Brief Review of the Philosophical Thought of Wang Fu In
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The Cultural and Religious Background of Sexual Vampirism in Ancient China
Theology & Sexuality Volume 12(3): 285-308 Copyright © 2006 SAGE Publications London, Thousand Oaks CA, New Delhi http://TSE.sagepub.com DOI: 10.1177/1355835806065383 The Cultural and Religious Background of Sexual Vampirism in Ancient China Paul R. Goldin [email protected] Abstract This paper considers sexual macrobiotic techniques of ancient China in their cultural and religious milieu, focusing on the text known as Secret Instructions ofthe Jade Bedchamber, which explains how the Spirit Mother of the West, originally an ordinary human being like anyone else, devoured the life force of numerous young boys by copulating with them, and there- by transformed herself into a famed goddess. Although many previous studies of Chinese sexuality have highlighted such methods (the noted historian R.H. van Gulik was the first to refer to them as 'sexual vampirism'), it has rarely been asked why learned and intelligent people of the past took them seriously. The inquiry here, by considering some of the most common ancient criticisms of these practices, concludes that practitioners did not regard decay as an inescapable characteristic of matter; consequently it was widely believed that, if the cosmic processes were correctly under- stood, one could devise techniques that may forestall senectitude indefinitely. Keywords: sexual vampirism, macrobiotics, sex practices, Chinese religion, qi, Daoism Secret Instructions ofthe Jade Bedchamber {Yufang bijue S Ml^^) is a macro- biotic manual, aimed at men of leisure wealthy enough to own harems, outlining a regimen of sexual exercises that is supposed to confer immor- tality if practiced over a sufficient period. The original work is lost, but substantial fragments of it have been preserved in Ishimpo B'O:^, a Japanese chrestomathy of Chinese medical texts compiled by Tamba Yasuyori ^MMU (912-995) in 982. -
The Qin/Han Unification of China Course Description in Geography
Hum 230 Fall 2016 The Qin/Han Unification of China Course description In geography and cultural advances, the Qin and Han dynasties surpassed their predecessors, and together they number among the world’s greatest empires. This course examines their heritage through a selection of primary texts including the Confucian Analects, the enigmatic Dao de Jing, the cosmological Book of Changes, and the historical narrative tradition of Sima Qian’s Shi Ji. It samples cultural expression ranging from the poetic discourse of rhapsodies and pentasyllabic verse to the religious endeavors manifested in funerary artifacts. Alongside textual studies, this course explores the Han’s physical remains, including the ruins of its capitals, the Wu Liang shrine, and its important tombs. The Qin/Han portrays itself as a territorial, political, and cultural unifier, and it sets the benchmark against which all later dynasties must measure themselves. Course requirements 1. Reading and pondering all assigned readings before conferences. This will include regularly writing reading responses, discussion questions, poetic analyses, visual exploratories, and the like. 2. Attending all conferences, including regular, active and substantive conference participation. 3. Attending all lectures (which also means keeping 11:00-11:50 a.m. open on Wednesdays and Fridays for additional lectures or activities). All lectures meet in the Performing Arts Building, Rm 320, 11:00-11:50. 4. Three short (5-7 pages) analytical papers; deadlines & format will be set by conference leaders. 5. One group project; parameters to be established by individual conference leaders. Faculty Ken Brashier Conference leader ETC 203 x 7377 Alexei Ditter Lecturer E 423 x 7422 Douglas Fix Lecturer E 423 x 7422 Jing Jiang Chair E 119 x 7376 Hyong Rhew Lecturer E 122 x 7392 Michelle Wang Conference leader Lib 323 x 7730 Required texts Lewis, Mark E. -
The Heritage of Non-Theistic Belief in China
The Heritage of Non-theistic Belief in China Joseph A. Adler Kenyon College Presented to the international conference, "Toward a Reasonable World: The Heritage of Western Humanism, Skepticism, and Freethought" (San Diego, September 2011) Naturalism and humanism have long histories in China, side-by-side with a long history of theistic belief. In this paper I will first sketch the early naturalistic and humanistic traditions in Chinese thought. I will then focus on the synthesis of these perspectives in Neo-Confucian religious thought. I will argue that these forms of non-theistic belief should be considered aspects of Chinese religion, not a separate realm of philosophy. Confucianism, in other words, is a fully religious humanism, not a "secular humanism." The religion of China has traditionally been characterized as having three major strands, the "three religions" (literally "three teachings" or san jiao) of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism. Buddhism, of course, originated in India in the 5th century BCE and first began to take root in China in the 1st century CE, so in terms of early Chinese thought it is something of a latecomer. Confucianism and Daoism began to take shape between the 5th and 3rd centuries BCE. But these traditions developed in the context of Chinese "popular religion" (also called folk religion or local religion), which may be considered a fourth strand of Chinese religion. And until the early 20th century there was yet a fifth: state religion, or the "state cult," which had close relations very early with both Daoism and Confucianism, but after the 2nd century BCE became associated primarily (but loosely) with Confucianism. -
The Old Master
INTRODUCTION Four main characteristics distinguish this book from other translations of Laozi. First, the base of my translation is the oldest existing edition of Laozi. It was excavated in 1973 from a tomb located in Mawangdui, the city of Changsha, Hunan Province of China, and is usually referred to as Text A of the Mawangdui Laozi because it is the older of the two texts of Laozi unearthed from it.1 Two facts prove that the text was written before 202 bce, when the first emperor of the Han dynasty began to rule over the entire China: it does not follow the naming taboo of the Han dynasty;2 its handwriting style is close to the seal script that was prevalent in the Qin dynasty (221–206 bce). Second, I have incorporated the recent archaeological discovery of Laozi-related documents, disentombed in 1993 in Jishan District’s tomb complex in the village of Guodian, near the city of Jingmen, Hubei Province of China. These documents include three bundles of bamboo slips written in the Chu script and contain passages related to the extant Laozi.3 Third, I have made extensive use of old commentaries on Laozi to provide the most comprehensive interpretations possible of each passage. Finally, I have examined myriad Chinese classic texts that are closely associated with the formation of Laozi, such as Zhuangzi, Lüshi Chunqiu (Spring and Autumn Annals of Mr. Lü), Han Feizi, and Huainanzi, to understand the intellectual and historical context of Laozi’s ideas. In addition to these characteristics, this book introduces several new interpretations of Laozi. -
Mirror, Death, and Rhetoric: Reading Later Han Chinese Bronze Artifacts Author(S): Eugene Yuejin Wang Source: the Art Bulletin, Vol
Mirror, Death, and Rhetoric: Reading Later Han Chinese Bronze Artifacts Author(s): Eugene Yuejin Wang Source: The Art Bulletin, Vol. 76, No. 3, (Sep., 1994), pp. 511-534 Published by: College Art Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3046042 Accessed: 17/04/2008 11:17 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=caa. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We enable the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. http://www.jstor.org Mirror, Death, and Rhetoric: Reading Later Han Chinese Bronze Artifacts Eugene Yuejin Wang a 1 Jian (looking/mirror), stages of development of ancient ideograph (adapted from Zhongwendazzdian [Encyclopedic dictionary of the Chinese language], Taipei, 1982, vi, 9853) History as Mirror: Trope and Artifact people. -
The Later Han Empire (25-220CE) & Its Northwestern Frontier
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2012 Dynamics of Disintegration: The Later Han Empire (25-220CE) & Its Northwestern Frontier Wai Kit Wicky Tse University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Asian History Commons, Asian Studies Commons, and the Military History Commons Recommended Citation Tse, Wai Kit Wicky, "Dynamics of Disintegration: The Later Han Empire (25-220CE) & Its Northwestern Frontier" (2012). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 589. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/589 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/589 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Dynamics of Disintegration: The Later Han Empire (25-220CE) & Its Northwestern Frontier Abstract As a frontier region of the Qin-Han (221BCE-220CE) empire, the northwest was a new territory to the Chinese realm. Until the Later Han (25-220CE) times, some portions of the northwestern region had only been part of imperial soil for one hundred years. Its coalescence into the Chinese empire was a product of long-term expansion and conquest, which arguably defined the egionr 's military nature. Furthermore, in the harsh natural environment of the region, only tough people could survive, and unsurprisingly, the region fostered vigorous warriors. Mixed culture and multi-ethnicity featured prominently in this highly militarized frontier society, which contrasted sharply with the imperial center that promoted unified cultural values and stood in the way of a greater degree of transregional integration. As this project shows, it was the northwesterners who went through a process of political peripheralization during the Later Han times played a harbinger role of the disintegration of the empire and eventually led to the breakdown of the early imperial system in Chinese history. -
Cheng, Prefinal2.Indd
ru in han times anne cheng What Did It Mean to Be a Ru in Han Times? his paper is not meant to break new ground, but essentially to pay T homage| to Michael Loewe. All those who have touched upon Han studies must acknowledge an immense intellectual debt to his work. I have had the great privilege of being his student at Cambridge back in the early 1980s while I was writing my doctoral thesis on He Xiu and the Later Han “jinwen jingxue վ֮ᆖᖂ.” Along with his vast ۶ٖ knowledge about the Han period, he has kept giving me much more over the years: his unfailing support, his human warmth, and wisdom. All this, alas, has not transformed me into what I ought to have be- come: a disciple worthy of the master. The few general considerations I am about to submit about what it meant to be a ru ᕢ in the Han pe- riod call forth an immediate analogy. I would tend to view myself as a “vulgar ru,” as opposed to authentic ones such as the great sinologists who have taught me. Jacques Gernet, who is also one of them, asked me once half teas- ingly whether one could actually talk about an existing Confucianism as early as the Han. His opinion was that what is commonly called Neo-Confucianism from the Song onwards should actually be consid- ered as the earliest form of Confucianism. Conversely, in an article on ᆖ, Michael Nylan and Nathan Sivinخ֜ Yang Xiong’s ཆႂ Taixuan jing described the new syntheses of beliefs prevalent among leading think- ers of the Han as “the first Neo-Confucianism,”1 meaning that “what sinologists call the ‘Confucianism’ of that time decisively rejected cru- cial parts of ‘Confucius’s Way.’ Its revisionism is as great in scope as that of the Song.”2 I here thank the anonymous referees for their critical remarks on my paper and apologize for failing, due to lack of time and availability, to make all the necessary revisions. -
Alexus Mcleod
Alexus McLeod Assistant Professor University of Connecticut Department of Philosophy, Asian and Asian-American Studies Institute Storrs, CT, 06269-1054 office: Manchester Hall; cell: 860-987-8307 email: [email protected] websites: http://unpolishedjade.wordpress.com, http://colostate.academia.edu/AlexusMcLeod, Employment: University of Connecticut, Storrs, CT, USA Assistant Professor, Department of Philosophy, Asian and Asian American Studies Institute 2016- Colorado State University, Fort Collins, CO, USA Assistant Professor, Department of Philosophy 2014-2016 University of Dayton, Dayton, OH, USA Assistant Professor, Department of Philosophy 2009-2014 Education: University of Connecticut, PhD, Philosophy May 2009 (Advisor: Joel Kupperman) Dissertation: Moral Personhood in Confucius and Aristotle University of Oklahoma, MA, Philosophy May 2005 MA Thesis: Self-Knowledge and Buddhist Eliminative Reductionism University of Maryland, BA, Philosophy with honors, Phi Beta Kappa December 2002 Areas of specialization: Chinese Philosophy (esp. Pre-Qin through Eastern Han) Comparative Philosophy Areas of competence: Mesoamerican Philosophy (esp. Maya) Indian Philosophy (esp. Advaita Vedanta, Buddhist ethics and metaphysics) Metaphysics CV―Alexus McLeod, Pg. 1 Publications: [Books]: The Philosophy of the Ancient Maya: Lords of Time, Lexington Books (forthcoming, 2016) Theories of Truth in Chinese Philosophy: A Comparative Approach, Rowman and Littlefield International (December 2015) Astronomy in the Ancient World: Early and Modern Views on Celestial Events, Springer (2016) Understanding Asian Philosophy: Ethics in the Analects, Zhuangzi, Dhammapada, and Bhagavad Gita, Bloomsbury (November 2014) The Bloomsbury Research Handbook of Early Chinese Ethics and Political Philosophy; Bloomsbury (forthcoming, 2017) [Articles]: “Xunzi and Mimamsa on the Source and Ground of Ritual: An Analogical Argument”, Philosophy East and West (forthcoming, 2018) “The Role of Anxiety in the Zhuangzi, Indian, and Hellenistic Philosophy”, in McLeod, ed. -
Wang Fu's “Qian Fu Theory” Inheriting and Developing Han Fei's Thought
2020 3rd International Workshop on Advances in Social Sciences (IWASS 2020) Wang Fu's “Qian Fu Theory” Inheriting and Developing Han Fei's Thought Chen Lin, Ma Shinian* Lanzhou, Northwest Normal University, 730010, China *Corresponding Author Keywords: Han fei, Wang fu, Ideological inheritance, Ideological development Abstract: Han Fei is a master of legalist thought, and Wang Fu is one of the most representative thinkers in the Eastern Han Dynasty. Because of the great similarity of the characteristics of the times they lived in, Wang Fu absorbed Han Fei's thoughts of rule of law and the art of governing the officials in order to save the country and the people, enrich the country and strengthen the army, and directly inherited and integrated them into his Confucianism based ideological system. At the same time, it can be seen that in terms of the theory of human nature, the shaping of human nature advocated by Wang Fu is a development of Han Fei's view of human nature seeking benefits and avoiding disadvantages. In the aspect of national education, the combination of morality and punishment is the development of Han Fei's teaching by law. On the economic front, 100 businesses were originally the development of Korea's non-agricultural business philosophy. 1. Introduction Wang Fu is one of the most representative Confucian scholars in the Eastern Han Dynasty. However, Wang Jipei, a scholar in the Qing Dynasty, pointed out: “He learned to compromise confucius, but he also dabbled in the name of Shen Shang, Hanfei, and did not become a pure confucius.” It can be found by carefully reading the text of Qian Fu theory that words such as “law”, “punishment”, “reward” and “punishment” appear frequently, while Wang continues to cultivate and annotate “Qian Fu theory”, citing the secondary data of Han Feizi, Mr. -
Study on the Rise and Fall of the Duyi Fu and Geography Record of the Pre-Tang Dynasty and the Mutual Influence
2017 International Conference on Social Sciences, Arts and Humanities (SSAH 2017) Study on the Rise and Fall of the Duyi Fu and Geography Record of the Pre-Tang Dynasty and The Mutual Influence Tongen Li College of Chinese Language and Literature of Northwest Normal University, Lanzhou, Gansu, 730070 Keywords: The Duyi Fu, The Geography Record, The Earthly Consciousness, The Literariness, The Mutual Influence Abstract. There are two important regional works in the Tang Dynasty. As an important subject of Fu literature, it has a close relationship with the flourishing period of the Wei, Jin and Southern and Northern Dynasties. Both have a common origin, but also has a different development track; both self-contained, but also mutual influence. The artistic nature of the city and the nature of the material are permeated with each other, and the development and new changes are promoted. Introduction Duyi Fu, including Jingdu Fu and Yi Ju Fu, began in the Western Han Dynasty, to Yang Xiong "Shu Du Fu" as the earliest. Xiao Tong "anthology" received more than 90 articles, divided into 15 categories, the first category of "Kyoto", income 8; Li Fang and others compiled "Wen Yuan Yinghua" sub-43, "Kyoto" Yi "in the head; Chen Yuan-long series of" calendar Fu "column" city "head, a total of 10 volumes of 70 articles. Duyi Fu mainly revolves around the geography, politics, culture and social life of the metropolis,used for singing praises of the emperor and boast of their homelands, with obvious geographical characteristics. Geography Record also known as the geography, geography or geography book, "Sui Shu · books catalogue" called it "geography". -
Pluralism About Truth in Early Chinese Philosophy: a Reflection on Wang Chong’S Approach
Comparative Philosophy Volume 2, No. 1 (2011): 38-60 Open Access / ISSN 2151-6014 www.comparativephilosophy.org PLURALISM ABOUT TRUTH IN EARLY CHINESE PHILOSOPHY: A REFLECTION ON WANG CHONG’S APPROACH ALEXUS MCLEOD ABSTRACT: The debate concerning truth in Classical Chinese philosophy has for the most part avoided the possibility that pluralist theories of truth were part of the classical philosophical framework. I argue that the Eastern Han philosopher Wang Chong (c. 25-100 CE) can be profitably read as endorsing a kind of pluralism about truth grounded in the concept of shi 實, or “actuality”. In my exploration of this view, I explain how it offers a different account of the truth of moral and non-moral statements, while still retaining the univocality of the concept of truth (that is, that the concept amounts to more than the expression of a disjunction of various truth properties), by connecting shi with normative and descriptive facts about how humans appraise statements. In addition to providing insight into pluralist views of truth in early China, the unique pluralist view implicit in Wang’s work can help solve problems with contemporary pluralist theories of truth. Keywords: Wang Chong, alethic pluralism, truth, Classical Chinese Philosophy, Han dynasty, truth in early China, metaphysics, actuality, shi-fei, shi-xu There has been a great deal of discussion about whether early (pre-Buddhist) Chinese philosophers had a concept of truth. Much of this debate has been weighed down by the problematic assumption that the property expressed by the predicate ‘is true’, (or by any predicate in Chinese that roughly corresponds to the predicate in English ‘is true’) is something like correspondence between truth-apt propositions and “states-of- affairs”, and that any candidate concept in early Chinese philosophy for “truth” thus must express such a property. -
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International Conference on Education, Sports, Arts and Management Engineering (ICESAME 2016) Analysis of the Characteristics of “A Treatise on the Latent Man” Structure Arrangement Jiang Zefeng (Department of Ideological and Political Theory Teaching, Tonghua Normal University, Jilin Tonghua 134002) Keywords: A Treatise on the Latent Man; Structure Arrangement; Characteristics Abstract. The book writing formats and the overall arrangement of “A Treatise on the Latent Man” have embodied Wang Fu’s elaborate design. Its design of fore and aft chapters clearly has the shadow of “Syun Zih”, “Historical Records”, “Han History”. The division of its volume numbers is greatly influenced by the “Zhouyi” theories. The book each chapter content is connected with Wang Fu’s life experiences and presents a tendency from the shallower to the deeper. Article writing format Structured On the writing format, the first step is putting forward the thesis, and then theoretically illustrating and demonstrating them, afterwards quoting the current affairs, listing phenomenons and criticizing, finally drawing the conclusion. The whole book of “A Treatise on the Latent Man”, except for a few articles, basically belongs to the political in nature. In order to illustrate this viewpoint, I take "Real tribute" article as an example. A.A country will become prosperity due to the worthy persons and decline because of the adulatory persons. A monarch will be safe because of the loyalministers and become dangerous because of courtiers.… How can you say no loyal army patriotic people of integrity?It is clear that they can not get to play. B.Within walking distance of ten step, you will find to the lush grass; In a small city, within the only ten households, you will find handsome talents.