THE APPARATUS of IMPUNITY? Human Rights Violations and the Northern Ireland Conflict: a Narrative of Official Limitations on Post-Agreement Investigative Mechanisms

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

THE APPARATUS of IMPUNITY? Human Rights Violations and the Northern Ireland Conflict: a Narrative of Official Limitations on Post-Agreement Investigative Mechanisms THE APPARATUS OF IMPUNITY? Human rights violations and the Northern Ireland conflict: a narrative of official limitations on post-Agreement investigative mechanisms Committee on the Administration of Justice January 2015 The Apparatus of Impunity? Committee on the Administration of Justice (CAJ) © Committee on the Administration of Justice January 2015 The material may be reproduced, free of charge, in any format or medium without specific permission, provided the reproduction is not for financial or material gain.The material must be reproduced accurately and not used in a misleading context. If the material is to be republished or issued to others, acknowledgement must be given to its source, copyright status, and date of publication. This publication is available on our website. CAJ Committee on the Administration of Justice 2nd Floor, Sturgen Building 9-15 Queen Street Belfast BT1 6EA Tel: 028 9031 6000 Fax: 028 9031 4583 [email protected] www.caj.org.uk ISBN 978 1 873285 94 7 The Apparatus of Impunity? Committee on the Administration of Justice (CAJ) THE APPARATUS OF IMPUNITY? Human rights violations and the Northern Ireland conflict: a narrative of official limitations on post-Agreement investigative mechanisms Committee on the Administration of Justice January 2015 The Apparatus of Impunity? Committee on the Administration of Justice (CAJ) Recent comments from key Council of Europe and UN human rights bodies in relation to existing mechanisms investigating the conflict in Northern Ireland: The absence of any plausible explanation for the failure to collect key evidence at the time when this was possible, and for attempts to even obstruct this process, should be treated with particular vigilance. In fact the period of demonstrated, if not deliberate, systematic refusals and failures to undertake timely and adequate investigation and to take all necessary steps to investigate arguable allegations under Articles 2 [right to life] and 3 [prohibition on torture and inhuman/degrading treatment]seem as a matter of principle to make it possible for at least some agents of the State to benefit from virtual impunity as a result of the passage of time. European Court of Human Rights, Concurring Opinion of Judge Kalaydjieva, in McCaughey & Others v the UK and Hemsworth v the UK, judgments of 16 July 2013 The Committee...notes however, reports of apparent inconsistencies in the investigation processes where military officials are involved, which delayed or suspended investigations, thus curtailing the ability of competent bodies to provide prompt and impartial investigations of human rights violations and to conduct a thorough examination of the systemic nature or patterns of the violations and abuses that occurred in order to secure accountability and provide effective remedy. In addition, the Committee is concerned about the State party’s decision not to hold a public inquiry into the death of Patrick Finucane. UN Committee Against Torture, Concluding Observations on UK, May 2013 It is clear that budgetary cuts should not be used as an excuse to hamper the work of those working for justice. Westminster cannot say ‘well we will let the Northern Irish Assembly deal with this, this is under their jurisdiction’. The UK Government cannot wash its hands of the investigations, including funding of the investigations. These are the most serious human rights violations. Until now there has been virtual impunity for the state actors involved and I think the Government has a responsibility to uphold its obligations under the European Convention to fund investigations and to get the results. The issue of impunity is a very, very serious one and the UK Government has a responsibility to uphold the rule of law. This is not just an issue of dealing with the past, it has to do with upholding the law in general. Nils Muižnieks, Commissioner for Human Rights, Council of Europe Speaking in Belfast, 6 November 2014 The Apparatus of Impunity? Committee on the Administration of Justice (CAJ) 1974-2014 - Investigative Bias? The Attorney General assures me he himself carefully reviews every serious allegation against a soldier and that the final decision whether to prosecute in such a case is made by him only after close and anxious consideration of all of the evidence and the requirements of the public interest. He assured me in plainest terms that not only he himself but also the [Director of Public Prosecutions] and senior members of his staff, having been army officers themselves, having seen active service and knowing at first hand about the difficulties and dangers faced by soldiers, were by no means unsympathetic or lacking in understanding in their in their approach to soldier prosecutions in Northern Ireland. Rather the reverse, since directions not to prosecute have been given in more than a few cases where the evidence, to say the least, had been borderline. Letter to General Sir Cecil Blacker from Lt General Frank King, 17 January 1974 HET maintains it is not appropriate to compare the review processes in military cases with reviews of murders committed by terrorists. Soldiers were deployed on the streets of Northern Ireland in an official and lawful capacity, bound by the laws of the UK and military Standard Operating Procedures of that time. PSNI Historical Enquiries Team (HET) Operational Guide 2013 We found that the HET, as a matter of policy, treats deaths where there was state involvement differently from those cases where there is no state involvement. We consider the HET’s approach to be entirely wrong in that: 1. it is clear that the HET has adopted a different approach between cases that have state involvement and those that do not; and 2. the approach that the HET has adopted in state involvement cases is susceptible of challenge, as it appears to be based on a misunderstanding of the law. ...practices [,] which would appear to derive from the HET’s different approach in state involvement cases, may seriously undermine the capability of the HET’s review process to lead to a determination of whether the force used was or was not justified in state involvement cases, and to the identification and punishment of those responsible...Since 2010 it is striking that not one state involvement case relating to the British Army has to date been referred to the PSNI for further investigation or for prosecution. HM Inspectorate of Constabulary June 2013 Inspection of the Police Service of Northern Ireland Historical Enquiries Team Legacy is one of the defining issues of our future...We are all proud of our service in the RUC. The PSNI is determined to play our part in the defence of the RUC. [The] bedrock of what we are trying to do is to protect our people. To protect the reputation of the organisation and to protect people’s security. Comments attributed in official notes to a PSNI Deputy Chief Constable and Senior Legal Advisor, in a 2012 ‘Legacy Information Evening’ for the NI Retired Police Officers Association (cited in Irish News, 2 December 2014,p14). The Apparatus of Impunity? Committee on the Administration of Justice (CAJ) Key Acronyms CAJ Committee on the Administration of Justice CHIS Covert Human Intelligence Source CJI Criminal Justice Inspection (Northern Ireland) CMP Closed Material Procedure DoJ (Northern Ireland) Department of Justice DPP Director of Public Prosecutions ECHR European Convention on Human Rights FoI Freedom of Information HET PSNI Historical Enquiries Team HIU Historical Investigations Unit HMIC Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary IRA Irish Republican Army LIB (PSNI) Legacy Investigations Branch LSU (PSNI) Legacy Support Unit MoD (UK) Ministry of Defence NCND Neither Confirm Nor Deny NIO (UK) Northern Ireland Office NIRPOA The Northern Ireland Retired Police Officers Association OPONI Office of the Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland OTR ‘On the Run’ PFC Pat Finucane Centre PPS Public Prosecution Service PRONI Public Records Office of Northern Ireland PSNI Police Service of Northern Ireland RFJ Relatives for Justice RMP Royal Military Police RUC Royal Ulster Constabulary SOCPA Serious Organised Crime and Police Act 2005 UDA Ulster Defence Association UDR Ulster Defence Regiment UVF Ulster Volunteer Force The Apparatus of Impunity? Committee on the Administration of Justice (CAJ) What is CAJ? The Committee on the Administration of Justice (CAJ) was established in 1981 and is an independent non-governmental organization affiliated to the International Federation of Human Rights. CAJ takes no position on the constitutional status of Northern Ireland and is firmly opposed to the use of violence for political ends. Its membership is drawn from across the community. The Committee seeks to ensure the highest standards in the administration of justice in Northern Ireland by ensuring that the government complies with its responsibilities in international human rights law. The CAJ works closely with other domestic and international human rights groups such as Amnesty International, Human Rights First (formerly the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights) and Human Rights Watch and makes regular submissions to a number of United Nations and European bodies established to protect human rights. CAJ’s activities include - publishing reports, conducting research, holding conferences, campaigning locally and internationally, individual casework and providing legal advice. Its areas of work are extensive and include policing, emergency laws and the criminal justice system, equality and advocacy for a Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland. CAJ however would not be in a position to do any of this work without the financial help of its funders, individual donors and charitable trusts (since CAJ does not take government funding). We would like to take this opportunity to thank Atlantic Philanthropies, Barrow Cadbury Trust, Hilda Mullen Foundation, Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust, Oak Foundation and UNISON. The organization has been awarded several international human rights prizes, including the Reebok Human Rights Award and the Council of Europe Human Rights Prize.
Recommended publications
  • Identity, Authority and Myth-Making: Politically-Motivated Prisoners and the Use of Music During the Northern Irish Conflict, 1962 - 2000
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Queen Mary Research Online Identity, authority and myth-making: Politically-motivated prisoners and the use of music during the Northern Irish conflict, 1962 - 2000 Claire Alexandra Green Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 1 I, Claire Alexandra Green, confirm that the research included within this thesis is my own work or that where it has been carried out in collaboration with, or supported by others, that this is duly acknowledged below and my contribution indicated. Previously published material is also acknowledged below. I attest that I have exercised reasonable care to ensure that the work is original, and does not to the best of my knowledge break any UK law, infringe any third party’s copyright or other Intellectual Property Right, or contain any confidential material. I accept that the College has the right to use plagiarism detection software to check the electronic version of the thesis. I confirm that this thesis has not been previously submitted for the award of a degree by this or any other university. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without the prior written consent of the author. Signature: Date: 29/04/19 Details of collaboration and publications: ‘It’s All Over: Romantic Relationships, Endurance and Loyalty in the Songs of Northern Irish Politically-Motivated Prisoners’, Estudios Irlandeses, 14, 70-82. 2 Abstract. In this study I examine the use of music by and in relation to politically-motivated prisoners in Northern Ireland, from the mid-1960s until 2000.
    [Show full text]
  • Newshound: Daily Northern Ireland News Catalog - Irish News Article
    Newshound: Daily Northern Ireland news catalog - Irish News article Bereaved urge Adams — reveal truth on HOME agents This article appears thanks to the Irish News. History (Allison Morris, Irish News) Subscribe to the Irish News NewsoftheIrish The children of a Co Tyrone couple murdered by loyalists have challenged Sinn Féin president Gerry Adams to call on the IRA to reveal publicly what it knows about British agents Book Reviews working in its ranks. & Book Forum Charlie Fox (63) and his wife Tess (53) were shot at their Search / Archive home in Moy, Co Tyrone, in September 1992 by the UVF. Back to 10/96 Mrs Fox was hit in the back. Her husband was shot in the Papers head. Reference Their children spoke out yesterday (Tuesday) after a Sinn Féin 'march for truth' on Sunday which called for collusion between the British state and loyalists to be exposed and at About which Mr Adams said: "Yes, the British recruited, blackmailed, tricked, intimidated and bribed individual republicans into working for them and I think it would be Contact only right to have this dimension of British strategy investigated also." Leading loyalist Laurence George Maguire was convicted in 1994 of directing the UVF gang responsible for murdering Mr and Mrs Fox. A week before the couple's deaths their son Patrick Fox was jailed for 12 years for possession of explosives. He said yesterday that while he welcomed Mr Adams's call for disclosure on British collusion with loyalists, the truth about republican agents must be revealed. "We know now that there were moves towards a ceasefire being made as far back as 1986," he said.
    [Show full text]
  • Barnard's (Edward) Application for Judicial Review of The
    Neutral Citation No. [2017] NIQB 82 Ref: TRE10378 Judgment: approved by the Court for handing down Delivered: 28/7/2017 (subject to editorial corrections)* IN THE HIGH COURT OF JUSTICE IN NORTHERN IRELAND ________ QUEEN’S BENCH DIVISION (JUDICIAL REVIEW) ________ IN THE MATTER OF AN APPLICATION BY EDWARD BARNARD FOR JUDICIAL REVIEW OF THE DECISION BY CHIEF CONSTABLE OF THE POLICE SERVICE OF NORTHERN IRELAND ________ TREACY J INDEX Para Nos. Page No. Introduction ........................................................................................ [1] 2 Factual Background ........................................................................... [2] – [4] 2 - 3 The Investigation .............................................................................. [5] – [9] 3 - 4 The Set Up, Development and Eventual Disbandment of the HET ....................................................................................................... [10] – [15] 4 - 6 What was the HET? ........................................................................... [16] – [18] 6 - 12 Oversight of the Work of the HET .................................................. [19] 12 National Oversight Measures .......................................................... [20] – [25] 12 – 22 Oversight by the Committee of Ministers (“CM”) ...................... [26] – [28] 22 - 23 The Relationship of the HET with the Article 2 Procedural Duty ....................................................................................................... [29] – [32] 23 - 25 Structure
    [Show full text]
  • The Path to Revolutionary Violence Within the Weather Underground and Provisional IRA
    The Path to Revolutionary Violence within the Weather Underground and Provisional IRA Edward Moran HIS 492: Seminar in History December 17, 2019 Moran 1 The 1960’s was a decade defined by a spirit of activism and advocacy for change among oppressed populations worldwide. While the methods for enacting change varied across nations and peoples, early movements such as that for civil rights in America were often committed to peaceful modes of protest and passive resistance. However, the closing years of the decade and the dawn of the 1970’s saw the patterned global spread of increasingly militant tactics used in situations of political and social unrest. The Weather Underground Organization (WUO) in America and the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) in Ireland, two such paramilitaries, comprised young activists previously involved in the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and the Northern Irish Civil Rights Association (NICRA) respectively. What caused them to renounce the non-violent methods of the Students for a Democratic Society and the Northern Irish Civil Rights Association for the militant tactics of the Weather Underground and Irish Republican Army, respectively? An analysis of contemporary source materials, along with more recent scholarly works, reveals that violent state reactions to more passive forms of demonstration in the United States and Northern Ireland drove peaceful activists toward militancy. In the case of both the Weather Underground and the Provisional Irish Republican Army in the closing years of the 1960s and early years of the 1970s, the bulk of combatants were young people with previous experience in more peaceful campaigns for civil rights and social justice.
    [Show full text]
  • Memory, Place and Gender: Armagh Stories: Voices from the Gaol Cahal Mclaughlin, Memory Studies Journal, September 2017
    Memory, Place and Gender: Armagh Stories: Voices from the Gaol Cahal McLaughlin, Memory Studies Journal, September 2017. https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1750698017730872 Abstract The film Armagh Stories: Voices from the Gaol (2015)1 is a documentary film edited from the Prisons Memory Archive2 and offers perspectives from those who passed through Armagh Gaol, which housed mostly female prisoners during the political conflict in and about Northern Ireland, known as the Troubles. Armagh Stories is an attempt to represent the experiences of prison staff, prisoners, tutors, a solicitor, chaplain and doctor in ways that are ethically inclusive and aesthetically relevant. By reflecting on the practice of participatory storytelling and its reception in a society transitioning out of violence, I investigate how memory, place and gender combine to suggest ways of addressing the legacy of a conflicted past in a contested present. Keywords documentary film, female, performing memory, prison, Troubles Introduction The Prisons Memory Archive (PMA) is a collection of 175 filmed interviews recorded inside Armagh Gaol in 2006 and the Maze and Long Kesh Prison in 2007 (Figures 1 and 2). The protocols3 of co-ownership, inclusivity and life storytelling underpinned both the original recordings and subsequent film outputs that include Jolene Mairs Dyer’s (2011)4 Unseen Women and Laura Aguiar’s We Were There (2014).5 Funding was secured from the Community Relations Council’s Media Fund in 2015 to edit a 1-hour documentary on Armagh Goal, and two editors were employed over a 6-month period to work with me acting as director. Among the possible themes that can be excavated from the PMA’s 300 hours of audiovisual material, it was felt that since the representation of women in the Troubles has been particularly downplayed, foregrounding their experiences could help rebalance what is publicly available.
    [Show full text]
  • Dziadok Mikalai 1'St Year Student
    EUROPEAN HUMANITIES UNIVERSITY Program «World Politics and economics» Dziadok Mikalai 1'st year student Essay Written assignment Course «International relations and governances» Course instructor Andrey Stiapanau Vilnius, 2016 The Troubles (Northern Ireland conflict 1969-1998) Plan Introduction 1. General outline of a conflict. 2. Approach, theory, level of analysis (providing framework). Providing the hypothesis 3. Major actors involved, definition of their priorities, preferences and interests. 4. Origins of the conflict (historical perspective), major actions timeline 5. Models of conflicts, explanations of its reasons 6. Proving the hypothesis 7. Conclusion Bibliography Introduction Northern Ireland conflict, called “the Troubles” was the most durable conflict in the Europe since WW2. Before War in Donbass (2014-present), which lead to 9,371 death up to June 3, 20161 it also can be called the bloodiest conflict, but unfortunately The Donbass War snatched from The Troubles “the victory palm” of this dreadful competition. The importance of this issue, however, is still essential and vital because of challenges Europe experience now. Both proxy war on Donbass and recent terrorist attacks had strained significantly the political atmosphere in Europe, showing that Europe is not safe anymore. In this conditions, it is necessary for us to try to assume, how far this insecurity and tensions might go and will the circumstances and the challenges of a international relations ignite the conflict in Northern Ireland again. It also makes sense for us to recognize that the Troubles was also a proxy war to a certain degree 23 Sources, used in this essay are mostly mass-media articles, human rights observers’ and international organizations reports, and surveys made by political scientists on this issue.
    [Show full text]
  • DCU Business School
    DCU Business School RESEARCH PAPER SERIES PAPER NO. 31 November 1997 ‘Ulster Like Israel Can Only Lose Once’: Ulster Unionism, Security and Citizenship, 1972-97 Mr. John Doyle DCU Business School ISSN 1393-290X ‘ULSTER LIKE ISRAEL CAN ONLY LOSE ONCE’: ULSTER UNIONISM, SECURITY AND CITIZENSHIP, 1972-97. 1 ‘R EBELS HAVE NO RIGHTS ’ INTRODUCTION The idea that unionist political elites perceive themselves as representing a community which is ‘under siege’ and that their ideology reflects this position is regularly repeated in the literature. 2 Unionists are not uncomfortable with this description. Dorothy Dunlop, for example, is certainly not the only unionist politician to have defended herself against accusations of having a siege mentality by countering that ‘we are indeed under siege in Ulster.’ 3 A Belfast Telegraph editorial in 1989 talks of a unionist community ‘which feels under siege, both politically and from terrorism.’ 4 Cedric Wilson UKUP member of the Northern Ireland Forum said ‘with regard to Mr. Mallon’s comments about Unionist’s being in trenches, I can think of no better place to be ... when people are coming at you with guns and bombs, the best place to be is in a trench. I make no apology for being in a trench’ 5. Yet despite this widespread use of the metaphor there have been few analyses of the specifics of unionism’s position on security, perhaps because the answers appear self-evident and the impact of unionists’ views on security on the prospects for a political settlement are not appreciated. 6 This paper examines how the position of unionist political elites on security affects and reflects their broader views on citizenship.
    [Show full text]
  • S444-CAJ-Submission-To-ICCPR
    CAJ’s Submission no. S444 CAJ’s Submission to the United Nations Human Rights Committee on the UK’s 7th Periodic Report under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) June 2015 2nd Floor, Sturgen Building Tel – 028 9031 6000 9-15 Queen Street Email – [email protected] Belfast BT1 6EA Web – www.caj.org.uk About CAJ The Committee on the Administration of Justice (CAJ) was established in 1981 and is an independent non-governmental organisation affiliated to the International Federation of Human Rights. CAJ takes no position on the constitutional status of Northern Ireland and is firmly opposed to the use of violence for political ends. Its membership is drawn from across the community. The Committee seeks to ensure the highest standards in the administration of justice in Northern Ireland by ensuring that the government complies with its responsibilities in international human rights law. The CAJ works closely with other domestic and international human rights groups such as Amnesty International, Human Rights First (formerly the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights) and Human Rights Watch and makes regular submissions to a number of United Nations and European bodies established to protect human rights. CAJ’s activities include - publishing reports, conducting research, holding conferences, campaigning locally and internationally, individual casework and providing legal advice. Its areas of work are extensive and include policing, emergency laws and the criminal justice system, equality and advocacy for a Bill of Rights. CAJ however would not be in a position to do any of this work, without the financial help of its funders, individual donors and charitable trusts (since CAJ does not take government funding).
    [Show full text]
  • Over Ten Years of Cover-Ups Left Nineteen People Dead
    Irelandclick.com January 22 2007 Site Search DailyIreland.com Advanced Home As of 11th April 2006, www.dailyireland.com, incorporating www.irelandclick.com is Registered with ABC ELECTRONIC (www.abce.org.uk) and supports industry agreed standards for website News traffic measurement Comment Sport Over ten years of cover-ups left nineteen Features people dead ------------------------- RUC’s Special Branch gave Mount Vernon UVF a licence to kill Lá North Belfast News ------------------------- By Ciaran Barnes Downloads 19/01/2007 ------------------------- Andersonstown News 17 January 1993, Sharon McKenna: Two former policemen claim Mark Haddock told them he shot Shraon Home McKenna dead at the house of an elderly Protestant friend on the Shore Road. News Jonty Brown and Trevor McIlwrath claim Special Branch blocked attempts Comment by them to charge the UVF men involved despite the detectives having the confession. Sport Features 24 February 1994, Sean McParland: Murdered by a UVF Special Branch agent from Newtownabbey nicknamed ------------------------- the Beast. The paramilitary is the current boss of the organisation in Southeast Antrim. North Belfast News No one has been charged with the killing. Home News 17 May 1994, Eamon Fox and Gary Convie: The Catholic builders were allegedly shot dead by Haddock as they worked on a building site in Tiger's Comment Bay. Despite admitting to Special Branch handlers that he was involved Haddock was never charged. Sport Features 17 June 1994, Cecil Dougherty and William Corrigan: The Protestant builders were shot dead in a hut on a construction site in Rathcoole. They ------------------------- were mistaken for Catholics. South Belfast News The killing was carried out by a paramilitary who was trying to wrest control of the Southeast Antrim UVF from Haddock, shooting the men while Home his boss was on holiday.
    [Show full text]
  • 'Drowning in Here in His Bloody Sea' : Exploring TV Cop Drama's
    'Drowning in here in his bloody sea' : exploring TV cop drama's representations of the impact of stress in modern policing Cummins, ID and King, M http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10439463.2015.1112387 Title 'Drowning in here in his bloody sea' : exploring TV cop drama's representations of the impact of stress in modern policing Authors Cummins, ID and King, M Type Article URL This version is available at: http://usir.salford.ac.uk/id/eprint/38760/ Published Date 2015 USIR is a digital collection of the research output of the University of Salford. Where copyright permits, full text material held in the repository is made freely available online and can be read, downloaded and copied for non-commercial private study or research purposes. Please check the manuscript for any further copyright restrictions. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. Introduction The Criminal Justice System is a part of society that is both familiar and hidden. It is familiar in that a large part of daily news and television drama is devoted to it (Carrabine, 2008; Jewkes, 2011). It is hidden in the sense that the majority of the population have little, if any, direct contact with the Criminal Justice System, meaning that the media may be a major force in shaping their views on crime and policing (Carrabine, 2008). As Reiner (2000) notes, the debate about the relationship between the media, policing, and crime has been a key feature of wider societal concerns about crime since the establishment of the modern police force.
    [Show full text]
  • Double Blind
    Double Blind The untold story of how British intelligence infiltrated and undermined the IRA Matthew Teague, The Atlantic, April 2006 Issue https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2006/04/double-blind/304710/ I first met the man now called Kevin Fulton in London, on Platform 13 at Victoria Station. We almost missed each other in the crowd; he didn’t look at all like a terrorist. He stood with his feet together, a short and round man with a kind face, fair hair, and blue eyes. He might have been an Irish grammar-school teacher, not an IRA bomber or a British spy in hiding. Both of which he was. Fulton had agreed to meet only after an exchange of messages through an intermediary. Now, as we talked on the platform, he paced back and forth, scanning the faces of passersby. He checked the time, then checked it again. He spoke in an almost impenetrable brogue, and each time I leaned in to understand him, he leaned back, suspicious. He fidgeted with several mobile phones, one devoted to each of his lives. “I’m just cautious,” he said. He lives in London now, but his wife remains in Northern Ireland. He rarely goes out, for fear of bumping into the wrong person, and so leads a life of utter isolation, a forty-five-year-old man with a lot on his mind. During the next few months, Fulton and I met several times on Platform 13. Over time his jitters settled, his speech loosened, and his past tumbled out: his rise and fall in the Irish Republican Army, his deeds and misdeeds, his loyalties and betrayals.
    [Show full text]
  • Sinn Féin Ard Fheis 2014 Dé Haoine 7Ú & Dé Sathairn 8Ú Feabhra, Loch Garman Friday 7Th & Saturday 8Th Febuary, Wexford Bí Le Shinn Féin / Join Sinn Féin
    Clar 2014 Cover spread no spine 24/01/2014 11:36 Page 1 Sinn Féin Ard Fheis 2014 Dé hAoine 7ú & Dé Sathairn 8ú Feabhra, Loch Garman Friday 7th & Saturday 8th Febuary, Wexford Bí le Shinn Féin / Join Sinn Féin Bí le Téacs / Join by Text: Seol an focal SINN FEIN ansin d’ainm agus seoladh chuig / Text the word SINN FEIN followed by your name and address to: 51444 (26 Chondae / 26 counties) 60060 (6 Chondae / 6 counties) Ar Líne / Join online: www.sinnfein.ie/join-sinn-fein PUTTING IRELAND Sinn Féin Sinn Féin 44 Cearnóg Pharnell, 44 Parnell Square, Baile Átha Cliath 1, Éire. Dublin 1, Ireland. FIRST Tel: (353) 1 872 6100/872 6932 Tel: (353) 1 872 6100/872 6932 Fax: (353) 1 889 2566 Fax: (353) 1 889 2566 Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] ÉIRE CHUN TOSAIGH Sinn Féin Sinn Féin 53 Bóthar na bhFál, 53 Falls Road, Béal Feirste, BT 12PD, Éire. Belfast, BT 12PD, Ireland. Tel: 028 90 347350 Tel: 028 90 347350 Fax: 028 90 347386 Fax: 028 90 347386 Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] www.sinnfein.ie www.sinnfein.ie SFAF Clar 2014.qxd 24/01/2014 11:34 Page 1 Sinn Féin Ard Fheis 2014 Wexford Friday 7th February 16.00 » Registration 18.00 » David Cullinane Opening 18.15 » Economy • Decent Work for Decent Pay Motions 1-13 | Pages 5-8 • Reducing the Tax Burden on Ordinary Workers Motions 14-19 | Pages 8-10 • Protecting the Conditions of those in Work Motions 20-21 | Pages 10-11 • Economic Sovereignty Motions 22-25 | Pages 11-13 19.00 » Keynote Address from Martin McGuinness 19.15 » Peace Process • Dealing with the Legacy of
    [Show full text]