Military Rule, Dictatorship & Present Situation
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Asia Report, Nr. 27: Myanmar
MYANMAR: THE ROLE OF CIVIL SOCIETY 6 December 2001 Asia Report N° 27 Bangkok/Brussels TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY................................................................................................................... i I. INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................................1 II. BACKGROUND OF CIVIL SOCIETY IN MYANMAR........................................................3 A. AN EMERGENT CIVIL SOCIETY: 1948-1962....................................................................................... 3 B. CIVIL SOCIETY REPRESSED UNDER MILITARY RULE .......................................................................... 4 III. REGIME CONTROL OVER CIVIL SOCIETY SINCE 1988 ...............................................6 A. LACK OF THE RULE OF LAW............................................................................................................... 6 B. HIGHLY RESTRICTED ACCESS TO COMMUNICATIONS TECHNOLOGY .................................................. 8 C. INDEPENDENT ORGANISATIONS STIFLED............................................................................................ 9 D. REGIME-SPONSORED ORGANISATIONS............................................................................................. 10 E. EDUCATIONAL AND CULTURAL LIMITATIONS .................................................................................. 11 F. SIMILAR RESTRICTIONS IN AREAS CONTROLLED BY ARMED ETHNIC NATIONALIST ORGANISATIONS ............................................................................................................................. -
Book of Abstracts Edition 2016 09 10
Panels & Abstracts 16-18 SEPTEMBER 2016 SCHOOL OF ORIENTAL AND AFRICAN STUDIES, UNIVERSITY OF LONDON ASEASUK Conference 2016 Disclaimer: Panel and abstract details are current as of 9 September 2016. While every effort has been made to ensure the completeness of this information and to verify details provided, ASEASUK, SOAS, and the organisers of this conference accept no responsibility for incorrect or incomplete information. Additional updated versions of this book of abstracts will be made until mid-August 2016 at which time a final hard copy will be printed for distribution at the conference. Organizing Committee Professor Michael W. Charney (SOAS), Committee Chair Professor Ashley Thompson (SOAS) Professor Matthew Cohen (Royal Holloway) Professor Carol Tan (SOAS) Dr. Ben Murtagh (SOAS) Dr. Angela Chiu (SOAS) Ms. Jane Savory (SOAS) SOAS Conference Office Support Mr. Thomas Abbs Ms. Yasmin Jayesimi Acknowledgments The Organizing Committee would like to thank the following people for special assistance in planning this conference: Dr. Tilman Frasch (Manchester Metropolitan University), Dr. Laura Noszlopy (Royal Holloway), Dr. Carmencita Palermo (University of Naples “L'Orientale”), Dr. Nick Gray (SOAS), Dr. Atsuko Naono (Wellcome Unit for the History of Medicine, University of Oxford), Dr. Li Yi (SOAS), Dr. Thomas Richard Bruce, and the many others who lent assistance in various ways. © 2016 ASEASUK and the SOAS, the University of London 1 Contents PANEL 1 The Political Economy of Inclusion: Current Reform Challenges in Indonesia 3 -
Myanmar Country Report BTI 2008
BTI 2008 | Myanmar Country Report Status Index 1-10 1.96 # 124 of 125 Democracy 1-10 1.70 # 124 of 125 Market Economy 1-10 2.21 # 122 of 125 Management Index 1-10 1.79 # 124 of 125 scale: 1 (lowest) to 10 (highest) score rank trend This report is part of the Bertelsmann Transformation Index (BTI) 2008. The BTI is a global ranking of transition processes in which the state of democracy and market economic systems as well as the quality of political management in 125 transformation and developing countries are evaluated. The BTI is a joint project of the Bertelsmann Stiftung and the Center for Applied Policy Research (C•A•P) at Munich University. More on the BTI at http://www.bertelsmann-transformation-index.de/ Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2008 — Myanmar Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2007. © 2007 Bertelsmann Stiftung, Gütersloh BTI 2008 | Myanmar 2 Key Indicators Population mn. 50.5 HDI 0.58 GDP p.c. $ 1,027 Pop. growth1 % p.a. 1.0 HDI rank of 177 130 Gini Index - Life expectancy years 61 UN Education Index 0.76 Poverty3 % - Urban population % 30.6 Gender equality2 - Aid per capita $ 2.9 Sources: UNDP, Human Development Report 2006 | UNDP, Human Development Index 2004 | The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2007 | OECD Development Assistance Committee 2006. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate 1990-2005. (2) Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $2 a day. Executive Summary During the period under review, Myanmar’s political stalemate has continued. -
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Working paper Building on what’s there Insights on social protection and public goods provision from central-east Myanmar Gerard McCarthy September 2016 When citing this paper, please use the title and the following reference number: S-53308-MYA-2 Gerard McCarthy Building on What’s There: Insights on social assistance, public goods and taxation from central-east Myanmar Section 1: Introduction After decades of military rule in Myanmar, the political and economic transitions that are now underway are already impacting on the provision of social protection services and public goods at the local level.1 The progress made towards reaching cease-fires with armed groups around the country has allowed for expansion of the Myanmar government apparatus and services in some of these areas. Government expenditures on health, education, and to a lesser extent social welfare and rural development have increased substantially since 20092. Specific groups of individuals such as pregnant mothers and the elderly are now receiving assistance including direct cash transfers from state ministries, largely financed by international donors. 3 In addition, a National Social Protection Strategy is now in place. Moreover the newly elected National League for Democracy (NLD) government are planning to expand state- provided welfare, social services and other public goods.4 These are all positive developments. Often ignored in attempts to support livelihoods through state-mediated welfare initiatives, however, is Myanmar’s extensive economy of non-state welfare and public goods provisioning. Developed over decades of military rule, often with the direct encouragement of the regime itself, there are 100,000s of localized mechanisms of risk-sharing and social protection operating across Myanmar.5 However, little is known about the relative importance of these networks for households when compared to government support; the extent of the fiscal burden that falls on households; and households’ opinions on this system of care. -
The Causes and Consequences of Recurrent
THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO LIVING WITH VIOLENCE: THE CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF RECURRENT BUDDHIST-MUSLIM VIOLENCE IN MYANMAR A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE DIVISION OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY BY NATHANIEL JAMES GONZALEZ CHICAGO, ILLINOIS AUGUST 2020 Copyright © 2020 by Nathaniel James Gonzalez All Rights Reserved TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF FIGURES ........................................................................................................................ v LIST OF TABLES ......................................................................................................................... vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .......................................................................................................... vii ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................................. viii RECURRENT COMMUNAL VIOLENCE ................................................................................... 1 1.1 Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 1.2 Studying Recurrent Communal Violence ....................................................................... 4 1.3 Defining Communal Conflict and Communal Violence ................................................ 7 1.4 The Causes of Communal Violence ............................................................................. 16 1.5 -
Myanmar Coup: How the Military Has Held Onto Power for 60 Years
Myanmar coup: how the military has held onto power for 60 years https://theconversation.com/myanmar-coup-how-the-military-has-held-o... Close The latest news: by experts Sign up for the newsletter Academic rigour, journalistic flair h. Myanmar coup: how the military has held onto power for 60 years February 3, 2021 3.24pm GMT The military once again hold the reins of power in Myanmar. Citing constitutional Author provisions that give the military control in national emergencies, army officers detained government leaders in the early hours of February 1 2021, including state counsellor and popular national leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Michael W. Charney An announcement on military television said the move was in response to “fraud” during Professor of Asian and Military History, last year’s general election. A spokesman said power had been handed to the army’s SOAS, University of London commander-in-chief, General Min Aung Hlaing, who would hold power for one year, after which there would be new elections. 1 of 8 03/02/2021, 15:36 Myanmar coup: how the military has held onto power for 60 years https://theconversation.com/myanmar-coup-how-the-military-has-held-o... Military control of the government is nothing new for the Burmese people. In one way or another the military has controlled the country since 1962. The post-independence civilian government got off to a bad start in 1948. In July 1947 the charismatic nationalist leader General Aung San, the father of Aung San Suu Kyi, was assassinated and leadership was inherited by the less politically agile U Nu. -
Decentralization in Myanmar: the Evolution of the Development Affairs Organization (Dao)
DECENTRALIZATION IN MYANMAR: THE EVOLUTION OF THE DEVELOPMENT AFFAIRS ORGANIZATION (DAO) A Research Paper Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Regional Planning by Dominic Mathew December 2018 © 2018, Dominic Mathew ABSTRACT This paper analyzes the work and role of the Development Affairs Organization (DAO) introduced in the local governance system in Myanmar through the 2008 Constitution. It traces its evolution and looks at the functioning and efficacy of the officials, the DAOs, through the analytical lens proposed by development economist, Judith Tendler in her path breaking book (1997), Good Government in the Tropics. My methods of analysis were mainly qualitative, built on field surveys, focus group discussions and interviews with different stakeholders. The DAOs are under the State and Region governments with 31 urban functions under their mandate but have no reporting ministry at the Union level unlike the Financial and Revenue Planning ministry or Agriculture ministries. In a country without a third tier of governance, the DAOs are representative of the state and are a major basic services provider. I find DAOs to be functioning as the face of the state at the local level, even as they face many limitations under the GAD (General Administration Department) and cannot fully provide the ‘missing link’ between the central state and municipal governance in Myanmar. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH In a lot of ways my life mirrors the words of Chicago Tribune journalist Mary Schmich, turned into a gentle narration by Australian director, Baz Luhrmann, in the ‘Sunscreen Song’. -
In Pursuit of Morality
In Pursuit of Morality Moral Agency and Everyday Ethics of Plong Karen Buddhists in Southeastern Myanmar Justine Alexandra Chambers A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The Australian National University October 2018 © Copyright by Justine Alexandra Chambers 2018. All Rights Reserved i STATEMENT OF ORIGINALITY Except where otherwise indicated, this thesis is my own original work. Justine Chambers 5 October 2018 Department of Anthropology College of Asia and the Pacific The Australian National University ii ABSTRACT This thesis explores how Buddhist Plong Karen people in Hpa-an, the capital of Karen State, Myanmar pursue morality in what is a time of momentous social, political and cultural change. As one of the rare ethnographic studies to be conducted among Plong Karen people in Myanmar in recent decades, my research problematises existing literature and assumptions about ‘the Karen’. Informed by eighteen months of participant observation in Hpa-an, I examine the multiple ways that Plong Karen Buddhists broker, cultivate, enact, traverse and bound morality. Through an analysis of local social relations and the merit-power nexus, I show that brokering morality is enmeshed in both the complexities of the Buddhist “moral universe” (Walton 2016) and other Karen ethical frameworks that define and make personhood. I examine the Buddhist concept of thila (P. sīla), moral discipline, and how the everyday cultivation of moral “technologies of the self” (Foucault 1997), engenders a form of moral agency and power for elderly Plong Karen men and women of the Hpu Takit sect. Taking the formation of gendered subjectivities during the transitional youth period as a process of “moral becoming” (Mattingly 2014), I demonstrate the ways young women employ moral agency as they test and experiment with multiple modes of everyday ethics and selfhood. -
Myanmar: a Political Economy Analysis
Myanmar: A Political Economy Analysis Kristian Stokke, Roman Vakulchuk, Indra Øverland Report commissioned by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs Publisher: Norwegian Institute of International Affairs Copyright: © Norwegian Institute of International Affairs 2018 ISSN: 1894-650X The report has been commissioned by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Any views expressed in this publication are those of the authors. They should not be interpreted as reflecting the views, official policy or position of the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs or the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs. The text may not be printed in part or in full without the permission of the authors. Visiting address: C.J. Hambros plass 2d Address: P.O. Box 8159 Dep. NO-0033 Oslo, Norway Internet: www.nupi.no E-mail: [email protected] Tel: [+ 47] 22 99 40 00 Myanmar: A Political Economy Analysis Kristian Stokke, Roman Vakulchuk, Indra Øverland Report commissioned by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2018 Contents Map of Myanmar .................................................................................................................. VI About the report .................................................................................................................. VII Authors ................................................................................................................................. VIII List of acronyms .................................................................................................................. -
Legacies of Military Rule in Myanmar
IQAS Vol. 48 / 2017 3–4, pp. 203–222 Legacies of Military Rule in Myanmar Uta Gärtner Abstract For more than half a century, Myanmar was ruled by the military. Even now, with a civilian government in power, the military exerts considerable political influence and sees its involve ment in national politics as a fundamental task alongside defending the sovereignty and integ rity of the country. This factual situation logically derives from the origins and development of the armed forces. A key factor seems to have been the period from 1958 to 1962: not only did the military elite experience governing success during the “Caretaker Government”, but also, following the return of authority to civilian political forces, these proved incapable of ensuring the stability and development of the country. The reluctance of the military leadership to fully hand over power to the NLD after the latter won the elections in 2015 seems to reflect the les sons they learned from this experience. This article examines, against the background of his tory, how the present diarchy evolved and may be seen as a logical feature of transition in the Myanmar Way. Keywords: Myanmar, military, history, politics, civilmilitary relations “Put simply, Burma is an enigma, and the scholars who study this country and its traditions face great challenges,” noted Ronald Morse and Helen Loerke in the introduction to their overview Burma Studies Worldwide in 1988. This statement is still true, as is the expression “The Burmese Way”, denoting the country’s uniqueness. Morse and Loerke defined this as “a blend of Burman ethnocentrism, Buddhist metaphysics, an independent (nonaligned) political path, and a socialist model” (ibid.). -
ICBMS Book of Abstracts
BOOK OF ABSTRACTS International Conference on Burma/Myanmar Studies Burma/Myanmar in Transition: Connectivity, Changes and Challenges 24–26 July 2015 Chiang Mai University INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON BURMA/MYANMAR STUDIES BURMA/MYANMAR IN TRANSITION: CONNECTIVITY, CHANGES AND CHALLENGES 2 INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON BURMA/MYANMAR STUDIES BURMA/MYANMAR IN TRANSITION: CONNECTIVITY, CHANGES AND CHALLENGES PREFACE The International Conference on Burma/Myanmar Studies, held during July 24–26, 2015, is an initiative of Chiang Mai University and the University of Mandalay to bring together scholars from Myanmar, Thailand, and beyond to learn from and exchange knowledge with each other about Burma/ Myanmar’s history, economy, culture, agricultural and environmental transformation, language, literature, and much more. The aim of this international conference is to work towards a better understanding of Myanmar’s transition toward peace and democratization, economic reforms, and ethnic politics, and its increased connection with a global society, as well as how Myanmar maintains its diverse cultures and traditions. It is hoped that the conference will stimulate further research and exchanges on issues related to Burma/Myanmar studies. This Book of Abstracts well demonstrates the diverse interests of scholars and students of Burma/Myanmar’s society and their concerns about the transformation, as well as its social and environmental consequences. The corresponding papers have been uploaded onto the RCSD website. Those who are interested in the full text of these papers are invited to visit our website at http://rcsd.soc.cmu.ac.th/web/Burma/home.php. Many people and organizations have put tremendous effort towards making this conference possible. -
Military Coup in Myanmar: a Test for Asean
Research CenterCenter INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS DIVISION Expertise AgencyAgency of of DPR DPR RI RI Gd. Nusantara I I Lt. Lt. 2 2 Jl. Jend. GatotGatot Subroto Subroto Jakarta PusatPusat - - 10270 10270 c 5715409 5715409 d d 5715245 5715245 m [email protected] A BRIEF STUDY OF ACTUAL AND STRATEGIC ISSUES Vol.XIII, No. 4/II/Puslit/February/2021 MILITARY COUP IN MYANMAR: A TEST FOR ASEAN Rizki Roza 7 Abstract The Myanmar military once again seized power from the civilian government. The coup that took place on February 1, 2021 is a step backwards for Myanmar's democratization efforts. The people of Myanmar protested and took to the streets, and the military responded by mobilizing forces and abuse of power. This event has sparked criticism from the international community, and has a pressure on ASEAN to take a more active role in restoring peace. This paper intends to discuss the efforts that can be done by ASEAN. The coup, in any case, indicates the military's unpreparedness to surrender power completely to the civilian government. Hitherto, the coup led by General Min Aung Hlaing appears more lenient than the previous ones. The military also tends to be more transparent to the international community. This is an opportunity that ASEAN can take advantage of in order to play a more active role, provided that ASEAN dares to be more flexible in exercising the principle of non-intervention. The Government and House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia (DPR RI) are expected to push ASEAN towards common stance in order to achieve wider goals of the organization.