaited sovereignty Poles emphasize the fact that Poland suffered more than almost any other nation during the war, primarily the fault of the Germans, having lost about 1/5 of their total population. Like the Russians and Soviets, the Germans as the ethnic identity altogether were seen as the mortal enemies of Polish nationality and statehood. To be German was to be a Nazi regardless of

96 / 142 one’s personal ideology or nationality, although the German minority that had settled in Poland, often for as many as seven centuries since the rule of the German Teutonic Order. (http://expelledgermans.org/distortedmemory.htm) As Poles understood it, they were simply resolving a teleological struggle against centuries of German hegemony by expelling their physical presence (Opilowska, 2009). (http://expelledgermans.org/distortedmemory.htm) The students’ answers do not touch this complex issue. They emphasize on the universal dimension of Auschwitz as a symbol of human suffering, death, mass murder, extermination, and annihilation, crime against humanity, genocide, ultimate evil, peace, and reconciliation. This interpretation substitutes, particular in the former Soviet states, the old communist meaning of Auschwitz as a symbol against fascism, post-war West Germany and Western imperialism. In Poland, it also substitutes the old national meaning of Auschwitz as a symbol of the martyrdom of the Polish nation and other nations The emphasis on the former pope John Paul II in the answers might be connected with his visit to Auschwitz in July 1979, which signalled a break with the official rewriting of history by a new inscription commemorating the Jewish victims. Also Latvians (and Estonians) had to cope with 700 years German settlement and German hegemony. Nevertheless, Latvian memory-culture is more influenced by Russian occupation and imperialism than by German, because the almost 50 years Sovietization after 1944 influenced the communicative and social memory, while the preceding centuries became part of cultural memory (Lutheran tradition, Home-desire, landscape, common fight). When Latvia was recovering its independent statehood, an important component therein was the restoration of pre-Soviet symbols, celebrations and commemorations, and also the enshrinement of the victims of the Soviet occupation and their memory. The Soviet calendar of celebrations was suddenly gone. In its place there was a calendar of celebrations and dates of commemoration that were specific to the Republic of Latvia. November 18, the date on which the Republic of Latvia was proclaimed in 1918, became the central focus of national holidays. The new calendar of holidays and dates of commemoration in Latvia, however, was alien to many Russian-speakers who arrived in the republic during the years of the Soviet occupation; this evoke the conflict of memory-cultures, because Russians and Latvians in Latvia are split less by ethnic culture, language and specific

97 / 142 characteristics than by ideas about the history of the 20th Century – particular World War II and Soviet Occupation. In the Baltic States, there is currently no museum dedicated to the memory of the Holocaust. Latvia and Estonia have a Museum of the Occupation, which only deals with the suffering of the indigenous population under Soviet and Nazi rule, but the Nazi-genocide is only integrated. On the other hand since 2000, the celebration of May 9 has shifted from a worship of military veterans toward an organized event of political entertainment and communication for the masses. In 2003, when Latvia instituted reforms at minority-language schools, the aim of which was to enhance the importance of learning the Latvian language, there were protests against the reforms, and the Victory Monument in Riga and similar memorials in major Latvian towns became a symbolic focus for the institutionalization of the political activities of the Russian community. Besides of the Latvian-Russian controversy about the time of occupation, there is a conflicting memory-culture concerning Latvian Exile or Diaspora and the discourse about “right” Latviasness. Diaspora communities tend to vary in culture, traditions, language and other factors. Also, a myth or collective memory of their homeland; they regard their ancestral homeland as their true home, to which they will eventually return to restore or maintenance it because they relate to the homeland as to a point, where it shapes their identity, by symbols, heroes, rituals and values during the process of enculturation (Hofstede, 1997) The characteristics of Diaspora include voluntary migration for the purposes of trade or work or for other reasons. Rather, their victim origin is either self-affirmed or accepted by outside observers as determining their predominant character (Franzenburg, 2013). In the case of the Baltic Diaspora the starting point is forced displacement that “ have created incipient victim Diaspora, which over time may create sufficient social cohesion to separate particular groups from their surrounding context in their countries of settlement. In both established and embryonic victim Diaspora the wrench from home must survive so powerfully in the folk memories of these groups that restoring the homeland or even returning there becomes an important focus for social mobilization, and the mould in which their popular cultures and political attitudes are formed (Cohen, 2008; Franzenburg, 2016a). Like in the lost homeland, also in Exile, Latvians organised themselves, elected their representatives, founded social,

98 / 142 cultural, academic, professional and youth organisations, congregations and Latvian schools (Franzenburg, 2013). They organised theatre plays, concerts and other events. In order to stand their own ground as an ethnic group especially when dealing with the occupation authorities they founded central representations and organised elections. Although there was not enough paper and there were no Latvian types for printing and it was difficult to obtain approval from the occupation authorities soon newspapers, circulars and books were printed or copied in another way. This lively social and cultural life in the camps rightfully deserves to be called “mazas Latvijas” (small dear Latvia). .Life in the camps became the breeding-ground of the ideology of the exile. The loss of the homeland and the worldwide dominating political situation that meant that the regaining of independence would not necessarily be made impossible but definitely delayed and the years of living and working together in the camps (“the small dear Latvia”) created a feeling of political exile and the exiled people saw themselves as representatives of independent Latvia. Patriotism was rife. This temporal dimension did not correspond to a usual experience of living mostly in the present rather than between the past and the future. Therefore, most Latvians were leading a double life with a double-time planning. As residents of their new home-countries and members of their societies they were busy with their everyday lives, preoccupations and distractions. On the other hand, especially during weekends, on common memorial or holidays like the 18th of November or the 14th of June or when taking part in big events or summer camps they turned into Latvians of their own separate Latvian society, organized according to different criteria. In principle this was a community of faith, not dependent on a certain space or time. For the faithful the exile became an era of its own. Its backbone was organisation. Only through organisation it was possible to build communities that - in spite of distances - were able to repeatedly strengthen their faith and thus overcome all kinds of obstacles in space and time. It is important to note that the exile was being organised mostly on the grass-roots level and that apart from a few exceptions everything was financed via membership fees, donations or voluntary work by the members themselves. The organisations in exile were true voluntary alliances of brothers in faith and conviction. This was their strong point. Wherever Latvians got together, they would found organisations: societies, parishes, youth clubs,

99 / 142 schools and choirs. It is not really an exaggeration to say that where there are three Latvians there will be three organisations. Two or three different Latvian evangelical parishes in the same place were not rare. They weren’t mass organisations but normally there was a central association or coordinator. Social life was depending on planning and organisation. In the bigger centres there were weekly events, normally on weekends: school, church, concerts and other social events. In the smaller centres there was less activity. In the beginning events would take place in several hired locations. The organisational framework consisted of four parts. This and their interconnection guaranteed the sustainability and the functionality of the exile and were implicitly already specified in the document “Latviesa stāja svesumā”. The most important goal mentioned in this document was the fight for independence and at the same time it mentioned the possibility that this fight was of an unknown duration but would eventually be successful. It defined the basis for the preservation of a functional and durable exile society which would support the fight. The sense of togetherness was the most important condition of the preservation of the exile. There was a rule that said that every Latvian had to use every opportunity to be among his people to strengthen one another and to maintain contact in spite of all frontiers hence social life developed locally, regionally and even via a worldwide connection that made it possible for most Latvians to take part in social events once in a while. If there weren’t any where they lived they had the opportunity to attend song contests, cultural days or conferences that were being held in various locations. Although not every social event could be classified as preserving culture this was actually one of the main objectives. In “Latviesa stāja svesumā” it was stated that the Latvian in exile was to be the “preserver of his ancestors’ inheritance and of his language”. There was a lot of literature not only of a contemporary nature but also dating from earlier times such as the writings that were forbidden in occupied Latvia. Anthologies of the most important Latvian authors were published. Latvian folk songs were republished in several volumes and a new Latvian encyclopedia was brought into existence as well as a newly written history of Latvia, again in several volumes. The animated cultural life of the former refugee camps had become the basis for the cultural and social life in exile worldwide. There was a lot to offer and if it could not be achieved through local people, guest performances were

100 / 142 arranged: theatre pieces, concerts, poetry readings and art exhibitions. It was all presented during events at regional or national level as well and the Latvian singing festivals became events of major proportions. The yearly cultural days held in Australia became extremely popular social and cultural festivals. „To preserve and increase the vitality of his people” was another of the statements of “Latviesa stāja svesumā”. This referred to the concern of bringing up the following generations in a national Latvian way which had already been expressed during the time in the refugee camps. In the exile worldwide schools and youth organizations were founded alongside with associations and parishes. Naturally there weren’t any whole-day schools but everything to be included in a national curriculum such as Latvian language and literature, Latvian geography and history and Latvian choirs had to be organized by volunteers on Saturdays and Sundays. As mentioned before the youth gradually became independent from the tutelage of the older generation and created their own organizations on several levels including worldwide associations that organized their own summer courses and major events. Although those were not always adapted to the mainstream, they equally fulfilled the demand of national preservation so that the third generation - those born in exile - continued to fight for independence. The most important task of the exile was to “fight for the freedom of the Latvian people and the future of Latvia”. Although some purely political organizations were founded, in principle most - if not all - of the organizations in exile were ideologically and politically focused. The political success of the exile by the restoring of the independence in spite of inner tensions and differences was only successful, because at the same time this aspiration - although suppressed at first - had continued to exist in Latvia and in the other Baltic states and towards the end of the eighties had been expressed through political action in an unstoppable way. Maybe the most important human as well as intellectual contribution of the exile is the integrated youngest generation now living in Latvia characterised by their professional and language skills and cosmopolitan attitude. After 1989 in Latvia the flag and the anthem were once again allowed as national symbols, the national front was being organized and the politically persecuted shared their stories of Siberia next to the freedom monument”. Latvians motive of their own national identity is present throughout the history of the Latvian people that only started defining

101 / 142 itself as such towards the end of the 19h century and enjoyed formal independence only for a short period of time (1919 - 1940). They share the demand for their home-country with the German Balts who had been settling there since the 13th century and have always constituted the upper class. The DPs in Germany then occupied by allied forces were faced with similar structures as well as homeless foreigners in the newly founded Federal Republic of Germany. They share an anti-Soviet attitude with Germany that had started in the beginning of the 20th century but could never be openly expressed due to the incorporation into Tsarist Russia and later occupations. In both constellations the Latvians are a special group within the emigrants (together with the Estonians and Lithuanians) that has been accused of collaboration and denied repatriation. Being of a population of only 2.5 million they are easy to survey. Their destiny shows right from the beginning a difficult balance between identity and integration or even assimilation in which an individual way of life (national interest), family commitments (families of mixed origins) and political decisions (collaboration) go together. The major significance of cultural interests and activities especially for the Latvian DPs is mirrored by the fact that there were many academics (authors and artists) among them. The national character of the works of art and events - evident in the national character of the “Dainas” (folk songs) is especially important in this context as they counterbalanced the dominating culture of the German cultural elite in Latvia. Another motive is that of a “European thought” expressed by Zenta Maurina and other exiled people via cultural reconciliation of the East-West polarity.” (Franzenburg, 2012). This particular memory-culture is confronted with the contrary of Soviet deportations: The tradition of public commemoration of deportations began in the period of Atmoda (a specific Latvian term for national revival, 1987-1991), when previously silenced historical episodes became a part of everyday political communication. The media participated in this process not only as informers, but also as agitators. The democratization of history and sharing information about the traumatic events became so widespread that it created a new type of public communication and brought to the public sphere new ideas and feelings. The traumatic experience of deportations represented in the media dissolved the previous conception of Soviet history and became an important part of the new,

102 / 142 post-soviet history and identity. The first occurrence of the public commemoration of deportations took place in June 14, 1987 when the civil rights movement Helsinki-86 laid flowers in the front of the Monument of Freedom in Riga and were roundly or rudely roughly condemned by the authorities and the media. In 1988, the situation was completely different - the Communist Party of Latvia officially permitted the commemoration of the deportations. The official legitimization, albeit completed only in 1990, enabled the press to come up with an openly supportive position towards the commemorative activities.The highest activity in terms of the total number of publications representing commemorative events was reached in 1989. Until 1989 national media dominates, but later the number of publications in national media significantly decreases, while the local media continue to produce a growing or stable number of publications in following years. This asymmetry can be explained by two inter-related factors. First, the national press established and legitimated the discourse of commemoration that made its localization possible and at the same time diminished the necessity to sustain it on the national scale. Second, in the beginning of the 1990s the economic issues downplayed the importance of history and cultural struggles in the agenda of the national media, while commemorative events remained notable for local communities and thus also for the local media. Typically, the commemoration is represented through news pieces, reportages or short, mobilizing messages listing the time and venue of the commemorative activities. During the Atmoda period, publications, both in texts and pictures, focus on several aspects: monuments, mass gatherings and also musical components of the commemoration. National newspapers tend to emphasize political actions such as demonstrations and speeches, whereas local media give more attention to the religious, emotional and aesthetic aspects, such as worship, songs, poetry and memories, accentuating the individual experiences of the deportees and the involvement of the local community. However, commemorative events in both types of media during Atmoda are represented as being oriented towards immediate emotional experience rather than to the ‘cognitivization’ of the past, more characteristic of the next decade. Thus emotional music, flowers, tears in the eyes of people and their feeling of respectfulness are common characteristics of the commemorative representation. Using particular genres, metaphors,

103 / 142 emotional style, and popular spokespersons the press established a pattern of mediating the trauma that influenced the commemorative representation in the next 20 years. A distinctive tendency of the Atmoda period was to avoid accentuating the suffering of a single social stratum or ethnic group and to stay away from searching for villains. Instead, the media focused on shared feelings, emphasized the common rather than controversial issues, and thus created the potential for reconciliation between different groups and the healing of cultural trauma. However, in following years the disunion emerged between the representation of these events in the media of the two main ethnic communities of Latvia: Latvians and Russians. Similarly to the Atmoda period, publications of subsequent years also focus on such commemorative elements as monuments, mass gatherings, musical backdrop, etc.” (Procevska and others, 2011). The Latvian pupils and students emphasize on this struggle for independence, when they suggest to remember, how Latvia has regained freedom (male 16), because “this is part of our identity; this is our history, this is our history and this important to me; this is our culture” (female 16); they particularly emphasize on the capital as a symbol for national identity: “Riga is a centre of culture, this is important for us to know”. Although they appreciate to know about other cultures, they prefer “to remember our ancestors”, particular “about the exile of parents and grandparents” and about “the heroes that were fighting about our freedom”. They underline that such commemoration “is a part of cultural heritage and we need to know it”; therefore, Latvians should remember “both good and bad things from the past, to learn about difficult time and to “understand reasons why people were exiled”, because “war is a part of our history; we need to know that our ancestors were fighting for our freedom; this is important to know one’s past”. For the Latvian students, sharing “memories about our homeland in all time”, about historical events and “about our culture, “how our parents lived before, and about independence fights “shows our attitude towards our homeland”. In this context, they also emphasize on memory-days, “because these are the days important for our country, these are Latvian holidays”; they explain this particular importance with the honouring ceremonies: “we remember the soldiers who died while fighting for our independence”, because “we need to remember who has died because they sacrificed their life for us”; therefore, commemoration is crucial: “Because we

104 / 142 live in the independent country”, it “is important to remember hard times in our history”; “because we honour people who were fighting for our country”, “we show honour to those who have died; it is teaching patriotism.” Further generations should know how their fathers fought for freedom. Similar, the Polish answers emphasized on patriotism. They suggest “remembering important heroes, places, events” and “remembering one’s own culture”, because such commemorating facilitates patriotism: “Remembering heroes, facts and events, caring for tradition, knowing one’s tradition, honouring the dead and the heroes of history” are core-elements of cultural identity. Similar with other former GUS-states, such as the Czech republic, after 1989 parallel memory- cultures were linked together in the victim-stereotype (against different kinds of aggression). Similar as in Latvia, also in Poland remembrance is - together with faith, culture and language, a core-aspect and element of national and cultural identity (Opilowka 2009). The answers by connecting past and future help their generation to understand their history and to create a positive environment for future generations; they underline that a young generation recognizes its origins in the living older generations. When that generation remembers the national past with live people providing context, the memory becomes “live memory.” Such is the vision of the answers by recognizing past human atrocities and by making the Holocaust a focal point of its collective memory. According to Margalit (2002), these kinds of communities ought to become communities of memory― a community that preserves its memory ethically and integrates the past into its identity―because they have the opportunity to reform themselves as communities that prioritize ethical treatment of all humanity in their communal memory. While Latvian and polish answers emphasize on patriotism, the German ones consider the question, whether a European or global memory-culture is possible or not. Male-students emphasize on the sense of belonging and of community, but see only the way of assimilation (male, 17); nevertheless, a common memory-culture facilitates community and a sense of belonging (male17). Female ones emphasize more on tolerance by encounter, commemoration, and by awareness of the common history of all people, which facilitate a common culture of remembrance and widen the horizon. They also emphasize on intercultural dialogue, because genocide is global and should be considered in an intercultural way. Both, male and female students,

105 / 142 nevertheless, criticize the concept of a common (memory-) culture, because every single culture develop its own memory about particular events, and different people needed different memory-cultures; therefore, collecting them into a common memory-culture is not possible; both, however, are, nevertheless, optimistic in a particular dimension: A common sense of community is crucial (male) - Nevertheless, many cultures have particular memories in common, and are sharing a common culture (female ). Together with the decision, how to compare two extreme totalitarian regimes, the question, how to deal with this topic without human witnesses, is a crucial challenge for memory culture; it emphasize on the difference between communicative and cultural memory (Assmann). The answers underline this challenge by emphasizing on the difference between a responsibility backwards, and a responsibility forward. They agree that Auschwitz was an outstanding example of genocide and cruelty, but prefer the task and challenge to avoid further genocides. Therefore, they agree with Adorno that education should facilitate that a second Auschwitz will never be, but emphasize on different explanations. One male student (17) explains in a religious manner that the wrong education leads towards damnation, while female students mostly underline the cruelty of Auschwitz, and of the times in World War II. They emphasize the conviction that there is no excuse of such crime and materialisation of cruelty, which made Auschwitz to a symbol and a warning repeat such attitudes. Therefore, the answers emphasize the role of education: Auschwitz has been a singular cruelty; therefore, education should prevent a second one and help to avoid discrimination of others. All students agree that remembering and considering these cruelties help to avoid them in future and to prevent discrimination. They emphasize the conviction that not only remembering own mistakes but also from former generations could do this. Also Latvian students agree that for peace on earth education should avoid such cruelties. Nobody should make similar experiences in the future. Therefore, also the Latvian students suggest to know history and to learn from the mistakes in the history in order not to repeat them in the future; thus, education is seen as a core-challenge of memory-cultures. The polish students characterize Auschwitz in a similar way as the cruellest crime against humanity in history, which should never be again. They underline that nobody wanted that his family and friends

106 / 142 should make similar experiences (perhaps a „glimpse” for polish victim- stereotype). Although, there is no other crime comparable to Auschwitz, which was a genocide, a mass-murder of an incredible number of people, nevertheless, besides of Auschwitz, similar other genocides should be remembered. All agree that there is no excuse to kill others because of religion or ethnicity. By emphasizing on the stereotypes between individuals, groups and nations and on the global problems and challenges, the respondents underline, what is exemplified by different memory-cultures; they evaluate such different cultures as the task of ecumenical and intercultural dialogue. While in Poland and Baltic countries the emphasis is on the victim-stereotype, in Scandinavian countries the resistance-stereotype – like in France – is in the centre of memory-attitudes and politics (Bohn and others, 2008; Sørensen, 2008); thus, memory-culture becomes an element of memory-politics (A. Assmann, 2007) Also in western European countries young people emphasize on the strong relationship between the past events 1945 and today. In a survey made in Sachsenhausen (Spiegel online 6.5.2015 (K. Haug) they, too, underline that War should not happen again, and that they distrust the media (NL, f,16). They also underline that their parents do not talk much about War-experiences (fear, hunger, crimes) and suggest conflict-management by diplomacy (GER, m, 14). They learned that the Second World war was caused by a single man – Hitler, who committed genocide towards people, because they were others than the Germans; although people should have learned from memories, a same conflict is possible in future (NL, f,11 and CH, m, 16). They also emphasize on the concentration-camps and their survivors, and on the distracted families and the cruelties of War (IT, f, 13) they appreciate that there are places for commemoration and discussions in school, because in family, other conflicts (Bosnia) are more in the focus (B, f, 18). Most striking is the cruelty during War, which prevents the ancestors from narrations; they trust on the fear against mass-weapons as a War-prevention (B, f, 14). They emphasize on the value of memorizing and teaching to young people such experiences; people of today should be thankful (CH, f, 18), Nevertheless, they are aware of the many wars, conflicts and during the last 70 years and today, particular by terror-attacs (F, f,16) (Franzenburg, 2015b). European memory cultures

107 / 142 Post-national models of citizenship (Habermas 2001) have been criticized for artificially disaggregating citizens’ shared sense of adherence to democratic values and the emotional components of group identity construction (Littoz- Monet, 2012) Elites at the sub‐national, national and supra‐national levels have well perceived the intricacy of constructing collective identities in the absence of any dimension of shared memory within the group. Processes of collective memory construction have indeed been an essential element of identity‐building processes in modern and post‐modern societies. Particular in European countries, identity refers to the definition of who is really a member of a group, memory is what this group shares in terms of past experiences (Eder 2005). Thus collective memory preserves or reconstructs the knowledge of one group’s past experiences. Therefore, EU elites have developed new memory frames, which resonate with the existing memory cultures of EU states, and can, as such, better appeal to European citizens. Precisely because the new memory discourses echo with domestic memory cultures, the EU has become a contested terrain for competing frames.(Littoz-Monet, 2012) The struggle centres, essentially, on the right way of condemning the two European totalitarian regimes of the 20th century, opposing the paradigm of the distinctiveness of the Holocaust to the view that Nazism and Stalinism were two equally barbaric regimes in a longer history of organised state terror. (Littoz- Monet, 2012) It is in this context that the Holocaust became central to the discourse of EU elites. EU institutions were faced with the problem of finding memory frames which could appeal to all European societies. Early supranational narratives were not sufficiently appealing to European citizens. References to European heritage referred to ‘cold’ memories, which could not construct a European identity. By using memory frames which referred to already existing narratives at the national level, EU institutions prepared the ground for the EU to become a new locus of conflict over the interpretation of the past. Finding a common ‘European memory’ of recent European history was particularly intricate in the context of the confrontation of divergent Eastern and Western memory cultures (Littoz-Monnet,2012) It is in this context that the Holocaust became central to the discourse of EU elites. EU institutions were faced with the problem of finding memory frames which could appeal to all European societies. Early supranational narratives were not sufficiently appealing to European citizens.

108 / 142 References to European heritage referred to ‘cold’ memories, which could not construct a European identity. By using memory frames which referred to already existing narratives at the national level, EU institutions prepared the ground for the EU to become a new locus of conflict over the interpretation of the past. Finding a common ‘European memory’ of recent European history was particularly intricate in the context of the confrontation of divergent Eastern and Western memory cultures (Littoz-Monnet, 2011). The answers of the pupils emphasize on this issue, when they consider the value and opportunity of common remembrance. They argue – similar to the European concept, when they emphasize on responsibility and tolerance. Thus, they follow indirectly the emphasis on an ethics of remembrance (Margalit 2002). Although this concept is widely agreed as a useful suggestion, it is explained in a different way: While the German students also in this context underline the individual responsibility and the value of democratic tolerance (preventing conflicts by learning from each other), and put the stress on the variety of cultures with common roots and values, Latvian and Polish students suggests to transfer national values and cultural identity from one generation to the other (patriotism, glorious actions, important persons, times, places). For them remembrance is useful because historical knowledge prevents false information. Germans and Latvians share the suggestion that such knowledge and interpretation should be without any preconditions; thus, it will widen the mental frame and bring into contact with one’s traditions and roots. For Germans, however, such awareness is not the destination, but the first step towards an intercultural dialogue (Franzenburg, 2015b). Besides of rituals, also rules are core-aspects of both, religion and memory- culture (Assmann, 2006). When people encounter to commemorate and to share experiences from their own memory or from collective and communicative memory, they need some orientation-standards, particular in case of missing eye-witnesses. At the ‘end of history’ (Fukuyama), or at least of the ‘end of the grand narratives’ (Lyotard), global-monolithic or teleological concepts of history are changing into multidimensional post-modern, particular and constructivist models of memory (Halbwachs 1950). Memories are not only seen as objective images of past perceptions, but as subjective, highly selective reconstructions, dependent on the situation in which they are recalled; thus,

109 / 142 remembering is an act of assembling available data that takes place in the present. Therefore, also forgetting as a condition and environment for remembering is a crucial element within the process of memory-culture, together with values and social frameworks with different viewpoints (Halbwachs 1950).

110 / 142 REMEMBERING FOR THE FUTURE 5

When the students in the mentioned research (Franzenburg 2015b) emphasize the narrations of their grandparents and on the responsibility for future generations, they are aware, that behind heroic tales also the hidden horror, fear, and panic often separated emotions, which belong to a content, should be mentioned. When emphasizing the conviction that remembering facilitates future, the answers at the same time emphasize the task to honour the ancestors, and therefore, acknowledge the value of communicative memory and family- traditions; both dimensions (past and future) can be exemplified by memory- jubilees and –celebrations. The German students also emphasize the responsibility for their children and further generations, which will one day take responsibility as leaders in society in the future; therefore, they needed the best education for their future tasks and challenges in order to avoid further Wars and traumata. They agree that remembering the experiences of parent- generation and their traumata would prevent from making their mistakes again. Therefore, education as clearing up and as the opportunity to come in contact with such experiences should teach right decisions and learning-strategies, how to avoid traumata. The students also consider the challenges of such a task, because nobody would know when such cruel things will happen again. Therefore, children should become aware that war is not only a thrilling adventure, but a horror for all participants, and should be informed about all aspects of life; because such things could happen at any time, they should be remembered between the generations; thus children could understand that the reasons for War and similar events can be found in human attitudes and in the exploiting of other countries; furthermore, they could develop empathy by becoming aware of traumatic experiences of their ancestors; and could develop strategies to foster a peaceful situation in their own life-world. Also, the Latvian students agree that knowing history is crucial. They emphasize the experiences of exile of their parents and grandparents and on the heroes that were fighting about Latvian freedom, because such things are parts of the cultural heritage, which should be learned, people should know both good and bad things from

111 / 142 the past, and to learn about difficult time, in order to understand reasons why people were exiled; because War was part of Latvian history, children should know that their ancestors were fighting for Latvian freedom Similar, also Polish students characterize remembering as an important issue for cultural identity. They, too emphasize how the ancestors (fathers) have fought for Polish freedom. Only by learning from the grandfathers’ experiences one could avoid further wars, because children should learn the reasons, backgrounds, and experiences connected with Wars, in order to avoid further conflicts. Remembering could facilitate patriotism and thus, open the future. Therefore, teaching history and memory-culture by combining past, presence, and future, and by emphasizing important historical facts, positive and negative by narration, are crucial, particularly honouring the dead heroes and telling the truth about national history. In an indirect way, German, Latvian and Polish students follow a quotation of Richard von Weiszäcker: In 1985 (as German President) - commemorating the End of World War II as an act of liberation and deliverance - he reminded the Germans of this double responsibility: to look forward into a common European future by remembering the past. In his paper, he quoted a Jewish rabbi with the words: Seeking to forget makes exile all the longer; the secret of redemption lies in remembrance. In their comments on this quotation the students emphasize the responsibility for further generations by common remembrance: Particularly reminding others of the consequences of war could prevent new aggressions. All answers agree that remembering past faults and mistakes give the chance to avoid repeated ones and can give the feeling of redemption. Nevertheless, there also are critical answers that in spite of such educational efforts the same or similar cruelties are made; thus such approaches are at least a chance to cope with similar problems in the future; concerning the term redemption, they prefer the religious interpretation as forgiveness of sins, but agree that remembering could be the first step on the way to salvation, followed later by repentance. Particularly for non-religious people redemption by remembrance and consciousness could be a model; on the other hand, they remind of people, who have no memories but find redemption (female, 18), and of those, who are more obsessed than blessed by memories, because memories can be malicious and evoke traumata, therefore, redemption could be a kind of patience Latvian students distinguish between memories that

112 / 142 everybody needs to know and memories that do not need to be revealed to everybody; nevertheless, youth needs to know history and need memories, before the bearer died, People should know about historical events and circumstances to become liberated, because memories are always a part of a person. For Latvian students, history and memory mean first of all Latvian history, particularly the struggle for freedom. Therefore, remembering becomes a part of their cultural identity, when shared with each other. Thus, remembering facilitates future as common or national future in a free Latvia, which satisfies and redempt all those, who lost their lives of suffered from struggling for this freedom, and motivates to do anything for it. Similar, also Polish students agree that remembrance is not the only key to salvation, but a first step, because remembering helps drawing conclusions from the past, and thus becoming honest people. For them the core-issue for remembering is one’s own national history as part of cultural identity, which enables to cope with future challenges; on the other side, are the real mystery behind salvation only Jesus and Faith; therefore memory can only become a key for salvation, because considering the past makes better people, when they remember something, they can get liberated; in such sense, Polish students argue, is memory beneficial also for religious attitude (Franzenburg, 2015b). In a situation, where people have no own or family-experience with the contents of cultural memory and national memory-politics, the educational aspect becomes crucial, particularly concerning the difference between patriotism and nationalism. Therefore, German, Latvian and Polish answers agree that remembering the past might prevent traumata in future times. The German students emphasize family tradition, which facilitates and motivates empathic and constructive remembrance as an individual life-attitude by encounter, community, communication, sharing, dialogue; it also means coping with the ambivalent national identity by learning narrations and rituals of commemorating the victims, recognizing faults and responsibility for the future, and integrating the past into everyday life in an appropriate way. This also means coping with traumata and mourning with the victims’ families, developing empathy and a commemoration- community by sharing experiences and by making memories sustainable by rituals and documentation (Hirst/Manier 2008). Latvian students emphasize their homeland-memory over

113 / 142 centuries, on cultural memory of the ancestors and of human life in the past; they underline that such remembering avoids and prevents repeated mistakes/faults; especially concerning the fight for independence people can learn to love their homeland. Polish students emphasize remembering the heroes of the past, on cultural events and traditions, which helps to understand one’s cultural roots and to avoid and prevent neglecting or losing important events. Such remembering reminds people of the value of history and of the respect towards the martyrs of the past. Therefore, German, Latvian and Polish students consider particularly the past prepares for the future, and underline the importance of cultural and historical identity in developing one’s cultural identity and a view of one’s identity as a part of bigger European identity (Franzenburg, 2015b). Similar to the experiences of 1918, when people have to cope with a crucial change in politics and life, considering and discussing different approaches (traditional or innovative) can widen the horizon of people of any age (Franzenburg, 2018a).

114 / 142 RESUME

In historical situations, discourses and cultures of remembrance in different European countries - particularly concerning childhood in War and postwar times - certain strategies to become more tolerant towards foreign and strange convictions, messages and behaviour, can be noticed, which combine religious and psychological aspects. They remind of transitions in human life: coping with one’s own and other persons’ status and role, to interpret perceptions according to one’s own speculations and expectations, remember events according to other persons’ expectation. In such situations of biographical or cultural transitions from one influence to another tolerant and intolerant attitudes towards oneself and others are possible solutions, particularly as far as traumatic situations (war, expulsion) are concerned. Therefore, the process towards a tolerant cultural identity of individuals as a group or encounter should be facilitated by a kind of curriculum, which integrates open-minded and mutual learning and awareness, sharing and communication: Young and elder people encounter in an atmosphere of mutual acceptance and equal partnership for intergenerational learning. Following models of tolerant behaviour for biblical and historical tradition and comparing them with their own biography help people accepting their own limitations and becoming aware of the framework for this process. Within the framework of biographical, social and systemic influences, people become aware of the richness of their fellows and peer- groups and integrate their experiences into a culture of acceptance and mutual understanding. Therefore, a curriculum for this learning process for schools, parishes, educational institution or informal groups should recognize the following psychological aspects: Tolerance-oriented work with young persons (children, adolescents, pupils) means to recognize the responsibility of the participants by esteeming individual experiencing and searching for common experiences behind. Concerning adult education, the focus is more on memories and the search for a common culture of remembrance by finding combining and integrating rituals. Such a culture of remembrance and cultural identity development can be facilitated in classrooms, long-term workshops, encounter-

115 / 142 groups, and parishes by establishing common rituals, narratives, and symbols, e. g. Remembrance days, reconciliation pictures and gestures a reconciliation or remembrance tree etc. Within these frameworks, intercultural dialogues become possible, not only between different nations or religions, but also between different peer-groups, milieus, and generations.

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