VI. the Soviet People Fight Back

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

VI. the Soviet People Fight Back FiYi: i il" ,1;: ....., vl. THE SOVIET PEOPLE FIGHT BACK .' ;harmonious' "Wherever there is oppression, there .is re- is by no means 'stable' and as sistance." Thelentire nisidry of the'ht4man race Brezhnev and his types describe it. lt is filled bears out this fundamental principle of Marxisrn- with sharp class antagonisms, national Contradic.- Leninism. From the dawn of class society, people tions and social upheavals." r have risen in fdvolt, striking mighty btowi againgt their oppressors. These blows have alvyays been 1) The Soviet Union: A Fascist State a powerful force pushing history forward. Today's Soviet pebple are the heirs to just The struggle being waged today by the Soviet 6uch a rich history of resistance. Throughout the people must ahd inevitably will develop into a re- feudal period the Russian serfs rose continually volutionary movenlent to overthrow imperialism in'huge'rebellions which shook tsarist ru'le. Great and re-establish socialism. Only the wor,king revolts'led by men like Stenka Razin ahd Emilian class can lead this struggle to final victory.'The Pugachev challenged .the military might of the Soviet rulers know this and are trying t6 sup- feudal autocracy, only to be drowned in rivers of press this struggle by enforcing a rigid, fascist- blood. These movements, however, inspired type dictatorship against the Soviet people, millions of peasants who once again rose up, especially the workers-that. is, an open, ter- killing landlords and burning their estates in roristic dictatorship -of the new Soviet what Lenin called the "revolutionary situation" of bourgeoisie 1861-63. This resistance forced th6 tsar in 't863 Fascism develops w hen the im perialist to grant the legal but not actual abolition.of bourgeoisie cannot rule in the "democratic" way serfdom. which it developed mainly during the epoch of Wth the development of capitalism and the re- "f ree market" capitalism. The democratic volutionary proletariat in Russia, this resistanbe parliamentary form of government is suitable to leaped forward. Representing the most advanced the bourgeoisie because parliaments, elections, relations of production, the proletariat was able etc., provide mechanisms through which the to play the leadi\ng role in the struggles of all op- bourgeoisie can peacefully resolve its internal pressed people in the Russian empire, including disputes, the middle strata can be qffectively tied thE peasants and the oppressed nationalities. to the bourgeoisie, and the dictatorship of the Beginning with the great textile strikes at bourgeoisie can be disguised from the masses. lvanovo-Voznesensk in '1885, and St. Petersburg lmperialism, however, mearis, as Lerlin put it, re- in 1896, the Hussian workers rapidly developed .action all along the line, and as it is increasingly their economic and political struggle. Led by 'challenged on all fronts, the imperialists often Lenin'and the Bolsheviks, the multinational must resort to,the establishment of an openly ter- Flussian proletariat gathered all the oppressed roristic form of dictatorship. around its banner and in 1917 overthrew the There is, of course, a contradiction in thi's moribund autocracy and then seized power from which the bourgeoisie must contend with. For thd old' exploiting classes. under imperialism contradictions among compet- Today the restoration of capitalism by the ing capitalists increase, they do not disappear (as Kh'rushchev-Brezh nev-Kosyg i n c I iq ue, re prese nti n g some would have us believe). lmperialism only in- the ihterests of a new bourgdois ilass, is -a tensifies the uneven development of capitaiism. tremendous: setback to the revo-lutionary struggle Thus, under fascism new forms of resolving con- of the entire international proletariat and all op- tradictions even within'the imperialist ruling class pressed peoples. Yet carrying on in their heroic itself must be found, and in most cases these tradition, the Soviet people are resisting the rule 'forms piove less effective and desirable for nioit of their new oppressors. This struggle has imperialists than the older, historically tested caused severe difficulties for the Soviet rulers methods of bourgeois democracy. ln Nazi and is a constant bource of embarrassment for Germany, for instance, this took the form of de themrground the world. As was noted in a recent facto arbitration by the all-knowing fuhrer.t isSue of Peking Review, "The Soviet Union today ln the Soviet Union, however, imperialism did :.1 :,'l; page 103 'force . Qot develop out of lhe competitiie capitallst stage. the repressive of the proletarian dic- lnstead, it.developed on'the basis of turning the tatorship against the workers. His first step ryas party of thd proletariat into a bourgeois party, to attack lhis force to destroy its effec- and utilizing the forms of state apparatus de- tiveness. This was the. so-called period of veloped under the dictatorship'of the proletariat liberalism of the late 50s and early 60s. At tttis for the purpose of re-imposing bourgeois dic- r ,:: time Khrushchev attacked the security forceg aS tatorship. Under socialism the proletariat has little "arbitrary" and "lgwless." By playing upon real use for bourgeois parliamentary forms, though vdeaknesses but also by manufacturing lies, he socialism does mean true democracy for the, was able to confu'se the issues and demoralize rnasses of people for the f irst time in history, .honest cadres. The power of the police and Moreover, becausg it represents the interests penal organs was drastically cut, a number of in- , of the vast majority of the people and seeks to stitutions abolished,'and the green light was involve. the mass€s increasingly in the mastery of given to all sorts .of counter-revolutionaries to society, the proletqriat can openly declare its rule come out of .the wbodwork as the prisons were to a a dictatorship over emptied. Where the police apparatus was not "thein fact be dictatorship, but handful of old exploiting classes and not broken up, ,'tested, prloletarian fighters wqre " civer the people. The socialist state is a highly replaced by bourgeois elements. cer'rtraiized and powerfuJ instrument of class rule, Along with this development, however, and far more powerful than the traditional bourgeois picking up speed after 1965, a new security qp: forms, exactly because it rests and can only rest paratus was being formed. Unlike the old police, on the reyolutionary unity.of the working class, this apparatus was directed not. againdt the whose class inte,rests are'not marked by the con- bUreaucrats and bther exploiters but'agaiqst the flicting prof it dr,ives of individuals or groups people. As a first measure, the State Security wltnin the' class, as is the case with the Committee (KGB), under the direct control of the bourgeoisie. ,. Central Comqittee of the CPSU, was expanded Under Stalin the centralized state apparatus and turned into a large secret service with a na- was an extremely effective weapon against all' tionwide network of agents. Then, the Ministry of brands of counter-revolution, foreign and Soeial Security was formed in 196,6. Jwo years domestic. But it was only one such weapon. later this was changed into the Ministry of the ln- Marxist-Leninists have always held,that the most terior and enlarged. ln 1968 police power was eJfective. weapon aqainst counter-revolution is also expdnded, the number of pplice greatly in- the armed masses themselves, mobilized around creased and 'lprofessional ' security offices", a eorrect political understanding. Under Stalin a "niqhtjshift pnlice stations", and "motorized 'police .gecret political police force played an important units" were set up. , rote; corrective labor camps and penal institu- Modern equipment for repressing crowds and tions of varying types also existed. Although a spying on people was introduced. ln 1970 a number of excesses did occur, this apparatus judicial department p-reviOusly rabolished by was directed not at suppression of the broad Khrushchev was re-established by Brezhnev and ma'sses but at corrupt party officials, managers, Kosygin. The old courts were extended and new generals and other members of the officer corpS; ones built. Since the Party and State Control bureaucrats, foreign agents and even officials of Commiqsion was changed int_o the People's. the police agencies themselves. ln short, the Control Commission in. 1965, another extensive security and penal institutions of the socialist network for supervision has been formed.l state under Stalin were instruments of proletarian The social-imperialists have also greatly ex- .rule and not of bourgeois repression. panded the prison system in recent ye?rs. Labor power camps are divided into "ordinary", "intensified",, With the seizure of by the Khrushchev cli- -and que, however, the centralized state apparatus "rigid discipline", "special." There are over was taken from the people and placed in the 1,000 of these camps with over a million hands of the people's enemies. The Soviet prisoners. l ' bourgeoisie was thus able to move toward a The social-imperialists have also developed an , fascist dictatorshlp without many of the dif- infamous network of "mental hospitals" where ticulties associated witli the transitiOn- from a political prisoners are incarcerated and "democratic" bourgebis republic. A strong ce4- sometimes tortured. According to .a report by the tralized state was already present, but the key civil libertarian group Amnesty lnternational, con- question was which class would this state serve, ' ditions in these hospitals are "considerably more . lhe proletariat or the bourgeoisie? And even un- severe than those existing in today's prisons'''' der fa'scism, the ruling bourgeoisie does not rely Six 'lspecial" psychiatric institutions exist , 10ff/" on open terror, but aiso on deceiving the especially for the confinement.of political dissen- masses. ln the Soviet lrjnion, this takes the form ters. Ampng the most notorious of these is the of disguising fascism as socialism-:which was infamous Serbsky lnstitute in Leningrad (see done by Hitler as well, but is easier to do inlthe box).
Recommended publications
  • Modernism and Andrei Amalrik's Nose! Nose? No-Se!
    Fall 1992 89 Dark Images of Dissidence: Modernism and Andrei Amalrik's Nose! Nose? No-se! Nancy Kindelan I Critics describe the dissident drama of Andrei Amalrik (1938-1980), especially Nose! Nose? No-se! (1968), as following the Russian tradition of the absurd, grotesque, and satire. Amalrik's adaptation of Gogol's short story, "The Nose" (1936), and his reading of Ionesco, Beckett, and the futuristic plays of Khlebnikov, link Amalrik to prior and modern perceptions of absurdist literary and dramatic techniques. In the absurdist world, reality is depicted as disjointed and disoriented, complete with characters who cannot communicate, fear authority and define life in isolation. Although it appears that Amalrik's play and the absurdist's world are similar, there is evidence that this play's intricate form allows for multiple interpretations. In Twentieth-Century Drama, Harold Segel notes that while there is a connection between Amalrik's plays and the absurdist and grotesque drama, "the complexity of his plays sets him apart." Particularly, he states that the "strange configurations of character and incident often make interpretation a matter of intuition or impression" (396). Nose! Nose? No-se! has received some literary and dramatic attention; however, little consideration has been afforded to how this play's "complexity," and the "strange configurations of character and incident" have combined to shape Amalrik's dramatic form. Russian dramatic criticism specifies that German expressionism played a minor role in the development of their drama; however, while there are no significant Russian expressionistic playwrights, Amalrik's play contains significant components of this form. More Nancy Kindelan is an Assistant Professor in the Theatre Department at Northeastern University.
    [Show full text]
  • Can the Soviet System Accommodate the “Democratic Movement”?
    Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Master's Theses Graduate College 8-1974 Systemic Adaptation: Can the Soviet System Accommodate the “Democratic Movement”? Phillip A. Petersen Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Petersen, Phillip A., "Systemic Adaptation: Can the Soviet System Accommodate the “Democratic Movement”?" (1974). Master's Theses. 2588. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses/2588 This Masters Thesis-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SYSTEMIC ADAPTATION: CAN THE SOVIET SYSTEM ACCOMMODATE THE "DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT"? by Phillip A. Petersen A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The Graduate College in partial fulfillment of the Degree of Master of Arts Western Michigan University Kalamazoo, Michigan August 1974 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to begin by thanking Dr. Craig N. Andrews of Wayne State University for introducing me to the phenomenon of dissent in the Soviet Union. As for the project itself, Dr. John Gorgone of Western Michigan University not only suggested the approach to the phenomenon, but also had a fundamental role in shaping the perspective from which observations were made. The success of the research phase of the project is due, in great part, to the encouragement and assistance of Lt. Col. Carlton Willis of the Army Security Agency Training Center and School.
    [Show full text]
  • "China, the Fun House Mirror: Soviet Reactions to The
    UC Berkeley Recent Work Title China, the Fun House Mirror: Soviet Reactions to the Chinese Cultural Revolution, 1966- 1969 Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0fs1526m Author McGuire, Elizabeth Publication Date 2001-05-01 eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California University of California, Berkeley CHINA, THE FUN HOUSE MIRROR: SOVIET REACTIONS TO THE CHINESE CULTURAL REVOLUTION, 1966-1969 Elizabeth McGuire Berkeley Program in Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies Working Paper Series This PDF document preserves the page numbering of the printed version for accuracy of citation. When viewed with Acrobat Reader, the printed page numbers will not correspond with the electronic numbering. The Berkeley Program in Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies (BPS) is a leading center for graduate training on the Soviet Union and its successor states in the United States. Founded in 1983 as part of a nationwide effort to reinvigorate the field, BPSs mission has been to train a new cohort of scholars and professionals in both cross-disciplinary social science methodology and theory as well as the history, languages, and cultures of the former Soviet Union; to carry out an innovative program of scholarly research and publication on the Soviet Union and its successor states; and to undertake an active public outreach program for the local community, other national and international academic centers, and the U.S. and other governments. Berkeley Program in Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies University of California, Berkeley Institute of Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies 260 Stephens Hall #2304 Berkeley, California 94720-2304 Tel: (510) 643-6737 [email protected] http://socrates.berkeley.edu/~bsp/ CHINA, THE FUN HOUSE MIRROR: SOVIET REACTIONS TO THE CHINESE CULTURAL REVOLUTION, 1966-1969 Elizabeth McGuire Spring 2001 Elizabeth McGuire is a Ph.D.
    [Show full text]
  • FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS in the SOVIET UNION: a COMPARATIVE APPROACH * T~Omas E
    1967] FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS IN THE SOVIET UNION: A COMPARATIVE APPROACH * T~omAs E. TowE t INTRODUCTION The Soviet Constitution guarantees many of the same funda- mental rights as are guaranteed in the Constitution of the United States, plus several others as well. Indeed, these rights are described in greater detail and appear on their face to be safeguarded more emphatically in the Soviet Constitution. However, the mere existence of constitutional provisions for fundamental rights does not necessarily guarantee that those rights will be protected. Western scholars often point to discrepancies between rhetorical phrases in the Soviet Con- stitution and actual practices in the area of fundamental rights.' Soviet legal scholars insist, however, that such criticism should be aimed instead at Western constitutions. Andrei Vyshinsky has stated that it is precisely in the area of fundamental rights that "the contra- dictions between reality and the rights proclaimed by the bourgeois constitutions [are] particularly sharp." 2 Soviet legal scholars claim that bourgeois laws are replete with reservations and loopholes which largely negate their effectiveness in protecting fundamental rights generally, and those of the working man in particular.3 There is undoubtedly some truth in both claims, for, as Professor Berman has stated, "The striking fact is that in the protection of human rights, the Soviet system is strong where ours is weak, just as it is weak where ours is strong." 4 The full impact of this statement can only be understood by comparing the different approaches which * The author wishes to acknowledge the helpful comments and suggestions of Dr. Branko M.
    [Show full text]
  • February 09, 1946 Speech Delivered by Stalin at a Meeting of Voters of the Stalin Electoral District, Moscow
    Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified February 09, 1946 Speech Delivered by Stalin at a Meeting of Voters of the Stalin Electoral District, Moscow Citation: “Speech Delivered by Stalin at a Meeting of Voters of the Stalin Electoral District, Moscow,” February 09, 1946, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Gospolitizdat, Moscow, 1946. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/116179 Summary: English translation of Stalin's 1946 "election" speech. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: Russian Contents: Scan of Original Document J. STALIN SPEECH DELIVERED BY J. V. STALIN AT A MEETING OF VOTERS OF THE STALIN ELECTORAL DISTRICT, MOSCOW February 9, 1946 From the Pamphlet Collection, J. Stalin, Speeches Delivered at Meetings of Voters of the Stalin Electoral District, Moscow, Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow, 1950, Pp. 19-44. PUBLISHER'S NOTE The present translation of J. V. Stalin's Speeches Delivered at Meetings of Voters of Stalin Electorial District, Moscow on December 11, 1937 and Februrary 9, 1946, has been made from the latest Russian edition of the speeches published by Gospolitizdat, Moscow, 1946. page 19 SPEECH DELIVERED BY J. V. STALIN AT A MEETING OF VOTERS OF THE STALIN ELECTORAL DISTRICT, MOSCOW FEBRUARY 9, 1946 page 20 [blank page] page 21 The Chairman : Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin has the floor. (Comrade Stalin's appearance in the rostrum was greeted by the voters with loud cheers lasting several minutes. The entire audience in the Bolshoi Theatre rose to its feet to greet Comrade Stalin. There were continuous cries of "Cheers for great Stalin!" "Long live great Stalin, Hurrah!" "Cheers for our beloved Stalin!" ) Comrade Stalin : Comrades! Eight years have passed since the last elections to the Supreme Soviet.
    [Show full text]
  • THE LAND WARFARE PAPERS Perestroika and Soviet Military
    THE LAND WARFARE PAPERS No.5 OCTOBER 1990 Perestroika and Soviet Military Personnel By Robert B. Davis A National Security Affairs Paper Published on Occasion by THE INSTITUTE OF LAND WARFARE ASSOCIATION OF THE UNITED STATES ARMY Arlington, Virginia PERESTROIKA AND SOVIET MILITARY PERSONNEL by Robert B. Davis THE INSTITUTE OF LAND WARFARE ASSOCIATION OF THE UNITED STATES ARMY AN AUSA INSTITUTE OF LAND WARFARE PAPER In 1988 the Association of the United States Army (AUSA) established within its existing organization a new entity known as the Institute of Land Warfare. Its purpose is to extend the educational work of AUSA by sponsoring scholarly publications, to include books, monographs and essays on key defense issues, as well as workshops and symposia. A work selected for publication as a Land Warfare Paper represents research by the author which, in the opinion of the editorial board, will contribute to a better understanding of a particular defense or national security issue. Publication as an AUSA Institute of Land Warfare Paper does not indicate that the Association of the United States Army agrees with everything in the paper, but does suggest that AUSA believes the paper will stimulate the thinking of AUSA members and others concerned about important defense issues. LAND WARFARE PAPER NO. S, OCTOBER 1990 Perestroika and Soviet Military Personnel by Robert B. Davis Mr. Robert B. Davis is a research psychologist with the U.S. Army Foreign Science and Technology Center in Charlottesville, Virginia. Mr. Davis received his undergraduate degree from Arkansas College and his advanced degree from Troy State University, Alabama.
    [Show full text]
  • Ideological and Real Socialism of My Soviet Childhood, Schooling, and Teaching: Multi-Consciousness1
    ISSN: 2325-3290 (online) Ideological and real socialism of my Soviet childhood, schooling, and teaching: Multi-consciousness1 Eugene Matusov University of Delaware, USA Abstract Through my autobiographical reflective ethnography of my Soviet childhood, schooling and teaching, I try to investigate the phenomenon of political multiple consciousness that I observed in the USSR and its development in children. In my analysis, I abstracted eight diverse types of consciousness, five of which are political in their nature. Eugene Matusov is a Professor of Education at the University of Delaware. He studied developmental psychology with Soviet researchers working in the Vygotskian paradigm and worked as a schoolteacher before immigrating to the United States. He uses sociocultural and Bakhtinian dialogic approaches to education. His recent books are: Matusov, E. (2017). Nikolai N. Konstantinov’s authorial math pedagogy for people with wings, Matusov, E. & Brobst, J. (2013). Radical experiment in dialogic pedagogy in higher education and its Centauric failure: Chronotopic analysis, and Matusov, E. (2009). Journey into dialogic pedagogy. Introduction Famous Soviet comedian Mikhail Zhvanetsky commented in one of his 1970s monologue that it was very difficult to learn what exactly a Soviet person thought on any issue. He suspected that the answer could be given only through a physiological examination of the person’s body, “A person who says ‘yes’ undergoes a careful examination to check if behind this ‘yes’ is lurking hidden ‘no’. The exact answer can be achieved only by a urine test, which is very difficult to obtain from the person” (Zhvanetsky, 2001, p. 175, translation from Russian is mine). For the purpose of this investigation, I define a type of political consciousness heuristically as somewhat consistent subjectivity.
    [Show full text]
  • Impoverishment and Protest in the Perestroika Years
    TITLE: Impoverishment and Protest in th e Perestroika Years AUTHOR : William Moskoff THE NATIONAL COUNCI L FOR SOVIET AND EAST EUROPEA N RESEARC H 1755 Massachusetts Avenue, N .W . Washington, D .C . 20036 PROJECT INFORMATION :* CONTRACTOR : Lake Forest Colleg e PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR : William Moskoff COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 806-3 6 DATE : September 18, 199 2 NCSEER NOTE This report is a condensation of a book with the same title, presently in preparation by the author, to be published by M .E. Sharpe, forthcoming about May, 1993. COPYRIGHT INFORMATION Individual researchers retain the copyright on work products derived from research funded by Council Contract. The Council and the U.S. Government have the right to duplicate written reports and other materials submitted under Council Contract and to distribute such copies within th e Council and U.S. Government for their own use, and to draw upon such reports and materials fo r their own studies; but the Council and U.S. Government do not have the right to distribute, o r make such reports and materials available, outside the Council or U .S. Government without th e written consent of the authors, except as may be required under the provisions of the Freedom o f Information Act 5 U.S.C. 552, or other applicable law . The work leading to this report was supported by contract funds provided by the National Council fo r Soviet and East European Research. The analysis and interpretations contained in the report are those of th e author. CONTENT S Abstract 1 The Shortage Economy - Summary 6 Prices and Income - Summary 1 4 Unemployment - Summary 21 The New Militancy: Strikes - Summary 29 The Coal Miner Strikes - Summary 3 5 Conclusion 42 Abstract It is a fundamental argument of this book that whatever perestroika was meant to be , it turned out to be an unmitigated disaster .
    [Show full text]
  • Migration and Ethnic Diversity in the Soviet and Post-Soviet Space
    The London School of Economics and Political Science Migration and Ethnic Diversity in the Soviet and Post-Soviet Space Youngook Jang A thesis submitted to the Department of Economic History of the London School of Economics and Political Science for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy London, September 2018 1 Declaration I, Youngook Jang, certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 42,588 words, including footnotes and tables, but excluding front matter, bibliography, and appendices. 2 Acknowledgement I have been lucky to have many people helping me finish one of the hardest challenges in my life – having Dr in front of my name. My main supervisor, Professor Chris Minns, has always been there when I sought his wise advice, which guided me in the right direction during the whole process of writing a PhD thesis. The second supervisor, Professor Oliver Volckart, has also given me useful and eye-opening comments, many of which I would not have thought up for myself.
    [Show full text]
  • Talking Fish: on Soviet Dissident Memoirs*
    Talking Fish: On Soviet Dissident Memoirs* Benjamin Nathans University of Pennsylvania My article may appear to be idle chatter, but for Western sovietolo- gists at any rate it has the same interest that a fish would have for an ichthyologist if it were suddenly to begin to talk. ðAndrei Amalrik, Will the Soviet Union Survive until 1984? ½samizdat, 1969Þ All Soviet émigrés write ½or: make up something. Am I any worse than they are? ðAleksandr Zinoviev, Homo Sovieticus ½Lausanne, 1981Þ IfIamasked,“Did this happen?” I will reply, “No.” If I am asked, “Is this true?” Iwillsay,“Of course.” ðElena Bonner, Mothers and Daughters ½New York, 1991Þ I On July 6, 1968, at a party in Moscow celebrating the twenty-eighth birthday of Pavel Litvinov, two guests who had never met before lingered late into the night. Litvinov, a physics teacher and the grandson of Stalin’s Commissar of Foreign Affairs, Maxim Litvinov, had recently made a name for himself as the coauthor of a samizdat text, “An Appeal to World Opinion,” thathadgarneredwideattention inside and outside the Soviet Union. He had been summoned several times by the Committee for State Security ðKGBÞ for what it called “prophylactic talks.” Many of those present at the party were, like Litvinov, connected in one way or another to the dissident movement, a loose conglomeration of Soviet citizens who had initially coalesced around the 1966 trial of the writers Andrei Sinyavsky and Yuli Daniel, seeking to defend civil rights inscribed in the Soviet constitution and * For comments on previous drafts of this article, I would like to thank the anonymous readers for the Journal of Modern History as well as Alexander Gribanov, Jochen Hell- beck, Edward Kline, Ann Komaromi, Eli Nathans, Sydney Nathans, Serguei Oushakine, Kevin M.
    [Show full text]
  • The Great Famine in Soviet Ukraine: Toward New Avenues Of
    THE GREAT FAMINE IN SOVIET UKRAINE: TOWARD NEW AVENUES OF INQUIRY INTO THE HOLODOMOR A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the North Dakota State University of Agriculture and Applied Science By Troy Philip Reisenauer In Partial Fulfillment for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS Major Department: History, Philosophy, and Religious Studies June 2014 Fargo, North Dakota North Dakota State University Graduate School Title THE GREAT FAMINE IN SOVIET UKRAINE: TOWARD NEW AVENUES OF INQUIRY INTO THE HOLODOMOR By Troy Philip Reisenauer The Supervisory Committee certifies that this disquisition complies with North Dakota State University’s regulations and meets the accepted standards for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS SUPERVISORY COMMITTEE: Dr. John K. Cox Chair Dr. Tracy Barrett Dr. Dragan Miljkovic Approved: July 10, 2014 Dr. John K. Cox Date Department Chair ABSTRACT Famine spread across the Union of Social Soviet Republics in 1932 and 1933, a deadly though unanticipated consequence of Joseph Stalin’s attempt in 1928 to build socialism in one country through massive industrialization and forced collectivization of agriculture known as the first Five-Year Plan. This study uses published documents, collections, correspondence, memoirs, secondary sources and new insight to analyze the famine of 1932-1933 in Ukraine and other Soviet republics. It presents the major scholarly works on the famine, research that often mirrors the diverse views and bitter public disagreement over the issue of intentionality and the ultimate culpability of Soviet leadership. The original contribution of this study is in the analysis of newly published primary documents of the 1920s and 1930s from the Russian Presidential Archives, especially vis-à-vis the role of Stalin and his chief lieutenants at the center of power and the various representatives at the republic-level periphery.
    [Show full text]
  • Perestroika and the Decline of Soviet Legitimacy
    Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Master's Theses Graduate College 8-1993 Contracts in Conflict: erP estroika and the Decline of Soviet Legitimacy Karl Glenn Hokenmaier Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses Part of the European History Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Hokenmaier, Karl Glenn, "Contracts in Conflict: erP estroika and the Decline of Soviet Legitimacy" (1993). Master's Theses. 775. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses/775 This Masters Thesis-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CONTRACTS IN CONFLICT: PERESTROIKA AND THE DECLINE OF SOVIET LEGITIMACY by Karl Glenn Hokenmaier A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The Graduate College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Department of Political Science Western Michigan University Kalamazoo, Michigan August 1993 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CONTRACTS IN CONFLICT: PERESTROIKA AND THE DECLINE OF SOVIET LEGITIMACY Karl Glenn Hokenmaier, M.A. Western Michigan University, 1993 Gorbachev’s perception of the Soviet Union’s socio-economic crisis and his subsequent actions to correct the economy and reform the political system were linked with attempts to renegotiate the social contract between the state and the Soviet people. However, reformulation of the social contract was incompatible with the conditions of a second arrangement between the leadership and the nomenklatura-the Soviet ruling class.
    [Show full text]