Modernism and Andrei Amalrik's Nose! Nose? No-Se!
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Can the Soviet System Accommodate the “Democratic Movement”?
Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Master's Theses Graduate College 8-1974 Systemic Adaptation: Can the Soviet System Accommodate the “Democratic Movement”? Phillip A. Petersen Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Petersen, Phillip A., "Systemic Adaptation: Can the Soviet System Accommodate the “Democratic Movement”?" (1974). Master's Theses. 2588. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses/2588 This Masters Thesis-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SYSTEMIC ADAPTATION: CAN THE SOVIET SYSTEM ACCOMMODATE THE "DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT"? by Phillip A. Petersen A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The Graduate College in partial fulfillment of the Degree of Master of Arts Western Michigan University Kalamazoo, Michigan August 1974 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to begin by thanking Dr. Craig N. Andrews of Wayne State University for introducing me to the phenomenon of dissent in the Soviet Union. As for the project itself, Dr. John Gorgone of Western Michigan University not only suggested the approach to the phenomenon, but also had a fundamental role in shaping the perspective from which observations were made. The success of the research phase of the project is due, in great part, to the encouragement and assistance of Lt. Col. Carlton Willis of the Army Security Agency Training Center and School. -
"China, the Fun House Mirror: Soviet Reactions to The
UC Berkeley Recent Work Title China, the Fun House Mirror: Soviet Reactions to the Chinese Cultural Revolution, 1966- 1969 Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0fs1526m Author McGuire, Elizabeth Publication Date 2001-05-01 eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California University of California, Berkeley CHINA, THE FUN HOUSE MIRROR: SOVIET REACTIONS TO THE CHINESE CULTURAL REVOLUTION, 1966-1969 Elizabeth McGuire Berkeley Program in Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies Working Paper Series This PDF document preserves the page numbering of the printed version for accuracy of citation. When viewed with Acrobat Reader, the printed page numbers will not correspond with the electronic numbering. The Berkeley Program in Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies (BPS) is a leading center for graduate training on the Soviet Union and its successor states in the United States. Founded in 1983 as part of a nationwide effort to reinvigorate the field, BPSs mission has been to train a new cohort of scholars and professionals in both cross-disciplinary social science methodology and theory as well as the history, languages, and cultures of the former Soviet Union; to carry out an innovative program of scholarly research and publication on the Soviet Union and its successor states; and to undertake an active public outreach program for the local community, other national and international academic centers, and the U.S. and other governments. Berkeley Program in Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies University of California, Berkeley Institute of Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies 260 Stephens Hall #2304 Berkeley, California 94720-2304 Tel: (510) 643-6737 [email protected] http://socrates.berkeley.edu/~bsp/ CHINA, THE FUN HOUSE MIRROR: SOVIET REACTIONS TO THE CHINESE CULTURAL REVOLUTION, 1966-1969 Elizabeth McGuire Spring 2001 Elizabeth McGuire is a Ph.D. -
Talking Fish: on Soviet Dissident Memoirs*
Talking Fish: On Soviet Dissident Memoirs* Benjamin Nathans University of Pennsylvania My article may appear to be idle chatter, but for Western sovietolo- gists at any rate it has the same interest that a fish would have for an ichthyologist if it were suddenly to begin to talk. ðAndrei Amalrik, Will the Soviet Union Survive until 1984? ½samizdat, 1969Þ All Soviet émigrés write ½or: make up something. Am I any worse than they are? ðAleksandr Zinoviev, Homo Sovieticus ½Lausanne, 1981Þ IfIamasked,“Did this happen?” I will reply, “No.” If I am asked, “Is this true?” Iwillsay,“Of course.” ðElena Bonner, Mothers and Daughters ½New York, 1991Þ I On July 6, 1968, at a party in Moscow celebrating the twenty-eighth birthday of Pavel Litvinov, two guests who had never met before lingered late into the night. Litvinov, a physics teacher and the grandson of Stalin’s Commissar of Foreign Affairs, Maxim Litvinov, had recently made a name for himself as the coauthor of a samizdat text, “An Appeal to World Opinion,” thathadgarneredwideattention inside and outside the Soviet Union. He had been summoned several times by the Committee for State Security ðKGBÞ for what it called “prophylactic talks.” Many of those present at the party were, like Litvinov, connected in one way or another to the dissident movement, a loose conglomeration of Soviet citizens who had initially coalesced around the 1966 trial of the writers Andrei Sinyavsky and Yuli Daniel, seeking to defend civil rights inscribed in the Soviet constitution and * For comments on previous drafts of this article, I would like to thank the anonymous readers for the Journal of Modern History as well as Alexander Gribanov, Jochen Hell- beck, Edward Kline, Ann Komaromi, Eli Nathans, Sydney Nathans, Serguei Oushakine, Kevin M. -
Ludmilla Alexeyeva and Paul Goldberg's the Thaw Generation
MISCELLANEA POSTTOTALITARIANA WRATISLAVIENSIA 1(5)/2016 DOI: 10.19195/2353-8546.1(5).5 CHRISTINA JÜTTNER, MIRJA LECKE Ruhr University (Bochum, Germany)* Narrating Resistance: Ludmilla Alexeyeva and Paul Goldberg’s The Thaw Generation (1990) Narrating Resistance: Ludmilla Alexeyeva’s and Paul Goldberg’s The Thaw Generation (1990). The production and circu- lation of literary, documentary, and political texts were among the main activities of dissenters in the Soviet Union. Many of them also kept diaries or notebooks, wrote memoirs or engaged in other forms of life writing. While these texts more or less explicitly claim to authentically represent reality, they nonetheless arise as a construction based on literary strategies. The analysis of the latter in Ludmilla Alexeyeva and Paul Goldberg’s The Thaw Generation is the subject of this article. We discuss the rhetoric of these memoirs focusing particularly on stylistic features and argumentative structures that are meant to grant the text credibility among American and Russian readers. Keywords: life writing, Soviet Union, dissidents, Human Rights Movement, 1960s–1980s Introduction The production and circulation of literary, documentary, and political texts were among the main activities of dissenters1 in the Soviet Union. Many of them also kept diaries, notebooks, or wrote memoirs. While these texts make more or less explicit * Address: Mirja Lecke, Seminar für Slavistik, GB 8 /155, Ruhr-Universität Bochum, D 44801 Bo- chum. Christina Jüttner, Seminar für Slavistik, GB 8 /152, Ruhr-Universität Bochum, D 44801 Bochum. E-mail: [email protected], [email protected]. 1 In this article we use the term “dissenter” to designate a person in general opposition to the Soviet system, and to distinguish a “dissenter” from a “dissident,” the latter term referring more narrowly to a member of the Human Rights movement. -
Crisis in Russian Studies? Nationalism (Imperialism), Racism and War
Crisis in Russian Studies? Nationalism (Imperialism), Racism and War TARAS KUZIO This e-book is provided without charge via free download by E-International Relations (www.E-IR.info). It is not permitted to be sold in electronic format under any circumstances. If you enjoy our free e-books, please consider leaving a small donation to allow us to continue investing in open access publications: http://www.e-ir.info/about/donate/ i Crisis in Russian Studies? Nationalism (Imperialism), Racism and War TARAS KUZIO ii E-International Relations www.E-IR.info Bristol, England 2020 ISBN 978-1-910814-55-0 This book is published under a Creative Commons CC BY-NC 4.0 license. You are free to: • Share — copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format • Adapt — remix, transform, and build upon the material Under the following terms: • Attribution — You must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made. You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you or your use. • NonCommercial — You may not use the material for commercial purposes. Any of the above conditions can be waived if you get permission. Please contact [email protected] for any such enquiries, including for licensing and translation requests. Other than the terms noted above, there are no restrictions placed on the use and dissemination of this book for student learning materials/scholarly use. Production: Michael Tang Cover Image: Triff/Shutterstock A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. -
Soviet Dissidents and the Western World
SOVIET DISSIDENTS AND THE WESTERN WORLD Lea Sellers* This article attempts to demonstrate the effect of Western pressures on the dissident movement within the USSR. Although the movement comprises many different forms of dissent - religious, national, economic, political and cultural - we are here primarily concerned with the political and cultural challenges to the Marxist-Leninist philosophy as it operates in the Soviet Union and the ways in which the West most actively encourages or discourages these challenges. Our aim is to assess the opinions of the three most prominent Soviet dissidents, Alexandr Solzhenitsyn, Andrei Sakharov and Roy Med- vedev, on the role of the West in the internal liberalization of the Soviet system. Their particular opinions are chosen because they represent three differing views within the broad spectrum of the dissident movement; they have all written extensively on the subject; and, unlike Western leaders, they are more exclusively concerned with intellectual freedom and the prospects for change in the USSR. If the problem were approached from a Western point of view, there would inevitably be a lack of focus on the specific problem of democratization, because other factors - strategic, economic and political - are involved in relations with the Soviet Union. The dissidents themselves are in a better position to judge, albeit sub- jectively, the effect of Western policies on the democratic movement, since they are directly affected by measures carried out by the Soviet leadership as a result of Western pressures and policies. There is an assumption that Western attitudes toward the Soviet Union do have some effect on Soviet domestic policy, and this study intends to show whether and how the West is helping or hindering the democratic cause, from the dissidents' point of view. -
Eur460011971eng.Pdf
tc [This is a rather literal translation of the typewritten Russian original produced in Moscow and circulated in satnizdat, Only the words in square brackets have been added by the translators. The Russian text is due to appear in Passel); Vosmoi spetsialnyi vypusk, Frankfurt] J1131/DICEFIPIE 13 3A11114TY EIPA13 4EJIOBEKA B COBETCKOM C0103E 17P0J4'OJDICAETCH The Movement in Defence of Human Rights in the Soviet Union Continues A Chronicle of Current Events "Everyone has the right to free- dom o! opinion and expvssion: this right includes freedom to hold Opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart infor- •ation and ideas through any meant atul regardless of frontiers." Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 19 Issue No. 17 31 December 1970 (Moscow) T! hird year of publication CONTENTS The trial of Amalrik and Ubozhko. Andrei Amalrik's final address. The trial of Valentin Moroz. Solzhenitsyn's letter to the Nobel Foundation. The Committee for Human Rights in the USSR. Public statements regarding the trial of Pimenov. Vail and Zinoveva. The Leningrad trial of the "hi-jackers". Trials of recent years: the case of the UNF [Ukrainian National Front]. Persecution of Jews wishing to emigrate to Israel. Rigerman. American citizenship and the Soviet police. The fate of Fritz Mender. Political prisoners in the Mordovian camps. News in brief. Samizdat news. [index.] 1 The Trial of Amalrik and Ubozhko The trial of Andrei Amalrik and in Uhozhko (see Chronicle Nos. 13, 14, 15, 16) was held in Sverdlovsk [in W. Siberia] on 11-12 November 1970. The Judge was A. Shalayev, the people's assessors-- Korobeinikova and Orlov. -
VI. the Soviet People Fight Back
FiYi: i il" ,1;: ....., vl. THE SOVIET PEOPLE FIGHT BACK .' ;harmonious' "Wherever there is oppression, there .is re- is by no means 'stable' and as sistance." Thelentire nisidry of the'ht4man race Brezhnev and his types describe it. lt is filled bears out this fundamental principle of Marxisrn- with sharp class antagonisms, national Contradic.- Leninism. From the dawn of class society, people tions and social upheavals." r have risen in fdvolt, striking mighty btowi againgt their oppressors. These blows have alvyays been 1) The Soviet Union: A Fascist State a powerful force pushing history forward. Today's Soviet pebple are the heirs to just The struggle being waged today by the Soviet 6uch a rich history of resistance. Throughout the people must ahd inevitably will develop into a re- feudal period the Russian serfs rose continually volutionary movenlent to overthrow imperialism in'huge'rebellions which shook tsarist ru'le. Great and re-establish socialism. Only the wor,king revolts'led by men like Stenka Razin ahd Emilian class can lead this struggle to final victory.'The Pugachev challenged .the military might of the Soviet rulers know this and are trying t6 sup- feudal autocracy, only to be drowned in rivers of press this struggle by enforcing a rigid, fascist- blood. These movements, however, inspired type dictatorship against the Soviet people, millions of peasants who once again rose up, especially the workers-that. is, an open, ter- killing landlords and burning their estates in roristic dictatorship -of the new Soviet what Lenin called the "revolutionary situation" of bourgeoisie 1861-63. This resistance forced th6 tsar in 't863 Fascism develops w hen the im perialist to grant the legal but not actual abolition.of bourgeoisie cannot rule in the "democratic" way serfdom. -
Introduction Nicolas Badalassi and Sarah B. Snyder
INTRODUCTION Nicolas Badalassi and Sarah B. Snyder The assumption that underlay Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko’s approach to international relations in the mid 1970s was that the sovereignty of states was paramount. In his view, the inviolability of frontiers and non-interference in internal affairs were fundamental principles for the future of peace. These issues could determine war and peace. However, having access to foreign newspapers, reunifying with a foreign spouse or having the ability to travel abroad to visit a sick relative were not seen as key questions in international relations.1 According to the approach outlined by Gromyko in July 1974, each state should have the right to model its own society at will and protect itself against external interference. Such thinking shaped the Soviet strategy at the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), which assembled the representatives of thirty-five European and North American countries between July 1973 and August 1975. Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev was even more categorical when he met French president Georges Pompidou to talk about the CSCE and other East–West issues a few months before Gromyko’s statement: First and foremost, I declare that the Soviet Union is in favour of the most extensive relations and contacts permissible in the current conditions, for the improvement of cultural exchange and so on, for all measures which favour a better understanding between peoples. But if these issues are raised with the intention to shake our social regime, our answer will be a strong ‘no’.2 Brezhnev’s remarks illustrate perfectly Moscow’s desire to maintain the Westphalian system of international relations, which was based on "The CSCE and the End of the Cold War: Diplomacy, Societies and Human Rights, 1972-1990" Edited by Nicolas Badalassi and Sarah B. -
Human Rights Education As the Outcome of Human Rights Movements
HUMAN RIGHTS EDUCATION AS THE OUTCOME OF HUMAN RIGHTS MOVEMENTS Uta Gerlant “THE LAW IS OUR ONLY LANGUAGE”: SOVIET DISSIDENTS AND HUMAN RIGHTS “Adhere to the Soviet Constitution!” was one of the slogans on the banners waved at the independent Moscow demonstration on December 5, 1965 on behalf of the arrested authors Yuli Daniel and Andrei Sinyavsky. Dan- iel and Sinyavsky had published writings under pseudonyms abroad and stood accused of “anti-Soviet propa- ganda.” With the knowledge that the state had unlimited power to “violate the law behind closed doors,” some 200 protesters demanded that the trial be open to the public.1 This demonstration became an annual event. In 1977, the demonstration was moved from December 5, the anniversary of the Soviet Constitution, to December 10, the international day of human rights. Ludmilla Alexeyeva later called this the “birthday of the human rights movement.”2 The 1965 demonstration in front of the Pushkin memorial was organized by the mathematician Alexander Esenin-Volpin, who became one of the mentors of the human rights movement.3 As Vladimir Bukovsky later remembered, “Alik was the first person who met with us, who spoke to us in a serious way about Soviet law. We all laughed at him. … Who would have thought at the time that the … amusing Alik Volpin … would spark 1 Call for a public demonstration on December 1965; see Alexander Ginsburg, ed., Weißbuch in Sachen Sinjawskij – Daniel (Frankfurt a.M., 1967): 44. Al- though the trial was in theory open to the public, access to the courtroom was by invitation only; only the wives of the two writers were permitted to attend. -
The KGB Documents and the Soviet Collapse: Part II
The KGB Documents and the Soviet Collapse : Part II Victor Yasmann, American Foreign Policy Council Vladislav Zubo k The National Council for Eurasian and East European Researc h 910 17th Street, N.W . Suite 300 Washington, D .C. 20006 TITLE VIII PROGRAM Project Information : * Contractor : American Foreign Policy Council Principal Investigator : Victor J. Yasmann & Vladislav Zubo k Council Contract Number : 813-1 5 Date : November 2, 1998 Copyright Information Individual researchers retain the copyright on their work products derived from research funded through a contract or grant from the National Council for Eurasian and East European Research (NCEEER) . However, NCEEER and the United States Government have the right to duplicate and disseminate, i n written and electronic form, reports submitted to NCEEER to fulfill Contract or Grant Agreements eithe r (a) for NCEEER's own internal use, or (b) for use by the United States Government, and as follows : (1 ) for further dissemination to domestic, international, and foreign governments, entities and/or individual s to serve official United States Government purposes or (2) for dissemination in accordance with th e Freedom of Information Act or other law or policy of the United States Government granting the publi c access to documents held by the United States Government . Neither NCEEER nor the United State s Government nor any recipient of this Report may use it for commercial sale . * The work leading to this report was supported in part by contract or grant funds provided by the National Counci l for Eurasian and East European Research, funds which were made available by the U .S. -
Religious Experiences of the Soviet Dissidents*
Religion, State & Society, Vo!. 27, Nos 3/4, 1999 Religious Experiences of the Soviet Dissidents* PHILIP BOOBBYER Introduction The Soviet dissident movement emerged with Brezhnev's coming to power in 1964 and the partial restalinisation that followed it. Starting with the public trials of the poet Iosif Brodsky in 1964 and the writers Andrei Sinyavsky and Yuri Daniel in 1966, the Soviet regime laid down an open challenge to the Soviet intelligentsia to conform to the official line or suffer the consequences. However, the intellectual ferment of the Khrushchev years was not easy to crush, and the result was a variety of dissident activity, embracing political, legal, moral and religious concerns.' To some extent the aims of the dissidents were political in the sense that to expose Soviet injustices always meant finally to challenge the legitimacy of the Soviet state. Nevertheless, activists did not always see their actions in political terms. The purpose of the Moscow Human Rights Committee, for example, founded in 1970 by Valeri Chalidze, Andrei Sakharov and Andrei Tverdokhlebov, was to monitor the regime's compliance with its own laws. Its aims were strictly legal rather than political. At the same time, many dissidents understood their activities primarily in moral terms. For example, the demonstration in Red Square against the invasion of Czechoslovakia on 25 August 1968 was primarily a moral stand. Nataliya Gorbanevskaya, one of the seven demonstrators on that day, wrote that 'the purpose of our demonstration was ... not merely to give expression to our own remorse, but also to redeem at least a fraction of our own people's guilt before history.'2 The dissident intellectual Anatoli Yakobson suggested in a letter which was widely distributed in samizdat that 'the demonstration was not a manifestation of a political struggle ..