FiYi: i il" ,1;: .....,

vl. THE SOVIET PEOPLE FIGHT BACK

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;harmonious' "Wherever there is oppression, there .is re- is by no means 'stable' and as sistance." Thelentire nisidry of the'ht4man race Brezhnev and his types describe it. lt is filled bears out this fundamental principle of Marxisrn- with sharp class antagonisms, national Contradic.- Leninism. From the dawn of class society, people tions and social upheavals." r have risen in fdvolt, striking mighty btowi againgt their oppressors. These blows have alvyays been 1) The Soviet Union: A Fascist State a powerful force pushing history forward. . Today's Soviet pebple are the heirs to just The struggle being waged today by the Soviet 6uch a rich history of resistance. Throughout the people must ahd inevitably will develop into a re- feudal period the Russian serfs rose continually volutionary movenlent to overthrow imperialism in'huge'rebellions which shook tsarist ru'le. Great and re-establish socialism. Only the wor,king revolts'led by men like Stenka Razin ahd Emilian class can lead this struggle to final victory.'The Pugachev challenged .the military might of the Soviet rulers know this and are trying t6 sup- feudal autocracy, only to be drowned in rivers of press this struggle by enforcing a rigid, fascist- blood. These movements, however, inspired type dictatorship against the Soviet people, millions of peasants who once again rose up, especially the workers-that. is, an open, ter- killing landlords and burning their estates in roristic dictatorship -of the new Soviet what Lenin called the "revolutionary situation" of bourgeoisie 1861-63. This resistance forced th6 tsar in 't863 Fascism develops w hen the im perialist to grant the legal but not actual abolition.of bourgeoisie cannot rule in the "democratic" way serfdom. which it developed mainly during the epoch of Wth the development of capitalism and the re- "f ree market" capitalism. The democratic volutionary proletariat in Russia, this resistanbe parliamentary form of government is suitable to leaped forward. Representing the most advanced the bourgeoisie because parliaments, elections, relations of production, the proletariat was able etc., provide mechanisms through which the to play the leadi\ng role in the struggles of all op- bourgeoisie can peacefully resolve its internal pressed people in the Russian empire, including disputes, the middle strata can be qffectively tied thE peasants and the oppressed nationalities. to the bourgeoisie, and the dictatorship of the Beginning with the great textile strikes at bourgeoisie can be disguised from the masses. lvanovo-Voznesensk in '1885, and St. Petersburg lmperialism, however, mearis, as Lerlin put it, re- in 1896, the Hussian workers rapidly developed .action all along the line, and as it is increasingly their economic and political struggle. Led by 'challenged on all fronts, the imperialists often Lenin'and the Bolsheviks, the multinational must resort to,the establishment of an openly ter- Flussian proletariat gathered all the oppressed roristic form of dictatorship. around its banner and in 1917 overthrew the There is, of course, a contradiction in thi's moribund autocracy and then seized power from which the bourgeoisie must contend with. For thd old' exploiting classes. under imperialism contradictions among compet- Today the restoration of capitalism by the ing capitalists increase, they do not disappear (as Kh'rushchev-Brezh nev-Kosyg i n c I iq ue, re prese nti n g some would have us believe). lmperialism only in- the ihterests of a new bourgdois ilass, is -a tensifies the uneven development of capitaiism. tremendous: setback to the revo-lutionary struggle Thus, under fascism new forms of resolving con- of the entire international proletariat and all op- tradictions even within'the imperialist ruling class pressed peoples. Yet carrying on in their heroic itself must be found, and in most cases these tradition, the Soviet people are resisting the rule 'forms piove less effective and desirable for nioit of their new oppressors. This struggle has imperialists than the older, historically tested caused severe difficulties for the Soviet rulers methods of bourgeois democracy. ln Nazi and is a constant bource of embarrassment for Germany, for instance, this took the form of de themrground the world. As was noted in a recent facto arbitration by the all-knowing fuhrer.t isSue of Peking Review, "The Soviet Union today ln the Soviet Union, however, imperialism did

:.1 :,'l; page 103 'force . Qot develop out of lhe competitiie capitallst stage. the repressive of the proletarian dic- lnstead, it.developed on'the basis of turning the tatorship against the workers. His first step ryas party of thd proletariat into a bourgeois party, to attack lhis force to destroy its effec- and utilizing the forms of state apparatus de- tiveness. This was the. so-called period of veloped under the dictatorship'of the proletariat liberalism of the late 50s and early 60s. At tttis for the purpose of re-imposing bourgeois dic- r ,:: time Khrushchev attacked the security forceg aS tatorship. Under socialism the proletariat has little "arbitrary" and "lgwless." By playing upon real use for bourgeois parliamentary forms, though vdeaknesses but also by manufacturing lies, he socialism does mean true democracy for the, was able to confu'se the issues and demoralize rnasses of people for the f irst time in history, .honest cadres. The power of the police and Moreover, becausg it represents the interests penal organs was drastically cut, a number of in- , of the vast majority of the people and seeks to stitutions abolished,'and the green light was involve. the mass€s increasingly in the mastery of given to all sorts .of counter-revolutionaries to society, the proletqriat can openly declare its rule come out of .the wbodwork as the prisons were to a a dictatorship over emptied. Where the police apparatus was not "thein fact be dictatorship, but handful of old exploiting classes and not broken up, ,'tested, prloletarian fighters wqre " civer the people. The socialist state is a highly replaced by bourgeois elements. cer'rtraiized and powerfuJ instrument of class rule, Along with this development, however, and far more powerful than the traditional bourgeois picking up speed after 1965, a new security qp: forms, exactly because it rests and can only rest paratus was being formed. Unlike the old police, on the reyolutionary unity.of the working class, this apparatus was directed not. againdt the whose class inte,rests are'not marked by the con- bUreaucrats and bther exploiters but'agaiqst the flicting prof it dr,ives of individuals or groups people. As a first measure, the State Security wltnin the' class, as is the case with the Committee (KGB), under the direct control of the bourgeoisie. ,. Central Comqittee of the CPSU, was expanded Under Stalin the centralized state apparatus and turned into a large secret service with a na- was an extremely effective weapon against all' tionwide network of agents. Then, the Ministry of brands of counter-revolution, foreign and Soeial Security was formed in 196,6. Jwo years domestic. But it was only one such weapon. later this was changed into the Ministry of the ln- Marxist-Leninists have always held,that the most terior and enlarged. ln 1968 police power was eJfective. weapon aqainst counter-revolution is also expdnded, the number of pplice greatly in- the armed masses themselves, mobilized around creased and 'lprofessional ' security offices", a eorrect political understanding. Under Stalin a "niqhtjshift pnlice stations", and "motorized 'police .gecret political police force played an important units" were set up. , rote; corrective labor camps and penal institu- Modern equipment for repressing crowds and tions of varying types also existed. Although a spying on people was introduced. ln 1970 a number of excesses did occur, this apparatus judicial department p-reviOusly rabolished by was directed not at suppression of the broad Khrushchev was re-established by Brezhnev and ma'sses but at corrupt party officials, managers, Kosygin. The old courts were extended and new generals and other members of the officer corpS; ones built. Since the Party and State Control bureaucrats, foreign agents and even officials of Commiqsion was changed int_o the People's. the police agencies themselves. ln short, the Control Commission in. 1965, another extensive security and penal institutions of the socialist network for supervision has been formed.l state under Stalin were instruments of proletarian The social-imperialists have also greatly ex- .rule and not of bourgeois repression. panded the prison system in recent ye?rs. Labor power camps are divided into "ordinary", "intensified",, With the seizure of by the Khrushchev cli- -and que, however, the centralized state apparatus "rigid discipline", "special." There are over was taken from the people and placed in the 1,000 of these camps with over a million hands of the people's enemies. The Soviet prisoners. l ' bourgeoisie was thus able to move toward a The social-imperialists have also developed an , fascist dictatorshlp without many of the dif- infamous network of "mental hospitals" where ticulties associated witli the transitiOn- from a political prisoners are incarcerated and "democratic" bourgebis republic. A strong ce4- sometimes tortured. According to .a report by the tralized state was already present, but the key civil libertarian group Amnesty lnternational, con- question was which class would this state serve, ' ditions in these hospitals are "considerably more . lhe proletariat or the bourgeoisie? And even un- severe than those existing in today's prisons'''' der fa'scism, the ruling bourgeoisie does not rely Six 'lspecial" psychiatric institutions exist , 10ff/" on open terror, but aiso on deceiving the especially for the confinement.of political dissen- masses. ln the Soviet lrjnion, this takes the form ters. Ampng the most notorious of these is the of disguising fascism as socialism-:which was infamous Serbsky lnstitute in Leningrad (see done by Hitler as well, but is easier to do inlthe box). Here political prisoners are forced to qha-re ' Soviet Union because genuine socialism really cells with criminal psychotics. They are "subjebt did exist.there for decades. to physical torture on the pretext of treatment, Further, Khrushchev could not immediately turn to iniections of large doses of "aminozin' and page 104 'sulfazin' which cause depressive shock reactions Such barbaric practicgs are 'not, however, a and serious physical disorders." At -these special feature of Soviet social-imper ialisrn. ln re- hospitals orderlies are actually recruitgd frorn ihe cent years the U.S. imperialists have adopted security personnel and male nurses f rorn the similar methods, largely in response to the many ranks of criminally psychotic patients. As a result, prisoners' rebelfions. At the California state both truly sick patients and political prisoners "are prison medical facility at Vacaville, Calif., for ex- the victims of daily beatings and sadistic .ample, experimentation is now going on with all humiliation on the part', of, the supdfvisory sorts psychosurgery. i of drugs and even with Personnel." These techniques are designed to "pacify" re- bellious inmates under the guise of "modifying" and "adjusting" "aggressive,- anti-social bOhavior.'- As in the Sovjet Union, politically ac- , ilr , : ' ,.tjVe prisoners are singled out for such treatment. LIFE IN THE SERBSKV INSTITUTE recent San Francisco Chronicle, i : .. A article in the "The describing a visit by a U.S. medical delegaiion to hospital regime or tuvo. lf the treatment is the Serbsky lnstitute, makes it clear that the U.S. wiis similar to any'prison ' repeated, then the effects imperialists are eager to exchange experiences rogime. One hour's ex- 'cAn:lailt a whole,wblek or 'with their social-imperialist counterparts. erclse : a ' day, loc'ked ten days. cells, outside yisitors on- "A second form of ce, a month, one letter a punishmeit. involves the 2) Forms of Resistance menth' ta relatives, one use of the preparation paicel month. tt is hard for the Soviet people to fight back a Exactly a;dtted Aminozine, used in' 'mask the same as rn a pFison. "'ps"ycfiotherapy, a/so under such conditions. Moreover, the of The dact1rs fhemse/yes known, probabtly, in other socialism , the new tsars wear and take great realized that it was not a 'caiJntries. -lt causes 'the pains to preserve has not yet beern ripped iway hospital but a prison and pa,tient to and serves to confuse and demoralize many. 'sornefmes .tiel-aioi:ii, said so open.-mls-' sleepy-he may s/eep Because the social-imperialists' have a com- ly. ' tf a patient seneral days on end, and munications monopoly, information on resistance behaved he could be 'if such' , a treatment is and struggle, especially among- the workers, is punished. given regutarly he may go .scarce. Yet enough is known to recognize that "lt was very easy to get on sleeping as long as it resistance is on the rise. The factories are the main area of struggle. 'hospital,into trouble in that is continued. and the punish- "The third form ot The social-imperialists are having a tougher and ments were very seyere. ;,,pynistiment we used to tougher time meeting plan . quotas because There are three k'inds of catl :,the, 'roll-up'-it in- workers are refusing to submit to speedup and punishment which are volved the use of ,wet other abuses. As We have already explained, the most commonly applied canvaslong pieces of developing crisis of the social-imperialist there. The economy has forced the revisionist chiefs to first form of it-in which the patient is , punishment is carried o:ui ',ra,lled up from head to place ever-growing burdens on the Shoulders of by medical means. I think. foot, and so.tightly that it , the working class. As lzvestia noted on January people know about a pre- . r4las difficult for hlm to 26, 1972, "labor productivity, will become the paration known as breathe, and as the can- main lev6r in the development , of the national 6 Sulfazine, which is used if , vas ,began to dry out it economy." one of the patients: ,,wo;uld :get tighter and The workers are resisting this speedup through prisoners*in the hospital ,.tighter and make the pa- slowdowns and a marked decline in labor dis- committed some offense ','.tielt,feel even worse. But ciplin*a source of constant complaint ,by or gave.a doctgr a rude',' that punishment was ap- managers and other officials. For example, the answer to some question '.p.lied with some caution- manager of the Novokuibyshev Petrochemical or declared that a doctor there were medicat men Combine wrote to Pravda complaining of high in the hospitat was really : presenf white it was tak- labor turnover due to worker dissatisfaction. He an executioner in a white ing place who made sure noted that in 1971, his plant hired 1,054 new smock. Such a remark that the patient did noi workers while at the same time 825 quit. He de- would be sufficient to in- /ose consclousness, and manded "strict la,bor legislation on the volve punishment. if, hr.s pulse began to . responsibility of persons with a lenierit attitude Sulfazine is a pretty pain- , uieaken then, the canvas toward violators of labor discioline,, drunkards, ful form of punishment: it would be eased." self-seekers and dishonest people in gener.al." I causes your temperature : "And another letter urged that labor bcjoklets used to assign workers jobs to rbe to about 40 degrees - -From an interview to and keep thg economy centigrade, you feei you'get with Vladimir Bukovsky at full employment under socialism, should now have, a fever, can't by C.AP Television News, be transformed into more eifective disciplinary just otut df bed or move about, reprintOd- in Survgy, ' tools. lnsteod of. recording work time, iob, 'and it gges on for a day Autumn 1970 etc., these books "should record everything: in- eentives, punishments,, absenteeism." This, it was it, , page105 ''' declared, would enable personnel departments to to admit, "Stalin enjoys great latent Prestige weed out "slackers" and "troublemakers." 8 among the Soviet people and a much more An interesting development was reported by favorable popular reputation than Nikita S' tt The l1l.Y. Times on May 21, 1972. The Times- noted Khrushchev." the rapidly growing popularity in Soviet The U.S. bourgeoisie has often defiled Stalin as managerial circles of a new book,'The Manager an oppressor of the peasants and the national and the Subordinate, now a standard text of Sov- minoritieS, Yet, according to Srhith, feeling for iet "labor relations" literature. lt deals with such Stalin is particularly strong in the countrysidg topics as how to convince striking workers to re- and among the oppressed nationalities, especial- turn to their jobs, how to get workers to work ly in the Central Asiah Republics and in the harder without "undue friction", etc.. And the Republic of Georgia, Stalin's birthplace. And author of the book openly acknowledges that his although older workers are naturally more fond recommendations are based upon those of a of Stalin than the young who have no memory of similar U.S. work-Dale Carnegie's How to Win life under socialism, many younger people, too, Friends and lnfluence Peoplel e - have recognized the great accomplishments un- Another graphic illustr:ation of rising resistance der Stalin's leadership. Becently the decadent re- is revealed'by a unique survey, whose results visionist "poet", Yevgeny Yevtushenko, one of -were published last December in lzvestia. ln this Khrushchev's henchmen in the anti-Stalin move- survey, 2,952 ment and now a leading lackey of the Brezhnev Another graphic illustrat-ion of rising resistance regime, was "shocked" to find Komsomol (Young is revealed by a unique survey, whose' results Communist League) members toasting Stalin's were published last December in lzvestia. ln this memory at a recent picnic. And a sehoolteacher survey, 2,952,workers between the dges of 18 in her late 20s reported that she liked Stalin "in and 25 at a large locomotive plant in the Ukraine spite of the fact that he was a hard man. Maybe were interviewed. Of these, 66% publicly d-eclared he had to be a hard man at that time, maybe it 12 that they were dissatisfied with their pay, 71"/o r was necessary", she said. were dissatisfied with the condition and safety of At parties and social gatherings, toasts to plant equipment, and 7Ao/" were unhappy with Stalin are common. Recently, one West European factory sanitary conditions. ln a similar poll taken diplomat found himself at a party where midflle- five years earlier, 54"/" were unhappy about aged, middle-level cadres toasted Stalin at least wages and in all three categories there was an half a dozen times during the course of the even- average increase of 18"/" in the number of dis- ing. The l'excuse" f6r this was that the wine be- satisfied workers. ing drunk was from Georgia. And in Georgia The workers also sharply criticized a number of itself an older mafi emphasized that "Our first management practices. They.vehemently attacked and last toast at any gathering in Georgia is the common revisionist practice of "storming" to always to Stalin. This has been our custom for meet quotas at .the end of each month, quarter many years and we havenlt changed it." t3 or year. They said this was just speedup resulting At Gori, a town in Georgia and Stalin's fqom managerial incompetence. And the much- birthplace, the Stalin Museum remains open due vhunted "socialist emulation" campaigns run by to popular demand. lts director says, "The people the revisionists were sharply denounced as "just who come here do so because tl',rey love Stalin." fiction." According to one /athe worker, "lt exists When asked why a portrait of. Stalin was dis- only on paper. Many people do not even knotv. played prominently in their living room, her with whom they are competing." An electrician husband, a. collective farmer, replied, "l can't see added that "On our crew there is no emulation, how I can be without it. This portrait has always there is simply a quota that you have to meet." been in my fiouse. I am happy to be born in the Of course, according to lzvestia, all 'these com- place where'stalin was born, and I'll keep his im- plaints represent li-ttle more than "the frustration age in my house forever." r:a of workers at'ngt having enough attractive goods Even the so-called "dissident'r intellectuals, whose attacks on Stalin' rival Khrughchev's and., '"f#i;": sisnificant way the soviet people re- Trotsky's, must admit that on this question in veal theil dissatisfaction and opposition is particular they stand completely isolated from the through lhe great respect and admiration they Soviet people. One '1dissident", a writer in his still have fbr Stalin. According to several different 60s, noted that "stalin has a real hold on the reports, a'strong and spontaneous pndercurrent peoplq They feel that\he bullt the country and he of affdction ernerges in all sorts of situations. For won the war. ,l!ow thQy see disorder in example, when Statin appeared in a recent agriculture, dissrder in industry, disorder every- documentary film on .WW 2, audiences ofteh where in theeconomy and they see nb end to it." ts. ' burst into applause. (Several Western observers This ,"disorder" has met with more than just witnessed this.) Despite Khrushchev's vicious cam- kind pgssive resistance we ha-ve described paign of slander, Stalin clearly remains the most the of far. Although social-imperialists keep a popular and beloved of all Soviet leaders sincer so the mass rebellion, a, number Lenin. As even the Moscow correspondent of tight lid on any news of incidents have come to light. We have already The NewtYork Times, Hedrick Smith, was forced of , :, r-.I page't06 noted the wave of protests which greeted the retired Maior lvan Oteksandrovich Hryshchuk, by price hikes of 1962, particularly the major riots in pointing out that he was on a good penslon, so Novocherkassk and Temir-Tau. While these what had he got to kick up a luss about? events rnarked a high tide of popular resistance, Hryshchuk agreed that his pension really was un- they were not the end revolt. ln Jr.lne 1967, deservedly of 'donating lqrge-indeed he had already been workers in Chimkent in Soviet Central Asia it ta a children's home for two years. demonstrated after police beat a taxi driver to Moreover, he earned his living-by.honest labor, un- death. The demonstrators attacks and burned like the KGB men. The next day there'was an of- police down the headquariers and a nearby pdlice . ficial meeting at yvhich some of the speakers tried station. Tanks were sent in to suppress the uprlsing to blacken Hryshchuk, but by the time they left the roln and dozens of workers were kilied. addition t5 platform they had been literally spat upon by the this well-documented struggle, Peking Review re-, workers. The workers senf a delegation to Moscow ports that 'rthousands of workers in the Kharkov with'a letter signed by about six. hundred people on Tractor Plant staged a strike in November of the their housing problem. At the end of June lvan same year." Peking Review also repotts that in Sep-, Hryshch.uk was arrested in Moscow. The workers tember 1972, thousands of workers went on strike wrote a new letter, this time demanding his release and demonstrated in the city of Dniepropetrovsk. r7 as well." One incident in particular seems typical of the many militant struggles waged by workers This second letter has been published in the throughout the Soviet Union. 18 lt is also signifi- West. ln it the workers tell how even before the cant because a detailed account written by the delegation returned, off icials of all kinds workers themselves has been srnuggled out. ln descertded on the settlement-for the first time '1969, workers at the Kiev Hydro-electric staiion ever!-to push through the election of a new construction project (one of the largest building house committee. (This committee was the group projects in the Ukrdine) rebelled against de- which off icially sponsored the delegation to teriorating housing conditions and off icials' Moscow.) By doing this the authorities hoped to. callousness. declare the delegation. self-appointgd and il- The workers lived in temporary dwellings in [e$itimate. But, in the workers' words, "that ploy several village.s nealthe construction site. did not work." Though decent living conditions had been pro- The management, however, refused to be de- mised, roofs were leaking, walls cracking and 'ter,red. "ln spite of having been refused by all the 'the "sorne of dwellings have become uninhabita- residents, they, nevertheless, colleqted about 30 ble, that is, in a state of total disrepair." unauthorized persons in the civic centre and According to their own testimony, thq workers 'elected' a new houge committee ... They then "more than once applied for repairs to the depu- began a cgnstant terrorization of everyone who ty director of the construction project, comrade had actively participated in the above-mentioned Abramov, but he did only one thing; he threw meeting, or actively taken part in the work of the people out of his office." No meetings were ever old house committee." held at which complaints could be expressed. On June 10 another meeting was held. lt was ln response to this situation, the workers "stormy." The worrkers spoke out about all their tIemselves called a meeting. What happened grievances. They-won an agreement from a local next was reported in the Chronicle of Current Party official, Col. Lavrenchuk (also a police of- Events, an underground journal prociuced by - ficer), that "all shortcomings would be correct- "dissident" Soviet intellectuals and suppressed ed" and that upon its return the delegation last year. Breaking. with its usual callous neglect would be permitted to report to the, peopte at a of working class struggles, this journal gave the similar meeting. According to the vriorkers, "We fbllowing account of the incident: believed Col. Lavrenchuk, believed him as a man, but we were bitterly disappointed.r' :'tn On June 13, after the delegates had. returned mid-May 1969, workers af the Kiev .Hydro- 'from Moscow, a third meeting was held. The electric station in the village of Beryozka met to dr's- workers described it as follows: cuss the housirig problem: many of them are still liv- ing in prefabricated huts and railway coaches . at thls meeting the leaders outdid even desprte the authorities'promrses to provide housing. themselves. lt began with them giving, a short ring The workers declared that they no longer believed and those who managed to jump into the hall got the local authorities' and decided to write to the into the meeting; the rest were locked out .. . ap- Centrat Committee of the Communist Party. After pointing himsblf to' conduct the meeting, the con- their meeting, the workers marched off with banners struction project party organizer,' Velychko, stated carryinQ such slogans as All Power to the Sov- that no one had sent any ddlegation to Moscow KGB men drove veterinary vans and iets! up in and no one was going to get a hearing that day . . . 'What were gdeeted with shouts of d'you think we those who had been locked out in the streef, began are? Dogs?!' Remonstrating with the crowd, the pounQing on the door, while the audience began KGB men tried to whip up feelings of b/ass hatred' demanding that these people be admitted.,'With towards one of the active participants in the affair, some trouble, people managed to enter the meeting ) page 107 halt and it was filted to the rafters. Peopte asked fo present a petition to,the tsar. lt was formulated in be allowed to speak, but Velychko did not re-. the most humble of tones.' cognize anyone's right to do so; to the questlons The communists and advanced workers fought directed from all sides, he replied that they were against this tact'ic but 'were defeated: They not 'pertinent'. Later, when in ttis opinion, atl the marched along with th'e masges anyway. Over 'pertinent' guestbns had .been exhausted, he ad- 200,000 marched, many with children and a journed the meeting. But the people did not leave number carrying religious icons and portraits of the meeting hall; they demanded that Hryshchuk the tsar. When the crowd reached the Palace and the rest of the delegation speak. But when the Square, Cossacks'charged them from all sides, delegates, who had been encouraged and support- swords flying and guns blasting. Hundreds died ed by the entire audience, began to ascend the that "Bloody Sunday" and the illuslon of a lust slage to the podium, the party organizer of the con- but ill-informed tsar was drowned in the flood of struction project, Velychko, behaved tike a vite pqoletarian blood. This was the beginning of the hooligan. He shoved a woman hotding a child, Revolution of 1905, the great "dress rehearsal" grabbed the microphone from Hryshchuk and for the even greater revolutions of 1917. ripped it out of its socket Col. Lavrenchuk, the It is ,clear from the events described at Kiev same'good colonel'who had promised to allow the that today, similar illusions about the new tsars delegation to speak, ordered a detachment of militia exist among some Soviet workers. But as the officers into the meeting hall to arrest our delegates. struggle of the workers develops, these i,llusions Comrades! What is this??? Who ever saw the like? will also be swept away. And like Col. One gets the impression that these puffed-up and Lavrenchuk in Beryozka Village and Tsar presumptuous so-ca//ed leaders were provoking a Nicholas Il in St. Petersburg, Tsar Leonid riot." Breihnev will soon stand f ully eiposed for all,to seela bloody criminal and a bourgeois exploiter It was following this meeting that Hryghchuk doomed to the "dustbin of history." was arrested and the workers direw up their Ap- The Kiev incident is also significant because peal to the Central Committee from which we about a year before, three workers f rom the same have been quoting. They .also vowed to remain construction project were arrested for opposing on strike until their demands were met and the the social-irnperialist policy on the national ques- local officials removed tion. The three were picked up for-distributing During this struggle, the workers retained their leaflets at Kiev University and at the Agricultural f aith in the Comrnunist Party leadership. Academy protesting forceful Bussification of the Although the local Party off icia'ls, l{ke Col. Ukraine. ln response, the authorities instituted a Lavrenchuk, were exposed as double-dealing rigid pass system, wrth vistors to the university backstabbers, the workers were convinced that if having ,to carry.three off icial stamps to enter the only the higher officials in Moscow knew the campus. I" situation all would be rectified. ln concluding ln fact, open resistance is most widespread their Appeal, the workers stated that "We do not among the oppressed nationalities. ln 1968, 300 believe that this arrest was made with the Crimean Tatars in the town of Chirchik were ar- kri.'owledge of those above, and we earnestly ask rested for defying a ban on public assembly in honor of Lenin's birthday. Police surrounded'the that you take under your protection the delega- -sprayed tion which has come to you with this letter . .. demonstrators and them with .a We will await your reply peacefully. And in the "poisonous liquid" before beginning mass ar- event that our letter does not reach you, we will rests. According to some reports, several of the send people to you with this same letter, again Tatars broke through'the circle and went to Party headguarters to protest the police attack. Here, It is not known what finally happened to. the too, they were detain€d. :r' Appeal,. but we are reminded here of the St. The Tatars were moved to Central Asia lrom Petersburg (Leningrad) workers in 1905. Although their homeland in the Crimea during World War 2, the St. Petersburg workers had been engaged in. because a number of Tatbrs from the feudal rul- many violent struggles against their employers ing class had conipired with the advancing Nazi throughout the 1890s and early 1900s, rnany army at a time of great peril to the Soviet govern- were still under the illusion that the tsar himself ment and people. While we are in no position to remained their friend. When the communists determine whether such a drastic action was would agitate for overthrow of the autocracy, justified at the time, it is certainly clear that the many of the more backward workers shouted danger has long since passed. [n reoent yeais them down with cries of "no politics!" According deteriorating conditions have produced a grow- to these workers, the tsar was good, only the ing movement among the Tatars to return to the local officia-ls and capitalists were bad. The tsar, Crimea, and they have raised the just demand for they said, had to be told of the evil things done f ull restoration of their national democratic in his name. rights. The Chirchik incident took place in the The workers were encouraged in this attrtude context of this growing movement. by a police agent, a priest named Gapon-. H6 or- ln 1972 the resistance .'of the oppressed ganized.a mass march'to the Winter Palace to peoples reached a new peak. ihe most celebrat- :' I page'tog / ed incident took place in Kaunas, Lithuania. telligentsia and other petty bour.geois strata.' Here,"a 20 year:old Lithuanian, Roman Talanta, At times members of this group do end up on burned himself to death to protest political the progressive side of things-for example, domination by Great Russian officials and Jor full many criticized the social imperialists' ,criminal democratic rights for Lithu'anians. His funeral invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968. lt is impor- procession touched off two full days of rebellion tant to recognize, however that these "dissi- in which thousands of Lithuanians took to the dents" do not represent the revolutionary in- stieets shouting "Freedom for Lithuania!" They terests of the Soviet masses, and that the "dissi- attacked the office of the city Party committee dent" movement offers only a dead endl for the and the police station and ryer:e met by a force of Soviet people. Only the complete restoration of 'military police and paratroopers. Two policemen rule by the working class,through proletarian re- were.reported killed. 2t volution can solve the problems facing the work- ln addition to this, Peking Review reports-that ing class, the oppressed nationalities and other "in Dnieprodzerzhinsk, the Ukraine, over 10,000 oppressed peopld of various strata in the Soviet demonstrators attacked tfle regional Soviet, Party Union. and government buildings and the State Security This in fact is why 'the repression directed Committee building and tore up portraits of ;against the "dissidents" has been, despite all Brezhnev and others." :z that is written in the U.S. bourgeois press, re- Of course, this kind of mass rebellion is stil'l re- markably mild. Though some members of the latively rare in the Soviet Union. And these strug- "dissident" movement have suffered at the hands gles, including the revolts of the oppressed na- of the sociat-imperialists' police thugs, many i-ionatities, havL often been led by bourgeois and more have gotten off quite lightly. While labor reactionary elements who do not have the in- camps and prisons are filled with revolutionary terests of the masses at heart. ln Lithuanid,i for workers, students and members of the oppressed example, the Catholic church played an impor- nationalities, celebrated "dissidents" have been tant role in the revolt. Nevertheless, these actions relatively free to speak out. When the social- do reveal the anger of the masses and, despite imperialists finally cracked down on their misleadership, have struck powerful blows Solzhenitsyn, for example, his "fate'' was merel,y against the social-imperialists. Rebellions like to be forced to leave the country and retire to/a those at Novocherkassk, Chimkent, Chirchik and Swiss villa on the over six million dollars in Kaunas are but a small taste of what the Soviet royalties his counter-revolutionary books have people have in store for their new tsars. earned him in'the West. need the : ln a certain sense, the Soviet leaders 3) The Phony "Dissidents" , "dissident" intellectuals. lsolated f rom thd masses, advocating all sorts of reactionary One brand of resistance widely publicized in policies hated by the vast maiority of workers, the U.S. media is that of the so-called "dissident" the "dissident" movement offers a convenient intellectuals sugh as Alexander Solzhenitsyn, An- scapegoat through which the social-imperialists .. drei Sakharov, Roy and Zhores Medvedev and can discredit all resistance. The "dissidents" Andrei Amalrik. These "dissidents" have been have become the "official opposition" in fact lf hailed as the real internal opposition to the Sov- not in name. iet rulers. An alliance of blatant reactionaries, Thei social oasd of the "dissident" movement is cold war liberals, Social Democrats and the intelligentsia. The intelligentsia is not a class Trotskyites has celebrated them as represen- in and of itself, occupying a position bgtween the tatives of "all that is' f inest in the Russian workers on the one hand and the Soviet character." They are. portrayed as heroes in the. bourgeoisie on the other. Though a maiority of struggle for civil rights, flghters for the qause of ' these intellectuals-at least in the Soviet Union- humanity, and even, in the words of . the may formallywork for wages, their isolation from Trotskyites, "the socialist oppositionl" production, the extremely individualized nature of But who are these people? What do they stand iheir work, and their retitively privileged positioir for? What social forces do. they really represent? in society make it clear that this is a petty The "dissidents" are, by and large, members of a. bourgeois group. ; "phony opposition" which has extremely Because of their peculiar social position, the marginal ties to the Soviet pbople and virtually intellectuals as a group tend to be suspicious of .no support among the working class. A dis- both the regime and the people. Though they Organized and fragmented movement, the "dissi- often realize that only the masses have the power dent'l forces rep/esent a broad variety of reac- to really change things-in the words of one Sov- tionary, liberal and SoqiaI Deinocratic political iet intellectual, "they have built this country with viewpoints. They are united, however, by their their backs and their handsl' :r-they are, at the opposition to Marxisrn-Leninism, their fear of the same time, fearful of the people, afrdid of losing masses, hostitity to China and to Stalin, and by their own privileges. As one U.S: commentator their desire for an idealistically conceived form of noted, "lt is probably legitimate to conclude that capitalism without-its most obvious outrages and the intelligentsia knows little of the immediate abuses-especially those directed against the in- problems facing the workers and peasants."

I EE-r. & i. r. _ I page 109. _ Sirice they are members of the petty autonomy, to experiment, to defend and test their " ,bourgeoisie and since there' is no strong opinions in practice." (Unshackle the managers- ,: Woikers' movement led by Communists, the in- full democracy for the lower level bourgeoisie and tellectuals develop various forms of bourgeois petty bourgeoisie!):" ideology to guide their opposition. ' ffie retoirirt ,nO elitist bias of the liberal pro- Andrei Amalrik, author of the 'ldissident" gram was further emphasized by Sakharoy, who rmanifesto, Wilt the Sovlef lJnion Survive lJntil 1984? .has become the outstanding spokesman for this has stated that "over the course of the last fif- trend,. in an autobiographical essay' dated teen years at least three ideological viewpoints Deceinber 31, 1973 and published In 7he New-York on which bpposition is founded have begun to Reviewof Books. ln this piece Sakharov summed up crystallize. They are'genuihe Marxism-Leninism', political philosophy: "What we need is the 'Christian ideology" and 'libeiral ideology.'" zr systematic defense of human rights and ideals and not political which would i'nevitably in- Amalrik offers no concrete evidence supporting h struggle, people to violence, f renzy. I the real existence of a "genuine Marxist- cite sectarianism,and am that only in this way, provided there l-eninist" opposition, and as he himself is cer- convinced is the possible public disclosures, will the . tainly no Marxist, it is doubtful whether his views broadest West be to recognize the nature of our society; on this matter are credible. From our research, able and that then this struggle will become part of a :.; the one man .generally mentioned part of this as world-wide movement-ior the salvation of all group, General Peter Grigorenko, is more a pro- 2; gressive left-liberal whose political philosophy mankind." bears little resemblance to revolutionary Marx- ,ism-Leninism, ln foreign relations, the liberal position (Though Grigorenko, like many generally supports social-imperialist policy, ,to politics Soviet liberals, is forced disguise his ThoUgh many drew the line at the militirry in- Marxist-Leninist phraseology.) We know that with vasion of a supposedly friendly 'socialist" ally, genuine Marxist-Leninists do exist in the Soviet Czechoslovakia, the liberals continue to argue U,nion and that these comrades are waging a dif- that "soviet foreign policy is at base one of in ficult struggle a complex and dangerous situa- peace and cooperation." rsThey are encouraged by , tion. But we serrously doubt the appropriateness talk of "detente", though Sakharov warns against trend of classifying suc,h heroic fighters as a "the hidden dangers of a false detente, a collusive within the "dissident" movement. detente, or a capitulation detente." ln their 1970 Amalrik's other However, categorrzation of the Appeal, the liberals echo Khrushchev in stating that tWo tendencies does seem Substantially correct. "the only realistic policy in the age of These are the two main trends of thought charac- "dissident" thermonuclear weapons is one leading towards terizing the movement today. The es- greater program international cooperation, the obstinate sence. of the ."liberal" was first ex- search for lines of possible convergence in the pounded in 1970 by Andrei Sakharov, ' V.F. scientific, technological, economic, cultural and Turchin hnd Roy Medvedev their "Appeal of in ideological fields . . . " Soviet Scientists to the Party-Government ' Leaders of the USSR." 25 This work was a 'lDissidents'l of all varieties are most strongly manifestb of the liberal movement offering a de- in agreement'with Brezhnev & Co. on the ques- veloped critique of Soviet society and a piogram tion of China. One British observer of the "dissi- .calling for "gradual democratization." dent" scene has remarked that "otherwise sane and rational Bussian intellectuals tend to grow The program is typical of liberal programs vague and emotional on the subject of Chiha and everywhere. The authors call for the gradual to indulge in extravagant flights of imagination." , establishment of a political system patterned He described one encounter he had with a young along bourgeois parliamentary lines. They call lor aftist who demanded to know what the West .the institution of greater facilities for "qualified would do about China. "Don't you know they're experts'Lto exchange ideas and competitively in- going to overrun Siberia?" the ar:t(st said. "And . novate. They firnnly oppose all mass involvement when they've done that they'll advance' on , not controlled or guided by experts. Specifically .Europe? "wide-scale lt will be the'Dark Ages all over again. demanded are measures for the or- Surely the West will be on our side? Surely they ganization of complex production combunes will come to ,the defense of the white race (firms) endowed with a large measure of indepen- against the yellow? The white race must stick Sence in 'questions of production planning, togethgr." :e .technological processes, sales supplies, and "dissidents" ,,financial and personnel matters", (in other words. Certainly not allithe see the con- a little more competitive capitalism, please); the ,flict in such stridently racist terrns, though such establishment of a "public opinion research in- an attitude is definitely cultivated by the official . stitute" (to better manipulate the masses); and "im- Soviet press. Nevertheless, the 1970 liberal Ap- peal "lt provement of the training of leaders in the art of 'the notes that is especially vital to shore up management ... lmprovement in the information moral'and'material positions of the USSR vis- available to leaders at all levels, their rights to a-vis China." The liberals argue that "the dangbr from Chinese totalitarian nationalism, though it page 110 . can be seen as only temporary in its historical to. cooperate 'lto save the white race frorn ,th6, context,'will nevertheless be very serious in the onslaught of the ybllow." ln doing this the basis: coming'years. We can counter this danger only of unity must be spiritual because "a schism ex- by increasing or:, dt least, maintaining the present ists between the servants of God and of Satan." tgchnological and economic gap between our Satan, the document says, cairies on "his cor- country and China, by increasing the number of rupting activity...preaching egalitarianism and our friends throughout,the world, and by offering cosmopolitanism-an ideology of the Jewish the Chinese people thO alternative of cooperation diaspora-thereby aggravating the process of un- and a'd." -n' We can only ask what kind of iversal blood-mixing and degradation. " 3+ "cooperation and aid" will serve to increase the Reading this and knowing that its publication technological and economic gap between the is passively encouraged by the Soviet leadership So.viet Union and China? as a kind of "opposition press", all genuine com- According to Amalrik, "Supporters of.'Christian munists and progressive forces are moved to ldeology' maintain that the life of society,must even deeper hatr:ed for the traitorous Soviet return to Christian moral principles, which are in- rulers, who are spitting on the memory of the terpreted in a somewhat Slavophile spirit, with a more than 20 million heroic Soviet citizens who claim for a special role for Flussia."-3r More a gave their live.s fighting under the leadership of political doctrine than a religious philosophy, this Stalin against just such Hitlerite racist scum trend was the inspiration behind. the pseudo- One man who has come to stand above all ten- fascist All-Russian Social-Christian. Union, a semi- dencies 'in the "'dissident" movement is undgrground group. Though Solzhenitsyn can, in Solzhenitsyn, easily the most famous of all the some respects, be categorized as a follower of ' "dissident" intelldctuals. Solzhenitsyn has been this ideology, in its purest form the new Christian portrayed in the bour:geois rnqdia as one of the Slavophilism (a racist philosophy of Great great champions of human f reedom in the world, Russian ethnic pride first formulated by extreme today. The Trotskyite Socialist Workers Party has reactionalies in the 1gth century) is a secondary even hailed his "firm commitment to socialism." trend in the "dissident" movement. lt manifests But of all the more well known "dissidents", itself principally in silly appeals for universal Solzhenitsyn is probably one of the most reac- "salvation': and spiritual regeneration, often tionary. As we put it in the April 1974 issue of along, "raoial" or national lines. Revolution, he is merely a lover of the old tsars However, this type of thinking-particularl! in who has failed to make his peace with the new. its more mystical and nationalistic forms-is Solzhenitsyn's "literary" career began with openly encouraged by the social-imperialists and publication of his reactionary: nOvel, One Day in its influence is growing in both the "dissident" the Li{e of lvan Denisovich. This.book was touted movement and the state bureaucracy. According as an "expos6" of the labor camp system,of the '1930s to many sources, followers of this trend can be and 1940s. A blatant attack on proletarian found high in the ranks of the security police. ln power as well as on Stalin's leadership, ,/van the legal press the Slavophiles are influential in D€nisovich is the only Solzhenitsyn work the magazines Ogonyok and Molodaia Gvardiia published legally in the Soviet Union because it and in the literary weekly Literaturnaia Rossla. won Khrushchev's personal endorsement as a These intellectualp-were firm supporters of the weapon. in the social-imperialists' vicious anti- Czechoslovak invasion. As one put,it, "They (the Stalin campaign. ' Czechs) just had to be taught a lesson and There is much conf usion about the labor shown that they couldn't get away with it." l camps. To some, the mere existence of such ,'The most 'extreme forms of Christian camps is a sure ,sign that the workers' state is Slavophilism, however, still appear only in the il- "degenerate" or "totalitarian." But socialism has legal "dissident" press, but even this'is actually never and will never be built under "ideal" condi- encouraged by the regime to make the social- tions. The socialist state will always be faced with i.mperialists' phony "internationalism" look good eneinies, internal as well as foreign. The old ex- by comparison, while also creating 'public opi- ploiting classes never give up without a fight, nion for Great Russian chauvinism. Though most and new bourgeois forces arise within the pro- liberal and,nearly all underground revolutionary letarian party and state themselves. And while it papers are quickly suppressed by the authorities, is certainly preferabte to remold enemies where the recent Christian journal Veche has already possible, the workers cannot, must not and do printed more than five issues containing all sorts not flinch from the most seyere application of of mystical, racist and anti-semitic trash with only punishrnent where such punishment is called for. token interference.:: The camps of the 30s and 40s combir'ied ele- One widely circulated underEiound document, ments of rehabilitation and punishment. "A Nation Speaks", takes the cake for neofascist Prisoners sentenced to term.s in the camps came vulgarity. This manifesto declares the nation the mainly from, the privileged sections of society. basis of all things. lt is,"'a special spiritual com- Solzhenitsyn himself, for example, was an army munity whose distinctiveness has a deep mystical offiCer who had fomented "dissent" among the sense" and whose determining factor is "a racial troops at the height of the Nazi invasion. ln a type." The document calls on the U.S. and USSR classically petty bourgeois individualist fashion, .," /'111ii'il

fie put his.own private "disillusionment" above h.ave paid well for such a "confession"-she the pressing need to defeat the Nazi horde. would not be swayed. She was thug forced'to Life in the camps was certainly harsh, but not beal the brunt of bourgeois repression, too, for m,uch r-nore so than the life of the average i this was the McOarthy era when the U.S, rulers peasant in Siberia at the time. And dur:ing the were viciotisly attacking communists and the war, the period about which Solzhenitsyn wrote, people's movement. cohditions in the camps were certainly better ' Finally, in f955, Anna Louise Strong was' - than at the front where millions of heroic young cleared of the phony charges against her and soldiers were giving their lives ,in defense qf shortly thereafter: Khrushchev launched his attack her to join " socialism. ln the camps inmates worked at essqn- on Stalin. lt would have been easy.for tial productive labor, building up backward areas in the chorus of anti-Stalin voices at the time. of the country and supplying thq troops. The No doubt the revisionist leadership of the Soviet work was demanding and sacrifice was called Union would have rewarded her amply had she for. But we ask: ln those trying and difficult blamed her own suflering on the "evils" of times, what Soviet worker Was not called on to Stalin. But displaying that "largeness of mind" sacrifice for the good of all? As o'ne irate Sov'iet which befits a true communist, Anna Louise citizen wrote io Solzhenitsyn ' about lvan Strong instead responded to Khrushchev with a Denisovich, "Millions of Soviet people labor at 'book, 711s'-stalin .Era, which countered .felting timber and sinil the praises of this form of Khrushchev's charges and defeinded Stalin's toil, but the heroes of this story regard it with leadership. This book made an important con- fear." :s tribution to the development of a real communist Were there excesses and unnecessary brutality position on the question of Stalin and it remains associated with the camps? Yes. Were guards valuable to this day. often poorly chosen and sadistic? Sometimes. Solzhenitsyn's behavior is, of course, in no way Were some innocent people sentenced? Yes. But comparable these excesses, many of which were recognized Afier the ousting of Khrushchev by Brezhnev 'at the'time, do not change the fact that these and Kosygin, the social-imperialists decided to camps were a necessary measure taken'by the tone down their anti-Stalin campaign. workers' state in its own defense. Communists Solzhenitsyn's writings were no longer useful to must certainly learn from the mistakes made- them. Some of the revisionist hacks associated and this has been done-but we will not op, with the attacks on Stalin-Yevtushenko, for ex- portunistically dissociate ourselves f rom what ampleluietly changed their tune and were re- was a correct and necessary policy. warded with fat salaries.. And here we should distinguish the attitude of Solzhenit6yn, however, remained unsatisfied, SolzheniTsyii from that of lhe truly innocent peo- and lor the past ten years he has continued to ,ple who were sentenced. As one former camp of- produce works qttacking the former workers' ficial pointed out in a letter to Solzhenitsyn, "Noi state. Not limitin$ himself to slinging mud at one'of those who were unjustly punished ever . Stalin; he has most recently, in his counter- blarned comrade Stalin for his misfortunes-the revolutionary "magnum opus", The Gulag' thought did not even occur to them. This is the Archipelaga, 1918-1956, turned his'attacks on watershed dividing those who suffered while in- Lenin as well. According to Solzhdnitsyn, it was a nocent and the real criminals. The' latter; as a bad thing that the October Flevolution even. togk rule, apused both Soviet power and Stalin." place! ln his August 1914, he openly mourns for On tfris score, too, we should contrast the the "cultured" high life of pre-revolutionary days. behavior of Solzhenitsyn with that of Anna And in The Gulag Archipelago, his "heroesl' in', Louise Strong. Until h'er death in Peking in 1970, clude men such as Vlasov, a Soviet officer who Anna Louise Strong was a dedicated fighter for defected.to the Nazis, and two army officers "un- the working class and the cause of socialism. justly" imprisoned for the "petty" crime of rape. 36 Born and raised in the U.S., she spent rhany But Solzhenitsyn is not just a man obsessed years in the Soviet Union and China during the with the past. lf he was, .,he could never have 20s, 30s and 40s, after joining the communist become the kind of f igure he is today. For the. movement. Her writings were an important con- U.S. bourgeoisie, Solzhenitsyr can be used to tribution to bringing the truth about Soviet power, represent "proof" that "cgmmunism does not to the American people and the people of the work." And the social-imperialists use him to teach that opposition to their rule can only be world. I Yet, in 1949 Anna Louise Strong was unjustly "reactionary." . expelled from the Soviet Union as a spy. For six lndeed, Solzhenitsyn has allied,himself with the years she was treated as a traitor and scab by most openly reactionary forces in the world; ln ' cornmunists everywhere. Friends of decades his speech nominating Sakharov for ,the Nobel wduld no longei speat< to her. Yet she steadfastly Peace Prize, Solzhenitsyn attacked the National refused to abandon the revolutionary stand of Liberation Front for "bestial mass killings" which the proletariat. Though given many opportunities have been "reliably proved", while speaking not to speak out against the Soviet Union and a word agginst the genocidal attacks and un- socialism by,the bourgeoisie-who surely woufd speakable atrocities committed by the U.S. im-

t .- . .. , page 112 perialists against the heroic Vietnamese peopls. az Lenin, Stalin .and the Bolsheviks, and who have ln this same statement, Solzhenitsyn lashed out come to see that without a mass revolutionary at progressive forces throughout the world for workers' movement and revolutionary Party, no not paying enough attention to the Soviet "dissi- real change can occur in the Soviet Unioh. These dents." "Could, say, thq Flepublic of South intellectuals hdve joined with real communists, Africa," he asks, "without being penalized ever workers and revolutionary cadres in taking the be expected to detain and torture a black leader path of struggle. for four years as General Grigorenko has been! Of course, given the fascist nature of social- The storm of world-widd rage would have long imperialist rule, and giVen the fact that the U.S. ago swept the roof from that prison." rs and West European bourgeoisies are not about ln response to this incredible statement, the to give publicity to them the way they give it to Black writer Lloyd Brown points out that "Liberal the likes of Solzhenitsyn, it is hard to .find qut outcry has made So lzhen itsyn's name a anything very specific about these individuals household word in our country, where the name anO gloups. And at the same time, t6e and plight of Alex La Guma, the repressed Black transformation of lhe CPSU from proletariirh South African writer, is quite unknown." Brown vanguard into a. fascist party of the Soviet goes on to notd that the same issue ol The N.Y. bourgeoisie meanb lthat these' revolutionary:,!{!- Irmes which prominently carried a report of dividuals and groups are operating under -ex- Solzhenitsyn's speech on page three, buried on trernely di{ficult circumstances and do not have the back pages the story of eleven Black miners the freedom of the 'ldissidents" to speak out anil murdered by troops in South Africa.3e' make their views known. .' , ,,:.,, Of course, as a de lacto foreign agent openly rStill, enough information has lOaked out sp. represepting tl"re interests of U.S. and West Euro- that there is no question about the existence od,il pean tmperialism within the borders of the Soviet genuine Marxist-Leninist opposition. Among their Union, Solzhenitsyn was a kind of threat to the ranks. are militant workers who have cofng social-imperialists and that is why they expelled forward to fight for their class and all the op- him. Btrt to claim, as does the Trotskyite Socialist pressed. Soviet people. Others.are former cadres Workers Party, that the "overall impact of and officials who have remained loyal to the pro- Solzhenitsyn's works is entirely on the side of letariat..ln the late 1960s, one group, The League human progress because they are such a of Revolutionary Soviet Communists (Bolsh6viks), powerf ul ref lection of the resistance to issued an 8O-page manifesto-calling on all honest Stalinism",r0 is like hailing such former "anti- Soviet communists to take the path of retolutiOh Stalinists" as Franco, Mussolini and Hitler as and, froni scattered colleclives, rebuild a new; rd- friends of "progress." This shows clearly how the volutionaryEolshevik Party. We don't know much Trotskyites' hatred for socialism and for the dic- about this group, beyond its manifesto,'Eut nor what tatorship of the proletariat is far greater than its fate has been.since then. it is'clear that their supposed hatred for' the bourgeoisie. despite all the dangers and difficulties, genuine Solzhenitsyn may be an enemy of the social- Marxist-Leninist forces are developing in the Soviet imperialists but, like the U.S. .imperialists, this Union ario nave'declared a clasi wir. to ir,e hardly makes $im a friend of the Soviet people. against the social-imperial ists. "nJ 1 The Russian people have a long and glorious 4)Toward a New October history of struggle against all oppressors, and these new revolutionary groups, while small !low, . Behind atl the publicity given the big name are bound to grow and a new revolutionary Com- "dissidents" like Solzhenitsyn stand a growing munist Party will surely be created. The Soviet number of genuinely revolutionary intellectuals people will overthrow their new tsars. A new Oc- and others who have picked up the banner of tober Revolution is inevitablbl

, 1. Peking Review, January 25,1974. 19. Peter Fleddaway, ed., Uncensored Russra, London,1972t \,2_ Peking Review, January 25, 1974. pp. 21 1 -21 3. 3. Peking Review, January 25, 1974. 20. New York llmes, May 4, 1968. 4. New York limes, April 21 . 1970. 21 . New York llrnes, May 22. 1972. 5. New York lrme3, April 21 , 1970. 22. Pekpg Review, January 25,1974. 6. lzvestia. January 26. 1972. 23. Quoted in J. . Harris, "The . Dilemma of Dissidence", 7. Pravda, Match 29, 1972. Survey, Winter 1971 , p. 108. 8. Pravda. August 19, 1971. 24. Andrei Amalrik, Will the Soviet Union Survive Until 1984?, -9. New York Times, May 21 , 1972. p 11. 10. lzvestia, December 2, 1973, 25. Published in Survev, Summer, 1970. i1. New York llmes, March 5, 1973. 26. Same Source, p. 166-7. 12. New York llmes, March 5, 1973 27. New York Review of Books, January 1974. 13. New York llmes, April 9, 1967. 28. Survey, Summer,1970, p; 168. 14. New York llmes, April 6, 1969. 29. Michael Scammell, "soviet lntellectuals Soldier On", 1q New York Times, March 5, 1S73. Survey, Winter 1971. p. 99. 16. Peking Review, January 25, 1974. 30. survelr, summer 1970. .12. '17. Peking Review, January 25, 1974. 31 . Amalrik, p. 14. The lollowing account is taken from the journal Critique, 32. Harris. "The Dilemma of Dissidence" fi2 which pubtished the Kiev workers' protest in futl. , page 113 i 33. For an extensive excerpt from Vfchb platform see JO. Alexander Solzhenitsyn, The Gulag Archigelago. ' Dimitry Pospielovsky, The Resurgence of Flussian Na- 37. New York Iimes, Septepber 17, 1973. ' tionalism in Samizdat", Survey, Winter 1973. 38. Same Source. 34. Quoted in Pospielovsky. 20 New Yoik llmes, September 19, 1973. "Soviet 35. Readers Respond lo lvan Denisovich", Survey 40. Quoted by lrwin Silber in lhe Guardian, October 3, 1973. , Autumn 1968.

Soviet social - imperialists invading Czechkoslovakia in l968

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