Examining the Psychology of Women Participating in Non-State Armed Groups
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Gender and Violent Extremism: Examining the Psychology of Women Participating in Non-State Armed Groups by Rebecca Dougherty and P. Kathleen Frier Master of Arts, May 2016 The George Washington University Submitted to The Faculty of The Elliott School of International Affairs of The George Washington University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts May 13, 2016 Directed by Rebecca Patterson PhD, National Security Policy © Copyright 2016 by Dougherty and Frier All rights reserved ii Dedication The authors wish to dedicate this publication to the family and friends whose support made this project possible. With special thanks to our advisor Dr. Rebecca Patterson, whose guidance and patience have made this a far better report than we could have imagined. We would also like to specially thank Drs. Aisling Swaine and Bill Rolston, whose invaluable advice made our field research possible. iii Acknowledgments The authors wish to acknowledge their fellow graduate students whose peer review during the last year was critical in improving the quality of this report: Jelle Barkema, James Bieszka, Samuel Baynes, Ivana Djukic, Steven Inglis, Katherine Kaneshiro, Diana Montealegre, and Adam Yefet. iv Abstract Gender and Violent Extremism: Examining the Psychology of Women Participating in Non-State Armed Groups There is a presumption that women do not use violence as a means of exercising their political will, because most traditional notions of femininity emphasize motherhood, peacefulness, and stability. Like the repressive power relations between men and women in Islamic State society, the norms that dominated Western culture throughout the early 20th century mirror those affecting women under the IS regime in many ways. In Northern Ireland, these norms shaped women’s identities prior to, during, and after the conflict; analysis of female fighters in Northern Ireland provides a parallel context for understanding women participating in other violent non-state armed groups like IS. This paper seeks to understand which factors make women vulnerable or averse to radicalization, and asks: do these factors differ from those that drive men into violent extremist groups? Understanding similarities and differences between men and women with regard to radicalization will enable policymakers to develop policies that effectively prevent and disrupt violent extremism. v Contents Contents ......................................................................................................................................... vi Executive Summary ........................................................................................................................ 1 Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 3 Important Vocabulary in this Report .............................................................................................. 5 The Need for Research on Women in Non-State Armed Groups ................................................... 6 Literature Review............................................................................................................................ 7 Psychology and Extremism ..................................................................................................... 7 Gender Norms and Stereotypes ............................................................................................... 9 Women and Recruitment ....................................................................................................... 11 Review of Current Policy.............................................................................................................. 13 Case Study: The Women of the Irish Republican Army .............................................................. 15 Case Selection Criteria .......................................................................................................... 15 Women & the Republican Cause ........................................................................................... 17 Analysis......................................................................................................................................... 23 Methodology .......................................................................................................................... 23 Cognitive Analysis ................................................................................................................ 24 Gender Analysis .................................................................................................................... 27 Suggested Policy Recommendation .............................................................................................. 30 Reevaluate Policy Approaches to Radicalization .................................................................. 30 Conclusions ................................................................................................................................... 34 References and Sources Cited ....................................................................................................... 36 Appendix A. Cognitive Interview Protocol .................................................................................. 39 Appendix B. Confidentiality and Consent to Participate .............................................................. 41 vi “It became a joke over the years [in prison], this gentle, mothering image of us. We would joke that it doesn’t reflect us … and it doesn’t reflect Ireland.” Female Combatant vii Executive Summary There is a presumption that women do not use violence as a means of exercising their political will, because most traditional notions of femininity emphasize motherhood, peacefulness, and stability. Like the repressive power relations between men and women in Islamic State society, the norms that dominated Western culture throughout the early 20th century mirror those affecting women under the IS regime in many ways. In Northern Ireland, these norms shaped women’s identities prior to, during, and after the conflict; analysis of female fighters in Northern Ireland provides a parallel context for understanding women participating in other violent non- state armed groups like IS. This paper seeks to understand which factors make women vulnerable or averse to radicalization, and asks: do these factors differ from those that drive men into violent extremist groups? Understanding similarities and differences between men and women with regard to radicalization will enable policymakers to develop policies that effectively prevent and disrupt violent extremism. The study of Northern Ireland is particularly useful in this endeavor given that the “nationalist roots of the conflict are mirrored elsewhere in the world, including Chechnya, Sri Lanka, and Iraq.” When the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan ignited, the U.S. government relied heavily on exporting British counterterrorism policy and practice from Northern Ireland directly to the Middle East. As the emerging threat posed by Islamic State grows, the legacy and efficacy of these policies demands scrutiny. Through our field research and analysis, we confirm that trends the U.S. Department of State has laid out in its CVE framework were present in Northern Ireland throughout the Troubles and 1 believe many of those factors propelled women to participate in paramilitary groups. These trends are almost identical to the drivers for men, with the addition of the pursuit of gender equality and equal representation in politics. Curiously, we expected gender equality to play a more significant role in their decision making, but feelings of alienation, denial of opportunity based on faith, and deeply personal experience with state sanctioned violence factored equally in women’s choices to join the Republican cause. This suggests that politics are a major driving force in a woman’s decision to join NSAGs, and that bucketing women’s actions to a gender specific cause provides an incomplete picture of their rationale. Ultimately, our findings suggest that both men and women perpetrate violence for social, emotional, and political reasons. Finally, the prevailing success of the Good Friday Agreement suggests that the study of Northern Ireland is important in understanding not only radicalization, but in crafting enduring, effective peace processes in other conflicts, like those in Syria or Libya. 2 Introduction Research, programming, and policy surrounding countering violent extremism (CVE) has gained prominence in recent years as governments have been struck by the impact of radicalization and an increasing foreign fighter phenomenon. The use of social media by non-state armed groups (NSAGs) to recruit vulnerable populations has drawn special attention as a new and sinister means of radicalization. Though current CVE research is abundant, how women are impacted by radicalization and why they propagate political violence has been largely ignored, especially within U.S. counterterrorism policy. Policymakers should not assume that women are susceptible to recruitment and radicalization for the same reasons as men, or assume that they will be agents of prevention simply because of their gender identity. Understanding the psychology of extremism and the gender dynamics within non-state armed groups is critical to the development and implementation of policy that will successfully combat radicalization. The academic