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Home , Causative, Lative case, Udmurt language

0.1 NKhanty

Mari Hungarian Udmurt Mansi Causer Erzya Causee Komi EKhanty TNenets

Estonian Votic SSaami NSaami Livonian Finnish Selkup Inari morpheme Kildin

Kamass Nganasan Variation in the morphosyntacticSEst Veps alignment of Uralic causative constructions

Jyri Lehtinen, Heini Arjava, Riho Grünthal (University of Helsinki) & Johanna Nichols (University of California, Berkeley)

Syntax of the 3, Tartu, 18–19 June 2019 1 / 28 Causative alternation in Uralic

● Extension into the Uralic languages of the approach described in Nichols et al. (2004)

– Lexical valence orientation: Transitivizing vs. detransitivizing (or causativizing vs. decausativizing) languages

– In addition, phylogenetic models of Uralic language relationships

– Phylogenies taking into account both valence orientation (grammar) and origin of relevant forms ()

2 / 28 Causative alternation in Uralic

● 22 Uralic language varieties:

– South Sámi, North Sámi, Inari Sámi, Kildin Sámi

– Finnish, Veps, Votic, Estonian, Southern Estonian, Livonian

– Erzya – Meadow Mari

– Udmurt, Komi-Zyrian

– Hungarian, Northern Mansi, Eastern Khanty, Northern Khanty

– Tundra Nenets, Nganasan, Kamass, Selkup

3 / 28 Alternation in animate

● For animate verbs, all surveyed languages are predominantly causativizing

– e.g. ’eat’ / ’feed’: North Sámi borrat / borahit; Estonian sööma / söötma; Northern Mansi tēŋkwe / tittuŋkwe; Hungarian eszik / etet

● Little decaus., much caus.: North Sámi, S Estonian, Mari, Samoyed; much decaus., little caus.: Kildin Sámi, Livonian, N Mansi, Hungarian

– cf. Hungarian tanul ’learn’ / tanít ’teach’ (both derived), Livonian ēņtšta slapstõ/urgtõ ’hide (intr.)’ / slapstõ/urgtõ (tr.) (decausativizing with added adverbial)

– e.g. Kamass causativizes both: tüšə- ’learn’ / tüšəl- ’teach’;

šaʔ- ~ šaʔbdə- ’hide (intr.)’ / šaʔbdə l- (tr.) 4 / 28 Uralic causative alternation network

0.1 ● Animate + NKhanty inanimate verbs Mari Hungarian Udmurt Mansi Erzya ● Most of Finno- Komi EKhanty TNenets Sámi separated by

a clear split Estonian Votic SSaami ● Middle Volga + NSaami Livonian Finnish Selkup Ugric unit form a Inari close group Kildin

● Kamass Outliers at right: Nganasan Samoyed, some SEst Finno-Sámi Veps 5 / 28 Animate vs. inanimate verbs in networks

0.1 Veps Estonian Votic Livonian NSaami Kildin Inanimate verbs Finnish Komi Inari

Erzya SSaami TNenets Nganasan Udmurt 0.1 Animate verbs Hungarian Mansi NKhanty Mari Kildin Nganasan Votic NSaami Veps Inari Finnish EKhanty SEstonian Livonian Estonian Kamass Selkup Kamass

Selkup

Mansi SSaami EKhanty

Erzya SEst TNenets NKhanty Mari Udmurt Hungarian Komi 6 / 28 Uralic languages in Northern Eurasian comparison

0.1 NKhanty ● Uralic languages Udmurt Hungarian Mari Evenki TNenets Komi mostly grouped Mansi EKhanty Swedish Erzya Russian together and with Even Polish Livonian Macedonian Turkic; note Kildin Latvian NSaami Swedish! Finnish SSaami Inari Votic ● IE and Tungusic Estonian Selkup Yakut also non-cont.; only Chuvash Kamass Kazakh Nganasan Turkic consistent Tatar Veps ● Left: causativizing, SEst Mongolian right: decaus.! Khakas Nanai Udihe Lithuanian German7 / 28 Causative morphosyntax

● Causative is usually a valence-increasing construction, adding one (the causer): ”The ice melted” (non-causal; 1 argument: S) → ”Father melted the ice” (causal; 2 args: A, )

● However, in of tr. verbs, the A of the embedded non-caus. can be an oblique adjunct; no change in valence:

● ”A fiú levelet ír” ’The boy is writing a letter’ ”Ő levelet írat a fiúval” ’He has the boy write a letter’ (fiúval is INSTR, so both sentences have args A & O; note CAUS )

8 / 28 Semantics of causatives

● Shibatani (1976: 1–2) restricts the definition of causative situations to those in which the speaker believes that the caused event has taken place as a consequence of the causing event:

– ” told John to , but he didn’t” (told is not a causative , no contradiction)

– ”*I caused John to go, but he didn’t” (caused is causative here, contradictory sentence)

● However, permissives are usually classified as causatives:

– ”I let John go” (not a ”true causative”?) 9 / 28 Semantics of causatives

● Languages often have different mechanisms of forming causative predicates depending on semantic parameters of the type of causation, e.g.

– Causatives of intransitive vs. transitive verbs (many languages allow only intransitives to be causativized, many others have differing strategies of causativization)

– Direct vs. indirect causation: Hungarian uses different cases for the causee in direct vs. indirect causation of intransitives

Dixon (2000) lists in total 9 semantic parametres along which languages differentiate between causative constructions 10 / 28 Morphosyntactic mechanisms of causative formation

● Dixon (2000: 74–77): scale of compactness

– Lexical (ambitransitive: melt; or suppletive: die/kill) > – Morphological (affixation, stem modification, etc.) > – Complex (two verbs in one predicate clause, e.g. faire as caus. aux. in French) > – Periphrastic (two predicate clauses, e.g. make so. do sth.)

● Position on the scale of compactness correlates with several semantic parameters, e.g. directness:

– ”I fed John peas” (direct) vs. ”I had John eat peas” (indirect)

11 / 28 Causee in North Sámi

● In morphological causatives, marking of causee depends on the of the verb in embedded clause:

Ale čieru-t máná! don’t cry-CAUS.CONNEG child.(ACC) ’Don’t make the child cry!’

Mun daga-h-in niibbi rávdái. I make-CAUS-PST.1SG knife.(ACC) smith.ILL ’I had the smith make a knife.’ (Nielsen 1926: 328–329; Nickel 1990: 230–231)

● Analytical causatives: causee is in ACC (/GEN):

Sii diktet sávzzaid guohtut luoddaguora. ’They let the sheep graze the roadside’ (KORP) 12 / 28 Causee in Finnish

● Case of causee with embedded intransitive sentence is the usual case of DO (either ”ACC” = GEN.SG/NOM.PL, or PART, depending on telicity)

Matti kasva-tta-a koira-a-nsa. Matti grow-CAUS-3SG dog-PART-POSS.3SG ’Matti rears (/is rearing) his dog.’

● With transitive embedded sentence, causee is in adessive:

Pekka pese-tt-i paita-nsa Auliki-lla. Pekka wash-CAUS-PST.3SG shirt-(ACC).POSS.3SG Aulikki-ADE ’Pekka had Aulikki wash his shirt’ (Sulkala & Karjalainen 1992: 294)

13 / 28 Causee in Finnish

● Two inaccurate statements in Sulkala & Karjalainen (1992: 296):

1) ”In an analytical construction [ … ] the of the transitive sentence is in the genitive,” but cf. contrast with permissive:

Pekka pani lapset (ACC) pesemään (INF3.ILL) paitansa. ’Pekka made the kids wash his shirt.’ (causee in usual DO case)

Pekka antoi lasten (GEN) pestä (INF1) paitansa. ’Pekka let the kids wash his shirt.’ (causee in non-varying genitive)

2) The causee ”can be expressed in an case only when the causative is derived from a verb used intransitively,” but cf. verbs like syödä ’eat’ and juoda ’drink’:

Äiti syöttää lapselle (ALLAT) kalaa. / Äiti syöttää lasta (PART) kalalla. ’The mother feeds fish to the child / … the child with fish’ 14 / 28 Causee in Estonian

● With the morphological causative, the causee uses the usual case of the object (either ”ACC”=GEN.SG/NOM.PL, or PART):

Uksekell är-ata-s Mari doorbell wake-CAUS-PST.3SG Mari.(ACC) ’The doorbell woke up Mari’ (Kasik 2001: 77)

● Analytic causative using laskma can express permissive causation with the causee in ADE, but also ”true” indirect causation:

Mari laskis uksekellal heliseda. ’Mari let the doorbell (ADE) ring’ Mari laskis toatüdrukul vaasi maast üles tõsta. ’Mari had the chambermaid (ADE) pick the vase up’ (id.: 77–78)

15 / 28 Causee in Estonian

● Causee can be in object case in analytical causatives as well, depending on the causative auxiliary (also the inf. of embedded clause varies!):

(Ülemus käskis sekretäril (ADE) andmed kataloogist välja otsida (da-INF) ‘The boss asked the secretary to find the data in the catalogue’)

Ülemus pani sekretäri (ACC) andmeid kataloogist välja otsima (ma-INF) ‘The boss made the secretary find the data in the catalogue

Ülemus ajas sekretäri (ACC) andmeid kataloogist välja otsima (ma-INF) ‘The boss sent the secretary to find…’

Ülemus laskis sekretäril (ADE) andmed kataloogist välja otsida (da-INF) ‘The boss had the secretary find…’ (Kasik 2001: 92) 16 / 28 Causee in Erzya

● Causee is expressed in the Mordvin languages with the use of a postpositional phrase in causative of transitive sentence:

Avaś kandovtś tʹejtʹerenze kedʹste vedʹ. ’The mother had her daughter carry water’ (Mikola 1995)

● Postposition (X.GEN) kedʹste originally meaning ’from the hand (of X)’

17 / 28 Causee in Udmurt

● Causee marked with accusative suffix -(j)ez even if there also appears DO of embedded clause, which can also have the same suffix depending on definiteness and of the DO (double accusative marking!):

Saša Maša-jez kńiga-jez li ǯi -t-iz Sasha.NOM Masha-ACC book-ACC read-CAUS-PST.3SG ’Sasha made Masha read the book’ (Tánczos 2015: 104)

● Comrie (1989: 178) notes that ”nearly all languages” that allow double accusative marking in causatives allow such double marking in other constructions as well; Udmurt is one counterexample according to Tánczos (2015: 101–104) 18 / 28 Causee in Udmurt

● Causee always receives the ACC marker -(j)ez, even though DO normally varies between no marking and marking with ACC; cf.:

Saša kńiga li ǯ-iz. Sasha book read-PST.3SG ‘Sasha read a book.’ (unmarked DO: indefinite inanimate referent)

Saša pinal-ez/*pinal uža-t-iz. Sasha child-ACC/*child work-CAUS-PST.3SG ’Sasha made the/a kid work (causee always marked with ACC) (Tánczos 2015: 106–107) 19 / 28 Causee in Hungarian

● Two patterns for causatives of intransitive verbs:

1) Causee is in the only, e.g.

Csurog-tat-tam a vizet/*vízzel trickle-CAUS-PST.1SG DEF water.ACC/*INSTR ’I let the water trickle’ (Hetzron 1976: 392)

2) Causee is either in the ACC or the INSTR case, e.g. Köhögtettem a gyerekkel. (’child’: instrumental) ’I had the child cough.’ (by asking him to do so) Köhögtettem a gyereket. (’child’: accusative) ’I induced the child to cough.’ (Hetzron 1976: 394) 20 / 28 Causee in Hungarian

● From transitive verbs: causee in INSTR and caused object in ACC:

Level-et ír-at-tam a fiú-val/*fiú-t letter-ACC write-CAUS-PST.1SG DEF boy-INSTR/*ACC ’I had the boy write a letter.’ (Hetzron 1976: 392)

● Nemesi (2003: 90): case alternation also for some tr. verbs like eszik ’eat’ and iszik ’drink’, with a difference in meaning:

Megitattam Gergővel a bort. (cse: INSTR | pat: ACC; persuasion) Megitattam Gergõt a borral. (cse: ACC | pat: INSTR; by force) ’I had Gergő drink the wine’ / ’I made Gergő drink the wine’

21 / 28 Causee in Northern Mansi

● Causee with intransitive embedded sentence is in DO case in active sentence, NOM in passive:

Oma-te tawe ulas-n ūn-tt-i. mother-3SG (s)he.ACC bench-LOC sit-CAUS-PRS.3SG ’The mother makes him/her sit on the bench.’

Ńawram oma-te-n ulas-t ūn-tta-we. child mother-3SG-LAT bench-LOC sit-CAUS-PASS.PRS.3SG ’The mother makes the child sit on the bench.’ (Havas et al. 2015)

● In Mansi, the causee can also be a) in the , and b) in another construction, in NOM while the DO of embedded clause is marked with

INSTR (Mikola 1995; Dolovai 1993–1994) 22 / 28 Causee in Northern Khanty

● The causee in Synja Northern Khanty is in the DO case (nominals: unmarked) in active sentences; in passive sentences it receives nominative marking

Āntʹe-l ńāwrem-ǝl pasan-a ɔ̄mas-lal-(l)-li. mother-3SG(NOM) child-3SG table-LAT sit-CAUS-PRS-OBJ.3SG ‘The mother is getting her child to sit at the table.’

Āntʹ-em-n mā jērnas jɔ̄t-ti pār-l-ajm mother-1SG-LOC 1SG(NOM) dress sew-INF ask-PRS-PASS.1SG ’My mother made me sew a dress’ (Havas et al. 2015)

23 / 28 Causee in Tundra Nenets

● Very little information on causative constructions in Tundra Nenets; needs further study most of all

● Morphological causatives: on the basis of a few example sentences, causee is in ACC with intr. embedded sentence, in DAT with transitive embedded sentence:

Xalʹa-m jiˀ jilʹe-btʹe-ᵊda fish-ACC water live-CAUS-AOR.3SG>SG ’The water revived the fish’ (Tereshchenko 1965)

Ŋuda-mta sʹato-nˀₙ sʹatol-əbta-weda hand-ACC.POSS.3SG arctic_fox-DAT bite-CAUS-NARR.AOR.3SG>SG ’He let the Arctic fox bite his hand’ (Mikola 1995; Tereshchenko 1965) 24 / 28 Summary: Marking of causee in Uralic

● In morphological causatives, non-DO marking of causee much more widespread with transitive verbs

– From intransitives, causee in DO case, Hungarian allows INSTR with indirect causation

● However, causee mostly marked with DO case in analytical causatives

– Estonian can have adessive, Finnish permissives have non-varying genitive

● Least information is available on different analytical causative constructions; even languages otherwise thoroughly studied like

Finnish lacking in description 25 / 28 Causative and passive

● of causees has been explained as a result of passivization inherent in causativization, but as Comrie (1989: 179–180) notes, cases like Finnish (causee can be in adessive, but no true passive exists) weaken this argument

● Schlachter (1966: 399–406): in the North Sámi passive is in illative because the passive derives from the causative construction, in which (il)lative marking of causee is frequent in Uralic

● Kulonen (1989: 63) notes the construction for auxiliaries meaning ’must’ in Finnish and Hungarian as a parallel: Minun täytyy … (dative function of genitive?), Nekem kell …

26 / 28 Further study

● Etymological information for causative alternation trees

● More data on morphosyntactic alignment

– Corpora, researchers specializing on single languages, native speakers

– Analytical causative constructions with subtypes

● Special cases

– Lexicalized causatives from verbs like ’eat’, ’drink’, ’see’, …

– DO-like marking for causee with differences from marking of actual DO (Udmurt, Finnish, …)

– Double marking: double ACC in Udmurt; double dative/lative? 27 / 28 References

Comrie, Bernard 1989. Language universals and : Syntax and . 2nd edition. Oxford: Blackwell. Dixon, R. M. W. 2000. A typology of causatives: Form, syntax and meaning. In R. M. W. Dixon & Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald (eds.), Changing : Case studies in transitivity, 30–83. Oxford University Press. Dolovai, Dorottya 1993–1994. A vogul nyelv műveltető szerkezeteinek típusai. Néprajz és Nyelvtudomány 35: 3–16. Havas, Ferenc & Csepregi, Márta & F. Gulyás, Nikolett & Németh, Szilvia 2015. Typological Database of the . Budapest: ELTE Finnugor Tanszék. (http://utdb.elte.hu) (Accessed on 2019-02-15). Hetzron, 1976. On the Hungarian causative verb and its syntax. In Masayoshi Shibatani (ed.), Syntax and semantics, vol. VI: The grammar of causative constructions, 371–398. New York: Academic Press. Kasik, Reet 2001. Analytic Causatives in Estonian. In Mati Erelt (ed.), Estonian: Typological studies V: 77–122. Publications of the Department of Estonian of the University of Tartu 18. Tartu: University of Tartu. KORP = Borin, Lars, Markus Forsberg & Johan Roxendal 2012. Korp: The corpus infrastructure of Språkbanken. (http://korp.csc.fi) (Accessed on 2019-06- 10) Kulonen, Ulla-Maija 1989. The passive in Ob-Ugrian. Doctoral dissertation. Suomalais-ugrilaisen seuran toimituksia 203. Helsinki: Suomalais-ugrilainen seura. Mikola, Tibor 1995. Kausative Konstruktionen in den uralischen Sprachen. Néprajz és Nyelvtudomány 36, 251–265. Nemesi, Attila László 2003. A magyar műveltető szerkezet esetkiosztásának kérdéséhez [On the issue of case assignment in the Hungarian causative construction]. In Zsuzsanna Gécseg (ed.), LingDok 2: Nyelvész-doktoranduszok dolgozatai, 71–94 Szeged: JATE Press. Nichols, Johanna, David. A Peterson & Jonathan Barnes 2004. Transitivizing and detransitivizing languages. Linguistic Typology 8: 149–211. Nickel, Klaus Peter 1990. Samisk grammatikk. Oslo: Universitetsforlaget. Nielsen, Konrad 1926. Lærebok i lappisk: 1, Grammatikk, lydlaere, formlaere, orddannelseslaere og syntaks samt tillegg. Oslo. Schlachter, Wolfgang 1966. Der Agens-Illativ beim Passiv des Lappischen. Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen, Philologisch- Historische Klasse 9. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht. Shibatani, Masayoshi 1976. Syntax and semantics, vol. VI: The grammar of causative constructions. New York: Academic Press. Sulkala, Helena & Merja Karjalainen 1992. Finnish. London and New York: Routledge. Tánczos, Orsolya 2015. Causative constructions and their syntactic analysis in the Udmurt language. Doctoral dissertation. Pázmány Péter Katolikus Egyetem Bölcsészet és Társadalomtudományi Kar. Tereshchenko, Natalya Mitrofanovna 1965. Nenecko-russkij slovar': Nenèca' vadi", luca' vadi" slovar'. Moskva: Sovetskaa ènciklopedia. 28 / 28