Wang Chong's Thoughts on Argumentation
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The Cultural and Religious Background of Sexual Vampirism in Ancient China
Theology & Sexuality Volume 12(3): 285-308 Copyright © 2006 SAGE Publications London, Thousand Oaks CA, New Delhi http://TSE.sagepub.com DOI: 10.1177/1355835806065383 The Cultural and Religious Background of Sexual Vampirism in Ancient China Paul R. Goldin [email protected] Abstract This paper considers sexual macrobiotic techniques of ancient China in their cultural and religious milieu, focusing on the text known as Secret Instructions ofthe Jade Bedchamber, which explains how the Spirit Mother of the West, originally an ordinary human being like anyone else, devoured the life force of numerous young boys by copulating with them, and there- by transformed herself into a famed goddess. Although many previous studies of Chinese sexuality have highlighted such methods (the noted historian R.H. van Gulik was the first to refer to them as 'sexual vampirism'), it has rarely been asked why learned and intelligent people of the past took them seriously. The inquiry here, by considering some of the most common ancient criticisms of these practices, concludes that practitioners did not regard decay as an inescapable characteristic of matter; consequently it was widely believed that, if the cosmic processes were correctly under- stood, one could devise techniques that may forestall senectitude indefinitely. Keywords: sexual vampirism, macrobiotics, sex practices, Chinese religion, qi, Daoism Secret Instructions ofthe Jade Bedchamber {Yufang bijue S Ml^^) is a macro- biotic manual, aimed at men of leisure wealthy enough to own harems, outlining a regimen of sexual exercises that is supposed to confer immor- tality if practiced over a sufficient period. The original work is lost, but substantial fragments of it have been preserved in Ishimpo B'O:^, a Japanese chrestomathy of Chinese medical texts compiled by Tamba Yasuyori ^MMU (912-995) in 982. -
The Qin/Han Unification of China Course Description in Geography
Hum 230 Fall 2016 The Qin/Han Unification of China Course description In geography and cultural advances, the Qin and Han dynasties surpassed their predecessors, and together they number among the world’s greatest empires. This course examines their heritage through a selection of primary texts including the Confucian Analects, the enigmatic Dao de Jing, the cosmological Book of Changes, and the historical narrative tradition of Sima Qian’s Shi Ji. It samples cultural expression ranging from the poetic discourse of rhapsodies and pentasyllabic verse to the religious endeavors manifested in funerary artifacts. Alongside textual studies, this course explores the Han’s physical remains, including the ruins of its capitals, the Wu Liang shrine, and its important tombs. The Qin/Han portrays itself as a territorial, political, and cultural unifier, and it sets the benchmark against which all later dynasties must measure themselves. Course requirements 1. Reading and pondering all assigned readings before conferences. This will include regularly writing reading responses, discussion questions, poetic analyses, visual exploratories, and the like. 2. Attending all conferences, including regular, active and substantive conference participation. 3. Attending all lectures (which also means keeping 11:00-11:50 a.m. open on Wednesdays and Fridays for additional lectures or activities). All lectures meet in the Performing Arts Building, Rm 320, 11:00-11:50. 4. Three short (5-7 pages) analytical papers; deadlines & format will be set by conference leaders. 5. One group project; parameters to be established by individual conference leaders. Faculty Ken Brashier Conference leader ETC 203 x 7377 Alexei Ditter Lecturer E 423 x 7422 Douglas Fix Lecturer E 423 x 7422 Jing Jiang Chair E 119 x 7376 Hyong Rhew Lecturer E 122 x 7392 Michelle Wang Conference leader Lib 323 x 7730 Required texts Lewis, Mark E. -
The Heritage of Non-Theistic Belief in China
The Heritage of Non-theistic Belief in China Joseph A. Adler Kenyon College Presented to the international conference, "Toward a Reasonable World: The Heritage of Western Humanism, Skepticism, and Freethought" (San Diego, September 2011) Naturalism and humanism have long histories in China, side-by-side with a long history of theistic belief. In this paper I will first sketch the early naturalistic and humanistic traditions in Chinese thought. I will then focus on the synthesis of these perspectives in Neo-Confucian religious thought. I will argue that these forms of non-theistic belief should be considered aspects of Chinese religion, not a separate realm of philosophy. Confucianism, in other words, is a fully religious humanism, not a "secular humanism." The religion of China has traditionally been characterized as having three major strands, the "three religions" (literally "three teachings" or san jiao) of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism. Buddhism, of course, originated in India in the 5th century BCE and first began to take root in China in the 1st century CE, so in terms of early Chinese thought it is something of a latecomer. Confucianism and Daoism began to take shape between the 5th and 3rd centuries BCE. But these traditions developed in the context of Chinese "popular religion" (also called folk religion or local religion), which may be considered a fourth strand of Chinese religion. And until the early 20th century there was yet a fifth: state religion, or the "state cult," which had close relations very early with both Daoism and Confucianism, but after the 2nd century BCE became associated primarily (but loosely) with Confucianism. -
Der Philosophische Daoismus
Günter Wohlfart Der Philosophische Daoismus Philosophische Untersuchungen zu Grundbegriffen und komparative Studien mit besonderer Berücksichtigung des Laozi (Lao-tse) Reihe für Asiatische und Komparative Philosophie Herausgegeben von Günter Wohlfart und Rolf Elberfeld Band 5 Günter Wohlfart Der Philosophische Daoismus Philosophische Untersuchungen zu Grundbegriffen und komparative Studien mit besonderer Berücksichtigung des Laozi (Lao-tse) edition chōra Köln Die Deutsche Bibliothek – CIP-Einheitsaufnahme *********************************************- Köln : ed. chora, 2001 (Reihe für asiatische und komparative Philosophie ; Bd. 5) ISBN 3-934977-05-7 1. Auflage Januar 2001 Alle Rechte vorbehalten © Copyright 2001 edition chōra. verlag köln Titel-Layout: fingersfools©artwork, köln Druck: Digital PS Druck GmbH, Frensdorf bei Bamberg Printed in Germany edition chōra. verlag köln dirk alvar strohmann und dirk müller gbr postfach 30 03 89, 50773 köln, fon 0221-47367-98 fax -99 email: [email protected] web: www.editionchora.de ISBN 3-934977-05-7 Inhalt Vorwort 7 Einleitung: Was können wir philosophisch vom alten China lernen? 11 1. Kapitel Dao – Weg ohne Weg Konjekturen zur Übersetzung der Anfangspassage in Kapitel 1 des Daodejing 27 2. Kapitel Wu (Nichts) – Zu Kapitel 11 des Daodejing Heidegger und Laozi 55 3. Kapitel Wuwei – Tun ohne Tun Materialien zu einem daoistischen Ethos ohne Moral 81 4. Kapitel Ziran – Von-Selbst-so Konjekturen zu einer daoistischen Quelle des Zen 101 5. Kapitel Kunst ohne Kunst Bemerkungen zum Verhältnis von Wort und Bild ausgehend vom Begriff ziran 117 6. Kapitel Truth lies in Translation Philosophisch-philologische Bemerkungen zu Wahrheit und Lüge von Übersetzungen am Beispiel der Schlußpassage von Kapitel 25 des Daodejing 131 7. Kapitel Hegel und China Philosophische Bemerkungen zum Chinabild Hegels mit be- sonderer Berücksichtigung des Laozi 149 8. -
The Old Master
INTRODUCTION Four main characteristics distinguish this book from other translations of Laozi. First, the base of my translation is the oldest existing edition of Laozi. It was excavated in 1973 from a tomb located in Mawangdui, the city of Changsha, Hunan Province of China, and is usually referred to as Text A of the Mawangdui Laozi because it is the older of the two texts of Laozi unearthed from it.1 Two facts prove that the text was written before 202 bce, when the first emperor of the Han dynasty began to rule over the entire China: it does not follow the naming taboo of the Han dynasty;2 its handwriting style is close to the seal script that was prevalent in the Qin dynasty (221–206 bce). Second, I have incorporated the recent archaeological discovery of Laozi-related documents, disentombed in 1993 in Jishan District’s tomb complex in the village of Guodian, near the city of Jingmen, Hubei Province of China. These documents include three bundles of bamboo slips written in the Chu script and contain passages related to the extant Laozi.3 Third, I have made extensive use of old commentaries on Laozi to provide the most comprehensive interpretations possible of each passage. Finally, I have examined myriad Chinese classic texts that are closely associated with the formation of Laozi, such as Zhuangzi, Lüshi Chunqiu (Spring and Autumn Annals of Mr. Lü), Han Feizi, and Huainanzi, to understand the intellectual and historical context of Laozi’s ideas. In addition to these characteristics, this book introduces several new interpretations of Laozi. -
Cheng, Prefinal2.Indd
ru in han times anne cheng What Did It Mean to Be a Ru in Han Times? his paper is not meant to break new ground, but essentially to pay T homage| to Michael Loewe. All those who have touched upon Han studies must acknowledge an immense intellectual debt to his work. I have had the great privilege of being his student at Cambridge back in the early 1980s while I was writing my doctoral thesis on He Xiu and the Later Han “jinwen jingxue վ֮ᆖᖂ.” Along with his vast ۶ٖ knowledge about the Han period, he has kept giving me much more over the years: his unfailing support, his human warmth, and wisdom. All this, alas, has not transformed me into what I ought to have be- come: a disciple worthy of the master. The few general considerations I am about to submit about what it meant to be a ru ᕢ in the Han pe- riod call forth an immediate analogy. I would tend to view myself as a “vulgar ru,” as opposed to authentic ones such as the great sinologists who have taught me. Jacques Gernet, who is also one of them, asked me once half teas- ingly whether one could actually talk about an existing Confucianism as early as the Han. His opinion was that what is commonly called Neo-Confucianism from the Song onwards should actually be consid- ered as the earliest form of Confucianism. Conversely, in an article on ᆖ, Michael Nylan and Nathan Sivinخ֜ Yang Xiong’s ཆႂ Taixuan jing described the new syntheses of beliefs prevalent among leading think- ers of the Han as “the first Neo-Confucianism,”1 meaning that “what sinologists call the ‘Confucianism’ of that time decisively rejected cru- cial parts of ‘Confucius’s Way.’ Its revisionism is as great in scope as that of the Song.”2 I here thank the anonymous referees for their critical remarks on my paper and apologize for failing, due to lack of time and availability, to make all the necessary revisions. -
Daily Life for the Common People of China, 1850 to 1950
Daily Life for the Common People of China, 1850 to 1950 Ronald Suleski - 978-90-04-36103-4 Downloaded from Brill.com04/05/2019 09:12:12AM via free access China Studies published for the institute for chinese studies, university of oxford Edited by Micah Muscolino (University of Oxford) volume 39 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/chs Ronald Suleski - 978-90-04-36103-4 Downloaded from Brill.com04/05/2019 09:12:12AM via free access Ronald Suleski - 978-90-04-36103-4 Downloaded from Brill.com04/05/2019 09:12:12AM via free access Ronald Suleski - 978-90-04-36103-4 Downloaded from Brill.com04/05/2019 09:12:12AM via free access Daily Life for the Common People of China, 1850 to 1950 Understanding Chaoben Culture By Ronald Suleski leiden | boston Ronald Suleski - 978-90-04-36103-4 Downloaded from Brill.com04/05/2019 09:12:12AM via free access This is an open access title distributed under the terms of the prevailing cc-by-nc License at the time of publication, which permits any non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author(s) and source are credited. An electronic version of this book is freely available, thanks to the support of libraries working with Knowledge Unlatched. More information about the initiative can be found at www.knowledgeunlatched.org. Cover Image: Chaoben Covers. Photo by author. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Suleski, Ronald Stanley, author. Title: Daily life for the common people of China, 1850 to 1950 : understanding Chaoben culture / By Ronald Suleski. -
Alexus Mcleod
Alexus McLeod Assistant Professor University of Connecticut Department of Philosophy, Asian and Asian-American Studies Institute Storrs, CT, 06269-1054 office: Manchester Hall; cell: 860-987-8307 email: [email protected] websites: http://unpolishedjade.wordpress.com, http://colostate.academia.edu/AlexusMcLeod, Employment: University of Connecticut, Storrs, CT, USA Assistant Professor, Department of Philosophy, Asian and Asian American Studies Institute 2016- Colorado State University, Fort Collins, CO, USA Assistant Professor, Department of Philosophy 2014-2016 University of Dayton, Dayton, OH, USA Assistant Professor, Department of Philosophy 2009-2014 Education: University of Connecticut, PhD, Philosophy May 2009 (Advisor: Joel Kupperman) Dissertation: Moral Personhood in Confucius and Aristotle University of Oklahoma, MA, Philosophy May 2005 MA Thesis: Self-Knowledge and Buddhist Eliminative Reductionism University of Maryland, BA, Philosophy with honors, Phi Beta Kappa December 2002 Areas of specialization: Chinese Philosophy (esp. Pre-Qin through Eastern Han) Comparative Philosophy Areas of competence: Mesoamerican Philosophy (esp. Maya) Indian Philosophy (esp. Advaita Vedanta, Buddhist ethics and metaphysics) Metaphysics CV―Alexus McLeod, Pg. 1 Publications: [Books]: The Philosophy of the Ancient Maya: Lords of Time, Lexington Books (forthcoming, 2016) Theories of Truth in Chinese Philosophy: A Comparative Approach, Rowman and Littlefield International (December 2015) Astronomy in the Ancient World: Early and Modern Views on Celestial Events, Springer (2016) Understanding Asian Philosophy: Ethics in the Analects, Zhuangzi, Dhammapada, and Bhagavad Gita, Bloomsbury (November 2014) The Bloomsbury Research Handbook of Early Chinese Ethics and Political Philosophy; Bloomsbury (forthcoming, 2017) [Articles]: “Xunzi and Mimamsa on the Source and Ground of Ritual: An Analogical Argument”, Philosophy East and West (forthcoming, 2018) “The Role of Anxiety in the Zhuangzi, Indian, and Hellenistic Philosophy”, in McLeod, ed. -
Pluralism About Truth in Early Chinese Philosophy: a Reflection on Wang Chong’S Approach
Comparative Philosophy Volume 2, No. 1 (2011): 38-60 Open Access / ISSN 2151-6014 www.comparativephilosophy.org PLURALISM ABOUT TRUTH IN EARLY CHINESE PHILOSOPHY: A REFLECTION ON WANG CHONG’S APPROACH ALEXUS MCLEOD ABSTRACT: The debate concerning truth in Classical Chinese philosophy has for the most part avoided the possibility that pluralist theories of truth were part of the classical philosophical framework. I argue that the Eastern Han philosopher Wang Chong (c. 25-100 CE) can be profitably read as endorsing a kind of pluralism about truth grounded in the concept of shi 實, or “actuality”. In my exploration of this view, I explain how it offers a different account of the truth of moral and non-moral statements, while still retaining the univocality of the concept of truth (that is, that the concept amounts to more than the expression of a disjunction of various truth properties), by connecting shi with normative and descriptive facts about how humans appraise statements. In addition to providing insight into pluralist views of truth in early China, the unique pluralist view implicit in Wang’s work can help solve problems with contemporary pluralist theories of truth. Keywords: Wang Chong, alethic pluralism, truth, Classical Chinese Philosophy, Han dynasty, truth in early China, metaphysics, actuality, shi-fei, shi-xu There has been a great deal of discussion about whether early (pre-Buddhist) Chinese philosophers had a concept of truth. Much of this debate has been weighed down by the problematic assumption that the property expressed by the predicate ‘is true’, (or by any predicate in Chinese that roughly corresponds to the predicate in English ‘is true’) is something like correspondence between truth-apt propositions and “states-of- affairs”, and that any candidate concept in early Chinese philosophy for “truth” thus must express such a property. -
Persistent Misconceptions About Chinese “Legalism” Paul R
Persistent Misconceptions about Chinese “Legalism” Paul R. Goldin The reasons for avoiding the term “legalism” in the study of classical Chinese philosophy were summarized years ago by Herrlee G. Creel, 1 and most scholars would probably agree, if pressed, that the term is flawed, and yet one continues to find it deployed in published books and articles—almost as though no one is prepared to admit that it has to be abandoned. 2 I believe that “legalism” is virtually useless as a hermeneutic lens; indeed, in many contexts it obscures more than it clarifies. Even as a bibliographical category, as it was frequently used in imperial times, its value is questionable. In the following pages, I shall first review the weaknesses of the term “legalism,” then ask why scholars persist in adopting it even though they can hardly be unaware of its defects, and finally suggest a better approach to the material that is conventionally categorized as “legalist.” * * * “Legalism” is an imprecise Sinological translation of the Chinese term fajia 法家 . 1 “The fa-chia : ‘Legalists’ or ‘Administrators’?” (1961), reprinted in Creel’s What Is Taoism? and Other Studies in Chinese Cultural History (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1970), 92-120. It should be noted that in his earlier publications, such as Chinese Thought from Confucius to Mao Tse-tung (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1953), Creel seemed comfortable with the term. 2 Lest readers suppose that I am arguing against a straw man, consider the following titles, published just since 2000, using the term “Legalism” (or some cognate): Roger Boesche, “Han Feizi’s Legalism versus Kautilya’s Arthashastra ,” Asian Philosophy 15.2 (2005), 157-72; idem , “Kautilya’s Arthashastra and the Legalism of Lord Shang,” Journal of Asian History 42.1 (2008), 64-90; Hans van Ess, “Éducation classique, éducation légiste sous les Han,” in Education et instruction en Chine , ed. -
Rethinking Chinese Kinship in the Han and the Six Dynasties: a Preliminary Observation
part 1 volume xxiii • academia sinica • taiwan • 2010 INSTITUTE OF HISTORY AND PHILOLOGY third series asia major • third series • volume xxiii • part 1 • 2010 rethinking chinese kinship hou xudong 侯旭東 translated and edited by howard l. goodman Rethinking Chinese Kinship in the Han and the Six Dynasties: A Preliminary Observation n the eyes of most sinologists and Chinese scholars generally, even I most everyday Chinese, the dominant social organization during imperial China was patrilineal descent groups (often called PDG; and in Chinese usually “zongzu 宗族”),1 whatever the regional differences between south and north China. Particularly after the systematization of Maurice Freedman in the 1950s and 1960s, this view, as a stereo- type concerning China, has greatly affected the West’s understanding of the Chinese past. Meanwhile, most Chinese also wear the same PDG- focused glasses, even if the background from which they arrive at this view differs from the West’s. Recently like Patricia B. Ebrey, P. Steven Sangren, and James L. Watson have tried to challenge the prevailing idea from diverse perspectives.2 Some have proven that PDG proper did not appear until the Song era (in other words, about the eleventh century). Although they have confirmed that PDG was a somewhat later institution, the actual underlying view remains the same as before. Ebrey and Watson, for example, indicate: “Many basic kinship prin- ciples and practices continued with only minor changes from the Han through the Ch’ing dynasties.”3 In other words, they assume a certain continuity of paternally linked descent before and after the Song, and insist that the Chinese possessed such a tradition at least from the Han 1 This article will use both “PDG” and “zongzu” rather than try to formalize one term or one English translation. -
Conversion by the Book
The University of Manchester Research Conversion by the Book Document Version Final published version Link to publication record in Manchester Research Explorer Citation for published version (APA): Scott, G. (2013). Conversion by the Book: Buddhist Print Culture in Early Republican China. Citing this paper Please note that where the full-text provided on Manchester Research Explorer is the Author Accepted Manuscript or Proof version this may differ from the final Published version. If citing, it is advised that you check and use the publisher's definitive version. General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the Research Explorer are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Takedown policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please refer to the University of Manchester’s Takedown Procedures [http://man.ac.uk/04Y6Bo] or contact [email protected] providing relevant details, so we can investigate your claim. Download date:07. Oct. 2021 Conversion by the Book: Buddhist Print Culture in Early Republican China Gregory Adam Scott Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2013 © 2013 Gregory Adam Scott All Rights Reserved This work may be used under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Unported License. For more information about that license, see http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/. For other uses, please contact the author.