Asia Report, Nr. 27: Myanmar
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President U Win Myint Attends Bogyoke Aung San Statue Unveiling Ceremony
SELF-CONFIDENCE KEY TO BUILDING A FEDERAL DEMOCRATIC UNION PAGE-8 (OPINION) PARLIAMENT NATIONAL Pyidaungsu Hluttaw debates Union Audi- New pre-primary school building opened tor-General report, national tax revenue in Amyotha Hluttaw housing compound PAGE-2 PAGE-2 Vol. VI, No. 303, 6th Waning of Tabodwe 1381 ME www.globalnewlightofmyanmar.com Friday, 14 February 2020 President U Win Myint attends State Counsellor meets with Shan Bogyoke Aung San Statue State officials, celebrates birthday of unveiling ceremony Bogyoke Aung San with children President U Win Myint addresses the unveiling ceremony of Bogyoke Aung San Statue in State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi presents gift to a child at the ceremony to mark 105th Nay Pyi Taw. PHOTO: MNA birthday of Bogyoke Aung San in Taunggyi, Shan State. PHOTO: MNA RESIDENT U Win Myint attended Nyunt, Pyithu Hluttaw Deputy Speaker HE 105th birthday of Bogyoke Chief Minister Dr Lin Htut, Deputy and spoke on the occasion to un- U Tun Tun Hein, Amyotha Hluttaw Dep- Aung San was celebrated with a Ministers Major General Aung Thu and Pveil the Bogyoke Aung San Statue uty Speaker U Aye Tha Aung, the Union Tbreakfast feast for the children U Hla Maw Oo, local government min- at the Thabyaygon Roundabout in Nay Ministers, the Union Attorney-General, at the city hall of Taunggyi in southern isters, chairmen and representatives Pyi Taw at 8 am yesterday. the Union Auditor-General, the Union Shan State, yesterday. from leading bodies of Wa Self-Adminis- The ceremony was attended by Civil Service Board Chairman, the Peace At 8:30 am, State Counsellor Daw tered Division, PaO Self-Administered President U Win Myint and First Lady Commission Chairman, the Nay Pyi Taw Aung San Suu Kyi, in her capacity as Zone and Palaung Self-Administered Daw Cho Cho, Vice President U Myint Council Chairman, the Central Bank of the Chairperson of the Central Commit- Zone, Shan State Adovacte-General Swe and wife Daw Khin Thet Htay, Vice Myanmar Governor, the Anti-Corruption tee for Development of Border Areas and officials. -
Book of Abstracts Edition 2016 09 10
Panels & Abstracts 16-18 SEPTEMBER 2016 SCHOOL OF ORIENTAL AND AFRICAN STUDIES, UNIVERSITY OF LONDON ASEASUK Conference 2016 Disclaimer: Panel and abstract details are current as of 9 September 2016. While every effort has been made to ensure the completeness of this information and to verify details provided, ASEASUK, SOAS, and the organisers of this conference accept no responsibility for incorrect or incomplete information. Additional updated versions of this book of abstracts will be made until mid-August 2016 at which time a final hard copy will be printed for distribution at the conference. Organizing Committee Professor Michael W. Charney (SOAS), Committee Chair Professor Ashley Thompson (SOAS) Professor Matthew Cohen (Royal Holloway) Professor Carol Tan (SOAS) Dr. Ben Murtagh (SOAS) Dr. Angela Chiu (SOAS) Ms. Jane Savory (SOAS) SOAS Conference Office Support Mr. Thomas Abbs Ms. Yasmin Jayesimi Acknowledgments The Organizing Committee would like to thank the following people for special assistance in planning this conference: Dr. Tilman Frasch (Manchester Metropolitan University), Dr. Laura Noszlopy (Royal Holloway), Dr. Carmencita Palermo (University of Naples “L'Orientale”), Dr. Nick Gray (SOAS), Dr. Atsuko Naono (Wellcome Unit for the History of Medicine, University of Oxford), Dr. Li Yi (SOAS), Dr. Thomas Richard Bruce, and the many others who lent assistance in various ways. © 2016 ASEASUK and the SOAS, the University of London 1 Contents PANEL 1 The Political Economy of Inclusion: Current Reform Challenges in Indonesia 3 -
Myanmar Country Report BTI 2008
BTI 2008 | Myanmar Country Report Status Index 1-10 1.96 # 124 of 125 Democracy 1-10 1.70 # 124 of 125 Market Economy 1-10 2.21 # 122 of 125 Management Index 1-10 1.79 # 124 of 125 scale: 1 (lowest) to 10 (highest) score rank trend This report is part of the Bertelsmann Transformation Index (BTI) 2008. The BTI is a global ranking of transition processes in which the state of democracy and market economic systems as well as the quality of political management in 125 transformation and developing countries are evaluated. The BTI is a joint project of the Bertelsmann Stiftung and the Center for Applied Policy Research (C•A•P) at Munich University. More on the BTI at http://www.bertelsmann-transformation-index.de/ Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2008 — Myanmar Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2007. © 2007 Bertelsmann Stiftung, Gütersloh BTI 2008 | Myanmar 2 Key Indicators Population mn. 50.5 HDI 0.58 GDP p.c. $ 1,027 Pop. growth1 % p.a. 1.0 HDI rank of 177 130 Gini Index - Life expectancy years 61 UN Education Index 0.76 Poverty3 % - Urban population % 30.6 Gender equality2 - Aid per capita $ 2.9 Sources: UNDP, Human Development Report 2006 | UNDP, Human Development Index 2004 | The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2007 | OECD Development Assistance Committee 2006. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate 1990-2005. (2) Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $2 a day. Executive Summary During the period under review, Myanmar’s political stalemate has continued. -
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Working paper Building on what’s there Insights on social protection and public goods provision from central-east Myanmar Gerard McCarthy September 2016 When citing this paper, please use the title and the following reference number: S-53308-MYA-2 Gerard McCarthy Building on What’s There: Insights on social assistance, public goods and taxation from central-east Myanmar Section 1: Introduction After decades of military rule in Myanmar, the political and economic transitions that are now underway are already impacting on the provision of social protection services and public goods at the local level.1 The progress made towards reaching cease-fires with armed groups around the country has allowed for expansion of the Myanmar government apparatus and services in some of these areas. Government expenditures on health, education, and to a lesser extent social welfare and rural development have increased substantially since 20092. Specific groups of individuals such as pregnant mothers and the elderly are now receiving assistance including direct cash transfers from state ministries, largely financed by international donors. 3 In addition, a National Social Protection Strategy is now in place. Moreover the newly elected National League for Democracy (NLD) government are planning to expand state- provided welfare, social services and other public goods.4 These are all positive developments. Often ignored in attempts to support livelihoods through state-mediated welfare initiatives, however, is Myanmar’s extensive economy of non-state welfare and public goods provisioning. Developed over decades of military rule, often with the direct encouragement of the regime itself, there are 100,000s of localized mechanisms of risk-sharing and social protection operating across Myanmar.5 However, little is known about the relative importance of these networks for households when compared to government support; the extent of the fiscal burden that falls on households; and households’ opinions on this system of care. -
The Causes and Consequences of Recurrent
THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO LIVING WITH VIOLENCE: THE CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF RECURRENT BUDDHIST-MUSLIM VIOLENCE IN MYANMAR A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE DIVISION OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY BY NATHANIEL JAMES GONZALEZ CHICAGO, ILLINOIS AUGUST 2020 Copyright © 2020 by Nathaniel James Gonzalez All Rights Reserved TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF FIGURES ........................................................................................................................ v LIST OF TABLES ......................................................................................................................... vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .......................................................................................................... vii ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................................. viii RECURRENT COMMUNAL VIOLENCE ................................................................................... 1 1.1 Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 1.2 Studying Recurrent Communal Violence ....................................................................... 4 1.3 Defining Communal Conflict and Communal Violence ................................................ 7 1.4 The Causes of Communal Violence ............................................................................. 16 1.5 -
Myanmar Coup: How the Military Has Held Onto Power for 60 Years
Myanmar coup: how the military has held onto power for 60 years https://theconversation.com/myanmar-coup-how-the-military-has-held-o... Close The latest news: by experts Sign up for the newsletter Academic rigour, journalistic flair h. Myanmar coup: how the military has held onto power for 60 years February 3, 2021 3.24pm GMT The military once again hold the reins of power in Myanmar. Citing constitutional Author provisions that give the military control in national emergencies, army officers detained government leaders in the early hours of February 1 2021, including state counsellor and popular national leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Michael W. Charney An announcement on military television said the move was in response to “fraud” during Professor of Asian and Military History, last year’s general election. A spokesman said power had been handed to the army’s SOAS, University of London commander-in-chief, General Min Aung Hlaing, who would hold power for one year, after which there would be new elections. 1 of 8 03/02/2021, 15:36 Myanmar coup: how the military has held onto power for 60 years https://theconversation.com/myanmar-coup-how-the-military-has-held-o... Military control of the government is nothing new for the Burmese people. In one way or another the military has controlled the country since 1962. The post-independence civilian government got off to a bad start in 1948. In July 1947 the charismatic nationalist leader General Aung San, the father of Aung San Suu Kyi, was assassinated and leadership was inherited by the less politically agile U Nu. -
Myanmar (Burma): a Reading Guide Andrew Selth
Griffith Asia Institute Research Paper Myanmar (Burma): A reading guide Andrew Selth i About the Griffith Asia Institute The Griffith Asia Institute (GAI) is an internationally recognised research centre in the Griffith Business School. We reflect Griffith University’s longstanding commitment and future aspirations for the study of and engagement with nations of Asia and the Pacific. At GAI, our vision is to be the informed voice leading Australia’s strategic engagement in the Asia Pacific— cultivating the knowledge, capabilities and connections that will inform and enrich Australia’s Asia-Pacific future. We do this by: i) conducting and supporting excellent and relevant research on the politics, security, economies and development of the Asia-Pacific region; ii) facilitating high level dialogues and partnerships for policy impact in the region; iii) leading and informing public debate on Australia’s place in the Asia Pacific; and iv) shaping the next generation of Asia-Pacific leaders through positive learning experiences in the region. The Griffith Asia Institute’s ‘Research Papers’ publish the institute’s policy-relevant research on Australia and its regional environment. The texts of published papers and the titles of upcoming publications can be found on the Institute’s website: www.griffith.edu.au/asia-institute ‘Myanmar (Burma): A reading guide’ February 2021 ii About the Author Andrew Selth Andrew Selth is an Adjunct Professor at the Griffith Asia Institute, Griffith University. He has been studying international security issues and Asian affairs for 45 years, as a diplomat, strategic intelligence analyst and research scholar. Between 1974 and 1986 he was assigned to the Australian missions in Rangoon, Seoul and Wellington, and later held senior positions in both the Defence Intelligence Organisation and Office of National Assessments. -
Democracy First, Federalism Next? the Constitutional Reform Process in Myanmar
ISSUE: 2019 No. 93 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore |8 November 2019 Democracy First, Federalism Next? The Constitutional Reform Process in Myanmar Nyi Nyi Kyaw* EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • The ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) party launched a process of constitutional amendment in February 2019, but without the support of the unelected military bloc that holds a quarter of the seats in Myanmar’s parliament, constitutional amendment remains impossible. • Whereas the NLD wants gradually to reduce the power of the military in politics, the military and its proxy Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) seek to increase that power or at least maintain the constitutional status quo. • Ethnic political parties have called for an immediate reduction of the power of the military and demanded more devolution of powers to ethnic states. They are unhappy with the NLD’s silence concerning federalism. • The politicking over constitutional amendment has made clear that these three groups — the NLD, the military and the USDP, and ethnic parties — will each go their own way to capitalize on the rift between them for gains in the general elections due in November 2020. * Nyi Nyi Kyaw is Visiting Fellow in the Myanmar Studies Programme of ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute. 1 ISSUE: 2019 No. 93 ISSN 2335-6677 INTRODUCTION The increasingly controversial and heated topic confronting Myanmar is the 2008 Constitution of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, under which the country’s political transition began in 2010. In the view of democrats or civilian politicians under the leadership of the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) party and its chair State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the constitution gives undue power to the military. -
Military Rule, Dictatorship & Present Situation
Quest Journals Journal of Research in Humanities and Social Science Volume 9 ~ Issue 7 (2021)pp: 50-52 ISSN(Online):2321-9467 www.questjournals.org Research Paper Decoding Myanmar: Military Rule, Dictatorship & Present Situation Brishti Sen Banerjee Keywords: Myanmar, Military Rule, Coup, Regime, Protest Received 20 June, 2021; Revised: 03 July, 2021; Accepted 05 July, 2021 © The author(s) 2021. Published with open access at www.questjournals.org Bio Note: Brishti Sen Banerjee is a Mphil Research Scholar in University of Delhi I. INTRODUCTION: The role of the military has been dominant in Myanmar and it has ruled the entire nation for decades until the election of 2010. It came to the public eye and also grabbed media attention due to its military actions and have often been reprimanded for the same by other nations and governing bodies. For example, the military action which Myanmar incorporated in the case of the Rohingya ethnic group which forced them to leave Myanmar and flee to Bangladesh was termed as ‘ethnic cleansing’ by the UN. Even though the nation went out of direct military rule since 2010, but the prevalence of military or the power of the same in the politics of Myanmar remained unchanged. II. METHOD: The study adopted the method of content analysis for analyzing and understanding the situation of Myanmar. The literature review includes original published research works on Myanmar as well as secondary reports published based on the same. It consists of articles published in peer-reviewed journals, books, websites, news portals, reports published by organizations and field reports published by independent researchers respectively. -
Decentralization in Myanmar: the Evolution of the Development Affairs Organization (Dao)
DECENTRALIZATION IN MYANMAR: THE EVOLUTION OF THE DEVELOPMENT AFFAIRS ORGANIZATION (DAO) A Research Paper Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Regional Planning by Dominic Mathew December 2018 © 2018, Dominic Mathew ABSTRACT This paper analyzes the work and role of the Development Affairs Organization (DAO) introduced in the local governance system in Myanmar through the 2008 Constitution. It traces its evolution and looks at the functioning and efficacy of the officials, the DAOs, through the analytical lens proposed by development economist, Judith Tendler in her path breaking book (1997), Good Government in the Tropics. My methods of analysis were mainly qualitative, built on field surveys, focus group discussions and interviews with different stakeholders. The DAOs are under the State and Region governments with 31 urban functions under their mandate but have no reporting ministry at the Union level unlike the Financial and Revenue Planning ministry or Agriculture ministries. In a country without a third tier of governance, the DAOs are representative of the state and are a major basic services provider. I find DAOs to be functioning as the face of the state at the local level, even as they face many limitations under the GAD (General Administration Department) and cannot fully provide the ‘missing link’ between the central state and municipal governance in Myanmar. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH In a lot of ways my life mirrors the words of Chicago Tribune journalist Mary Schmich, turned into a gentle narration by Australian director, Baz Luhrmann, in the ‘Sunscreen Song’. -
Speaking Truth to Power the
1 Speaking Truth to Power The Methods of Nonviolent Struggle in Burma by Aurlie Andrieux, Diana Sarosi and Yeshua Moser-Puangsuwan 2005 Nonviolence International Use of material within this report is encouraged, with acknowledgement. ISBN 974-93792-5-X www.nonviolenceinternational.net Nonviolence International Southeast Asia Office 104/20 Soi Latprao 124, Wangtonglang, Bangkok 10310 SIAM Tel/Fax: +662 934 3289 | [email protected] SpeakingTruthruth to PowerT The Methods of Nonviolent Struggle in Burma Aurélie Andrieux Diana Sarosi Yeshua Moser-Puangsuwan with a foreword by Jody Williams, 1997 Nobel Peace Laureate Nonviolence in Asia Series Number 2 Nonviolence International Southeast Asia SPEAKING T RUTH TO POWER: The Methods of Nonviolent Struggle in Burma THE GOAL OF THIS PUBLICATION is to introduce the general reading public to the methods of strategic nonviolent political struggle and to document examples from a country which endures military rule. The use of active nonviolence is generally only known, vaguely, through human rights reports, when they report on the extraordinarily long prison sentences activists receive when captured. Exactly what means the activists employ, and why they are confident that it will make a difference, and their continued acts of resistance within the prison system, are not generally known. Frequently Burma is only portrayed as a situation of human rights abuse, and clearly abuse of rights by the military authorities is widespread. We were drawn to documenting the depth of the tactics of nonviolence used by activists within Burma, which demonstrate their absolute rejection of military rule, by reading deeply through human rights and news reports produced in large numbers over the past 15 years. -
Burma's “Saffron Revolution”
Burma’s “Saffron Revolution” is not over Time for the international community to act December 2007 Based on a joint international FIDH - ITUC mission on the Thai-Burma border Burma’s “Saffron Revolution” is not over. Time for the international community to act December 2007 Table of contents 1 The current situation in Burma ................................................................................... 9 1.1 The crackdown of large, peaceful protests ................................................................. 9 1.2 The situation is not 'back to normal' ........................................................................ 13 1.3 “It is not over” ...................................................................................................... 14 2 The people of Burma and their representatives are ready for a transition ................. 17 2.1 Non-violent means for achieving democracy ........................................................... 17 2.2 Political maturity ................................................................................................... 18 2.3 A capable democracy movement ............................................................................ 18 2.4 No civil war if regime change happens.................................................................... 20 3 Cautious support for the ‘dialogue’ ........................................................................... 22 3.1 SPDC: no genuine willingness for dialogue (an unanimous view expressed by witnesses) ......................................................................................................................