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Variation in the Morphosyntactic Alignment of Uralic Causative

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Variation in the Morphosyntactic Alignment of Uralic Causative 0.1 NKhanty Mari Hungarian Udmurt Mansi Causer Erzya Causee Komi EKhanty TNenets Estonian Votic SSaami NSaami Livonian Finnish Selkup Inari Causative morpheme Kildin Kamass Nganasan Variation in the morphosyntacticSEst Veps alignment of Uralic causative constructions Jyri Lehtinen, Heini Arjava, Riho Grünthal (University of Helsinki) & Johanna Nichols (University of California, Berkeley) Syntax of the Uralic languages 3, Tartu, 18–19 June 2019 1 / 28 Causative alternation in Uralic ● Extension into the Uralic languages of the approach described in Nichols et al. (2004) – Lexical valence orientation: Transitivizing vs. detransitivizing (or causativizing vs. decausativizing) languages – In addition, phylogenetic models of Uralic language relationships – Phylogenies taking into account both valence orientation (grammar) and origin of relevant forms (etymology) 2 / 28 Causative alternation in Uralic ● 22 Uralic language varieties: – South Sámi, North Sámi, Inari Sámi, Kildin Sámi – Finnish, Veps, Votic, Estonian, Southern Estonian, Livonian – Erzya – Meadow Mari – Udmurt, Komi-Zyrian – Hungarian, Northern Mansi, Eastern Khanty, Northern Khanty – Tundra Nenets, Nganasan, Kamass, Selkup 3 / 28 Alternation in animate verbs ● For animate verbs, all surveyed languages are predominantly causativizing – e.g. ’eat’ / ’feed’: North Sámi borrat / borahit; Estonian sööma / söötma; Northern Mansi tēŋkwe / tittuŋkwe; Hungarian eszik / etet ● Little decaus., much caus.: North Sámi, S Estonian, Mari, Samoyed; much decaus., little caus.: Kildin Sámi, Livonian, N Mansi, Hungarian – cf. Hungarian tanul ’learn’ / tanít ’teach’ (both derived), Livonian ēņtšta slapstõ/urgtõ ’hide (intr.)’ / slapstõ/urgtõ (tr.) (decausativizing with added adverbial) – e.g. Kamass causativizes both: tüšə- ’learn’ / tüšəl- ’teach’; šaʔ- ~ šaʔbdə- ’hide (intr.)’ / šaʔbdə l- (tr.) 4 / 28 Uralic causative alternation network 0.1 ● Animate + NKhanty inanimate verbs Mari Hungarian Udmurt Mansi Erzya ● Most of Finno- Komi EKhanty TNenets Sámi separated by a clear split Estonian Votic SSaami ● Middle Volga + NSaami Livonian Finnish Selkup Ugric unit form a Inari close group Kildin ● Kamass Outliers at right: Nganasan Samoyed, some SEst Finno-Sámi Veps 5 / 28 Animate vs. inanimate verbs in networks 0.1 Veps Estonian Votic Livonian NSaami Kildin Inanimate verbs Finnish Komi Inari Erzya SSaami TNenets Nganasan Udmurt 0.1 Animate verbs Hungarian Mansi NKhanty Mari Kildin Nganasan Votic NSaami Veps Inari Finnish EKhanty SEstonian Livonian Estonian Kamass Selkup Kamass Selkup Mansi SSaami EKhanty Erzya SEst TNenets NKhanty Mari Udmurt Hungarian Komi 6 / 28 Uralic languages in Northern Eurasian comparison 0.1 NKhanty ● Uralic languages Udmurt Hungarian Mari Evenki TNenets Komi mostly grouped Mansi EKhanty Swedish Erzya Russian together and with Even Polish Livonian Macedonian Turkic; note Kildin Latvian NSaami Swedish! Finnish SSaami Inari Votic ● IE and Tungusic Estonian Selkup Yakut also non-cont.; only Chuvash Kamass Kazakh Nganasan Turkic consistent Tatar Veps ● Left: causativizing, SEst Mongolian right: decaus.! Khakas Nanai Udihe Lithuanian German7 / 28 Causative morphosyntax ● Causative is usually a valence-increasing construction, adding one argument (the causer): ”The ice melted” (non-causal; 1 argument: S) → ”Father melted the ice” (causal; 2 args: A, O) ● However, in causatives of tr. verbs, the A of the embedded non-caus. can be an oblique adjunct; no change in valence: ● ”A fiú levelet ír” ’The boy is writing a letter’ ”Ő levelet írat a fiúval” ’He has the boy write a letter’ (fiúval is INSTR, so both sentences have args A & O; note CAUS suffix) 8 / 28 Semantics of causatives ● Shibatani (1976: 1–2) restricts the definition of causative situations to those in which the speaker believes that the caused event has taken place as a consequence of the causing event: – ”I told John to go, but he didn’t” (told is not a causative verb, no contradiction) – ”*I caused John to go, but he didn’t” (caused is causative here, contradictory sentence) ● However, permissives are usually classified as causatives: – ”I let John go” (not a ”true causative”?) 9 / 28 Semantics of causatives ● Languages often have different mechanisms of forming causative predicates depending on semantic parameters of the type of causation, e.g. – Causatives of intransitive vs. transitive verbs (many languages allow only intransitives to be causativized, many others have differing strategies of causativization) – Direct vs. indirect causation: Hungarian uses different cases for the causee in direct vs. indirect causation of intransitives Dixon (2000) lists in total 9 semantic parametres along which languages differentiate between causative constructions 10 / 28 Morphosyntactic mechanisms of causative formation ● Dixon (2000: 74–77): scale of compactness – Lexical (ambitransitive: melt; or suppletive: die/kill) > – Morphological (affixation, stem modification, etc.) > – Complex Predicate (two verbs in one predicate clause, e.g. faire as caus. aux. in French) > – Periphrastic (two predicate clauses, e.g. make so. do sth.) ● Position on the scale of compactness correlates with several semantic parameters, e.g. directness: – ”I fed John peas” (direct) vs. ”I had John eat peas” (indirect) 11 / 28 Causee in North Sámi ● In morphological causatives, marking of causee depends on the transitivity of the verb in embedded clause: Ale čieru-t máná! don’t cry-CAUS.CONNEG child.(ACC) ’Don’t make the child cry!’ Mun daga-h-in niibbi rávdái. I make-CAUS-PST.1SG knife.(ACC) smith.ILL ’I had the smith make a knife.’ (Nielsen 1926: 328–329; Nickel 1990: 230–231) ● Analytical causatives: causee is in ACC (/GEN): Sii diktet sávzzaid guohtut luoddaguora. ’They let the sheep graze the roadside’ (KORP) 12 / 28 Causee in Finnish ● Case of causee with embedded intransitive sentence is the usual case of DO (either ”ACC” = GEN.SG/NOM.PL, or PART, depending on telicity) Matti kasva-tta-a koira-a-nsa. Matti grow-CAUS-3SG dog-PART-POSS.3SG ’Matti rears (/is rearing) his dog.’ ● With transitive embedded sentence, causee is in adessive: Pekka pese-tt-i paita-nsa Auliki-lla. Pekka wash-CAUS-PST.3SG shirt-(ACC).POSS.3SG Aulikki-ADE ’Pekka had Aulikki wash his shirt’ (Sulkala & Karjalainen 1992: 294) 13 / 28 Causee in Finnish ● Two inaccurate statements in Sulkala & Karjalainen (1992: 296): 1) ”In an analytical construction [ … ] the subject of the transitive sentence is in the genitive,” but cf. contrast with permissive: Pekka pani lapset (ACC) pesemään (INF3.ILL) paitansa. ’Pekka made the kids wash his shirt.’ (causee in usual DO case) Pekka antoi lasten (GEN) pestä (INF1) paitansa. ’Pekka let the kids wash his shirt.’ (causee in non-varying genitive) 2) The causee ”can be expressed in an object case only when the causative is derived from a verb used intransitively,” but cf. verbs like syödä ’eat’ and juoda ’drink’: Äiti syöttää lapselle (ALLAT) kalaa. / Äiti syöttää lasta (PART) kalalla. ’The mother feeds fish to the child / … the child with fish’ 14 / 28 Causee in Estonian ● With the morphological causative, the causee uses the usual case of the object (either ”ACC”=GEN.SG/NOM.PL, or PART): Uksekell är-ata-s Mari doorbell wake-CAUS-PST.3SG Mari.(ACC) ’The doorbell woke up Mari’ (Kasik 2001: 77) ● Analytic causative using laskma can express permissive causation with the causee in ADE, but also ”true” indirect causation: Mari laskis uksekellal heliseda. ’Mari let the doorbell (ADE) ring’ Mari laskis toatüdrukul vaasi maast üles tõsta. ’Mari had the chambermaid (ADE) pick the vase up’ (id.: 77–78) 15 / 28 Causee in Estonian ● Causee can be in object case in analytical causatives as well, depending on the causative auxiliary (also the inf. of embedded clause varies!): (Ülemus käskis sekretäril (ADE) andmed kataloogist välja otsida (da-INF) ‘The boss asked the secretary to find the data in the catalogue’) Ülemus pani sekretäri (ACC) andmeid kataloogist välja otsima (ma-INF) ‘The boss made the secretary find the data in the catalogue Ülemus ajas sekretäri (ACC) andmeid kataloogist välja otsima (ma-INF) ‘The boss sent the secretary to find…’ Ülemus laskis sekretäril (ADE) andmed kataloogist välja otsida (da-INF) ‘The boss had the secretary find…’ (Kasik 2001: 92) 16 / 28 Causee in Erzya ● Causee is expressed in the Mordvin languages with the use of a postpositional phrase in causative of transitive sentence: Avaś kandovtś tʹejtʹerenze kedʹste vedʹ. ’The mother had her daughter carry water’ (Mikola 1995) ● Postposition (X.GEN) kedʹste originally meaning ’from the hand (of X)’ 17 / 28 Causee in Udmurt ● Causee marked with accusative suffix -(j)ez even if there also appears DO of embedded clause, which can also have the same suffix depending on definiteness and animacy of the DO (double accusative marking!): Saša Maša-jez kńiga-jez li ;ǯ=i ;-t-iz Sasha.NOM Masha-ACC book-ACC read-CAUS-PST.3SG ’Sasha made Masha read the book’ (Tánczos 2015: 104) ● Comrie (1989: 178) notes that ”nearly all languages” that allow double accusative marking in causatives allow such double marking in other constructions as well; Udmurt is one counterexample according to Tánczos (2015: 101–104) 18 / 28 Causee in Udmurt ● Causee always receives the ACC marker -(j)ez, even though DO normally varies between no marking and marking with ACC; cf.: Saša kńiga li ;ǯ=-iz. Sasha book read-PST.3SG ‘Sasha read a book.’ (unmarked DO: indefinite inanimate referent) Saša pinal-ez/*pinal uža-t-iz. Sasha child-ACC/*child work-CAUS-PST.3SG ’Sasha made the/a kid work (causee always marked
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