ASIATISCHE FORSCHUNGEN Time and Ritual in Early China MONOGRAPHIENREIHE ZUR GESCHICHTE, KULTUR UND SPRACHE DER VÖLKER OST- UND ZENTRALASIENS Edited by Xiaobing Wang-Riese and Thomas 0 . Höllmann Begründet von Walther Heissig

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For further informacion ab out our publishing program consulc our websice http://www.harrassowicz-verlag.de © Occo Hat-rassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden 2009 This work, including all of its parts, is protected by copyright. Any use beyend ehe Iimits of copyright law wichout ehe permission of ehe publisher is forbidden and subject co penalty. This applies particularly co reproductions, translations, microfilms and scorage and processing in electronic systems. Primedon permanent/durable paper. Priming and binding: Memminger MedienCentrum AG Princed in Germany ISSN 0571-320X ISBN 978-3-447-06106-3 Contents

Introduction ...... 9

Edward L. Shaughnessy Lunar-Aspect Termsand the Calend ar of Ch.ina's Western Zhöu Period ...... 15 Ken-ichi Takashi ma Dsl 5'Rt8: A Reconstruction of the n Sacrifice and the Sl Ritual in Ancient China...... 33 Liu Yuan Sacrificial R.ites for Allcestors during the Shäng and Zhöu Dynasties ...... 69 Robert H. Gassmann Two Types of Ancestors. A Note on Xii10 ~ in Eastem Zhöu Times ...... 93 Liu Xueshun No n-Linear Development of Early Chinese Calendars ...... 115 Maria K.hayutina The Royal Year-Count of the Western Zhöu Dynasty (1045-771 BC) and Its Use(r)s. A Sociological Perspective ...... 125 Liu U:x.ian Camparisan of the Chü and the Qin Art of Se1ection. A Study Basedon Excavated Documents ...... 153 Xiaobing Wang-R.iese Conceptions of Future in Early China ...... 169

Bib1iography ...... : ...... 189

Index ...... 205

Conlributors and Editors ...... 209 124 Liu Xueshun the same rate. For instance, although the calendar of the State Lu experienced the transition from year-end to in-year intercalation during that period, as discussed above, it appears that this transition did not happen to the calendar of the State Qfn­ as evidenced by the Qfn bamboo strips in section four of this paper. It is thus The Royal Year-Count of the Western Zhöu Dynasty understandable that, when the First Emperor unified China and made the calendar of (1045-771 BC) and Its Use(r)s Qfn official in order to establish his authority over the Chinese people, year-end intercalation inevitab!y became the standard method of intercalation again. Clearly, A Sociological Perspective the second transition fai!ed for the same reasons as the first one. Maria Khayutina Conclusion The foregoing analysis has made clear that it took three transitions of year-end to in­ year interca!ation to eventually establish the latteras a permanent feature of Chinese Of the several thousand Western Zhöu inscriptions on ritual bronze vessels, calendars. lt was not the case that once an improvement was made in one early hundreds contain some calendrical references, while only several dozens include the Chinese calendar, al! !ater calendars would follow. That was because in early China so-called "full dating formulas" specifying a year of a certain - unnamed - king, a there were independent states that used their own calendars. They did not all month, a tenn supposedly referring to the state of the moon disc, and a day of the progress at the same time. In early China, when a new dynasty was founded and a ritual sexagenarian cycle.1 These "fully-dated inscriptions" continue to be the focus new official ca!endar was issued, it certainly might be different from the previous of an ever-growing number of investigations into Western Zhöu chronology2 These one. As a result, some improvements of the previous ca!endar were abandoned. studies aim at recovering lost information about this epoch, including for instance Obviously, Chinese politics was an important factor in the development of early ·the dates of the reigns of Zhöu kings and of particular events. From this point of Chinese calendars. This reality was one reason, if not the only reason, why the view, inscriptions with incomplete dates or without dates appear h.istorically history of early Chinese calendars was not linear, as implied by S!mä Qiän and handicapped. Indeed, in our days, so much concerned with the precise measurement believed by some modern scholars. of time and exact dating of events, we m.ight naturally ask what use there could have been in dates indicating the year and the season, but not the day, or in those indicating the month and the day, but not the year. However, it is possible that during the Western Zhöu period, the "usefulness" of counting the years of the k.ings for producing mem01ies about the past did not seem self-evident to everyone. The present paper argues that the royal year-count was not established ad hoc from above as a universal means of dating events, but rather gradually won acknowledgment in the circle of royal servicemen who actively contributed to the development of new forms of documentatio~. This conclusion can be drawn from an analysis of the following issues:

l This investigation was supported by the Gerda Henkel Foundation (Gem1any). 2 Studies on the chronology of Western Zhöu history based on the analysis of calendrical references in bronze inscriptions published in Chineseare very numerous. The most recent ones include Zhü Fenghan & Zhang R6ngmfng 1998; Li Xw:!qfn 1999; Wang Shlmfn et al. 1999; Du Yöng 2002; Dewall 1965; Nivison 1983; Pankenier 1981-82 & 1992; Shaughnessy 1991, pp. 134-155, 217-287. See also the paper by Edward L. Shaughnessy in the present volume. Despite the efforts of so many distinguished scholars, the chronology of the reigns of the Western Zhöu kings before 841 BC has not yet been unambiguously reconstructed. I refrain from engaging myself in this debate, but use the periodization of Western Zhöu history proposed by David Nivison and Edward L. Shaughnessy (cf. Shaughnessy 1991, pp. 284-285) for the sake of consistency. 126 Mruia K11ayutina The Royal Year-Count of the Western Zhöu Dynasty (1045-771 BC) and lts Use(r)s 127

1. How was the concept "year" used in bronze inscriptions? In his paper, published in the present volume, Edward L. Shaughnessy provides 2. What kinds of events were dated using the year-count? several examples of "fully-dated inscriptions". In comparison, dating formulas in 3. Who used the year-count of the Zhöu kings and for which purposes? other inscriptions are often incomplete, i.e. they lack one or more of the four 4. How did growing acknowledgment of the royal year-count among Zhöu elites components (day, sub-period of month, month number, year number), as in the correlate with changes in Western Zhöu society? example below:

The concept of "year" in Western Zhöu bronze inscriptions ~+x-~m~~$. ~~•. ~~~m. m~•~~~~Y~~~ [~+}\.]. The concept of "year" in Western Zhöu bronze inscriptions was expressed using two "In the eleventh month, first auspiciousness, day jiiishen, the king was in words: nidn ~ and si iiiE. Nidn originally sign.ified "harvest". By extension, it Hua. The King gave Mlng a deer. [Mlng] used this opportunity to cast this gained the meaning "year" as "the time required for a 'harvest"'.3 Si referred to the treasured venerated [vessel]. Mlng will eternally us e this tureen in order to regular annual sacrifices to ancestral spirits performed in auturnn, i.e. after harvest4 feast h.is many friends". 6 Thus, both concepts were related to the process of agricultural production, wh.i1e the second was also related to the liturgical cycle. Both words were used in dating This inscription appears on the tureen Ming guz from the Early period of the formulas. Starting from the Middle period, nidn began to predom.inate, so that Western Zhöu 7 It only indicates the number of the month, the sub-period of the during the Late period si virtually went out of use. Only kings themselves continued month, and the day. Even if the reign dates of early Zhöu kings were known for sure, to use si as a word for "year" as a measure of time, into the Late Western Zhöu it would be difficult to find out during which reign th.is event took place, as this period5 dating formula does not provide the mrmber of the king's year. Both nidn and si were used for counting years of the king and dating events. At the same time, only one of them, nidn, formed part of the expression "ten thousand 3 Cf. Wieger 1965,24 d. See also Karlgren 1957, Nr. 364 a-d. years" (wizn nidn ;Y:!;"f.), which appeared not in the dating formula but in the other 4 Cf. Karlgren 1957, Nr. 967 d-h. The Zhöu adopted the term si from the Shäng where it refen·ed structural division of the ritual inscription: the "dedication".8 Such dedications were to a sacrificial period wlüch, as Feng Shf has argued, was not egual to the astrononücal year (cf. Feng Shi 1996, pp. 38-40; Olga Gorodetskaya has recently used the example of Shäng bronze concerned with the future usage of the ritual objects aim.ing at securing reproduction 9 inscriptions comnüssioned by X Qf !0[JJ3;and dated with 2th, 4th and 6th si (Hc/uing #5412, of the lineage's welfare and posterity. The Lidng Qf dzng from the Late period is an 115413 , 115414) to demonstrate tl1at the si period could be even Ionger than one year (cf. Guö example of a compact inscription with both dating formula and dedication: Jlngyun [Gorodetskaya, Olga) 2008). For si as a sacrificial ritual, seealso the paper by Ken-ichi Takashima in the present volume. However, in Wesrem Zhöu insc1iptions, si is usually ~~~m~~$. ~~~-~. m•~~~m~. m~~m. m s ~ understood as "year". m. ~~~ffn, ~~~~~ . ~~~~~. ~~~~~~~m. 5 Theseare Ht.i zhi5ng ~E! and I-hi gu[ ~ (J{c/uing #358, #4317), comnüssioned by King Li (857-842 BC). Schalars agree lhat the personal name written in these texts as ~ should be read as Hu ;5Jl, which was the name of King U as referred to in traditional sources (cf. !Vlu placing of the dating formula at the end of the inscription. Häitfng & Zhü Jieyuan 1983; Shaughnessy 1991, p. 169-172). The third inscription attributed 6 Ming gu[ rfn1f!. Hcluing #4112. to the Late Period by the authors of the f{c/uing that also uses the word si is the Hi5ng!XLin gu{ 7 The bronze vessels listed in the J{clu!ng used for the quantitative analysis of inscriptions are i] ! § ~ ß: (J!cheng #4321). Basedon this inscription's content, its author Höng (or Xun) may be dated to one of the three periods of the Western Zhöu, based both on artistic c1iteria and on the identified as a descendant and probably son of Sh! Yöu, who composed the inscription on the content of the inscriptions. The 274 years of Western Zhöu history are conventionally Shl Yöu gu! ~ifiiill ll (}{cluing 114288). Guö Moruo argued that the Hi5ng!Xtin gu! was a Late subdivided into three periods: Early (King Wii to King Zhäo, 1045-957 BC), Middle (King !Vlu Western Zhöu vessel dating to the time of King Xuän. Assunüng that Sh! Yöu was Xun's to King Yl, 956-858 BC), and Late (King Ll to King Yöu, 857 to 771 BC). If the dates of some father, he acknowledged lhat the Shf Yöu gul, which he had previously regarded as dating to the "fully-dated inscriptions" can be located on the absolute timeline, the age of most of the bronze reign of King Yl (899/97-873 BC), was probably also produced in the initial year of King Xuän vessels can only approximately be assigned to one of these tl1ree periods. lndeed, in the absence (cf. Guö Moruo, 1960: 8). However, the recent discovery of the Shl Yöu dlng with its bird­ of hard dates such periodization may not be flawless, as it is often not possible to distinguish patterned ribbon seems to reconfirm the earlier dates of Sh! Yöu's li fetime (cf. Zhü Fenghan whether a vessel belongs to the late stage of one sub-period or lo the early stage of the next sub­ 2004) and, conseguently, also of those of his son Höng/Xun. Besides, Hi5ng!XLin gu! displays period. Nevertheless, even if not perfectly accurate, this periodization helps to reveal the anistic features sinülar to those of many other tureens from the Middle Western Zhöu period dynanüc development in the representations of the authors of the inscriptions that would (e.g. Dou Bi gu! :R:f-fl li. HLi gu! JJf,'ß_, Guäi-b6 gul ~E{SJ!, Ji gui ElD'ß_). Edward L. otherwise remain disguised if we considered all the inscriptions produced during almost three Shaughnessy has even suggested a reverse father-son relationship between Sh! Yöu and Xun hundred years as a sing1e mass of data. (cf. Xia Hanyf 1999, refeiTed to in: Li Feng 2004, p.7). Thus, the attribution of the Höng!Xtin 8 For an analysis of the structure of the ritual inscriplions, cf. Shaughnessy 1991, pp. 73-84. gui to the Late Western Zhöu period needs to be reconsidered. lts earlier date explains its 9 On happiness and welfare as religious goals in ancient China, cf. Kryukov 1988; Poo Mu-chou "archaic" way of daling events, which included not only the choice of vocabulary but also the 1998. 128 Maria Khayutina The Royal Year-Count of the Western Zhöu Dynasty (1045-771 BC) and Its Use(r)s 129

"In th e fifth month, first auspiciousness, day renshen, Liang Qf made [this] Only 38 Early Zhöu inscriptions employed the year-count in their dating formulas venerated tripod. [He will] use it to sacrifice [and] to express filial piety to (19 nidn and 19 si), while in 33 cases nidn was used in dedications as part of the [h.is] august ancestors and the deceased father. [He wi ll] use it to pray for wem nicin collocation. As the occasion of the objects' manufacture (zuo) was only much happin ess, longevity without lim.it, [and] service to the [Son of?] very seldom dated, it can be understood that this action was not monumentalized as Heaven. His sons will be hundred, bis grandsans will be thousand, he will a point in the past to which one bad to return in memory in order to realize the last for ten thousand years without Iimit. His sons and grandsans will present value of the ritual object. It was the existence of the object here and now, 10 eternall y treasure and use [this vessel] . " and the future potential of its sacrificial usage (bäo) that were in the focus of the In the context of dedications, the "year"- nidn- did not function as a measure of comm.issioners. Their confidence that the sacred bronzes would be in use forever time. Rather, the count in thousands implied the "immeasurability" of time. As the and that the line of generations would last eternally was not yet shattered, and, Lidng Qf dlng demonstrates, "ten thousand years" was one of several concepts therefore, they seldom articulated how lang the future was expected to last. including yonglk ("eternally") and wt! jiäng ~~li\: ("without lim.it") that were related In contrast, during the Middle period, about half of all inscriptions prayed for to the concepts of perpetuation, infinity, and countlessness. "ten thousand years" of longevity, or for the clan's continuation for "eternity". Of 373 1 inscriptions from the Early Western Zhöu period listed in the Jfcl1eng, During the Late period such prayers were already included in 80% of inscriptions. only a tiny part employed either nidn (52) or si (19) to designate a "year"I 1 Most This dramatic change in comparison to the Early period, may reflect a growing 12 inscriptions were very short and included neither dating forrnulas nor dedications. anxiety about the future, resulting from mundane experiences when the heyday of The shortest of them only consisted of the name of the caster, a clan emblem, or a the Zhöu dynasty was over. The growing resistance of the neighbouring peoples, the name of an ancestor. Nevertheless, more than half of the inscriptions (1843) loss of the army and the death of King Zhäo during his southern campaign, as well articulated the act of manufacture of the titual object (zuo "to make"), thus as unavoidable internal controversies wirhin the ranks of the Zhöu nobility, must 1'!=, 13 emphasizing the personal contribution of the casters to the wealth of their lineages have considerably shaken the initial optim.ism of the Early period. Thus, casters of (cf. Table 1). Wealth should be understood not only in the sense of the material the Middle and Late periods did not hesitate to pray emphatically for long life for value of the beautifully worked bronzes, but ptimarily in the sense of its sacred their sacrificial bronzes, i. e. for their fam.ilies, hoping to obtain more support from potential wirhin the framework of ancestral worship. It is not by coincidence that the ancestors. An awareness of the lim.itedness of life and fortunes could also be one bäo - "treasure", combining both these connotations, was the second most of the factors leading to the Zhöu people's growing concem with measming time and frequently used concept in Early Western Zhöu inscriptions (1048). dating events. Interestingly, during the Early period, nicin as the un.it of the year-count and the same word as part of the expression wem nicin never overlapped within the same Period total zu(; fF" bäo TI yöng 7]<. wan nian wt!jiäng 14 text. During the Middle Western Zhöu, this uncertainty about the compatibility of number made treasure eternally ~4 M.~ill these two different notions of the "year" was bridged (cf. Table 2).15 ten without thousand lim.it years 12 See also Xiaobing Wang-Riese's paper on conceptions of future in Ear1y China in thi s volume. Early 3731 1843 1048 75 33 1 13 With reference to my paper, Edward Shaughnessy has pointed out that the Iack of dedications Middle 871 776 587 339 231 7 containing prayers for end1ess usage of the bronzes in the early inscriptions might be related to the fact that at that time these objects were usu ally buried in graves and thus could not be Late 1246 1136 981 966 558 128 physically used by descendants. However, the custom of burying ritual objects with the deceased originated in the idea that the existence of a person does not end at the moment of Table 1: Concepts related to production, usage and life of the bronzes death, and therefore death cannot prevent the owner from conti nuing to perform sacrifices for his ancestors and thus providing unlimited support for hi s own progeny. 14 This does not mean that the approach to time as a measurable entity was incompatible with the 10 Licing Qf dlng ~ Jt lm, J[c/ufng # 2768. idea of endless time within the same discourse, as some authors of the Early Western Zhöu 11 Thc Heileng considcrs onc vessel with an inscription as a sing1e unit. In the face of the fact that period employed the concept yöng ("eternally") in their dedications while simultaneously identical texts might have been reproduced in inscriptions on several vessels that might even referring to the year-count in the dating formulas. This restriction concemed on1y the word nicilt have been of different kinds, they appear in the Heileng as individual inscriptions. At üüs Stage itself. of my investigation, I took into consideration all inscriptions in the Hcheng, in order togainan 15 Starting from this point I refined my search criteria with respect to the data of the Jfcheng and ovcrall impression of the application of the concept "year". At a later stage, I refined my criteria considered only those texts with unique content. I hereafter call them "records", so as to and regardcd all rcp1icas as a singlc tcxt (see bclow). distinguish them from "inscriptions" that might include replicas of the same text. 130 Maria Khayutina The Royal Year-Count of the Western Zhöu Dynasty (1045-771 BC) and Its Use(r)s 131

year-dated records gradually increased during the course of time. This trend will be year (nüin or si) discussed in more detaillater in th.is paper. Period wän nidn only as time measure alone both wän nidn and "year" Most year-dates in the Western Zhöu records were based on the year-count of the Early 32 11 0 reigning Zhöu king, i.e. they identified the number of the year, but did not revea1 the Middle 135 9 20 name of the king, whici1 was probab1y tabooed: Late 259 16 37 ~~+x=~~~~m~•. ~~~.< ... > "In the twelfth year of the King, the third month, after the full moon, day Table 2: Yem· as a measm·e of time and as symbol of the immeasurable gengyfn, the King was in Zhöu < .. . >."20 Even during the Middle and Late Western Zhöu periods on1y about one fifth of the records employing the concept "year" used it in the dating formulas in order to EARL V locate the events witnessed by their authors in the stream of time, whi1e in most cases it was used in dedications to invoke the imrneasurab1e, the endless, the "ten­ thousand-year-long" continuity of the fam.ilies. Thus, of the Zhöu e1ites that were r.;a caster's personal entitled to castbronze objects and were acquainted with the "year" as a measure of aud ience with the time, only a relatively small pa.rt was interested in the precise dating of events. 6 king Royal year-count and dated events D caster's audience As shown in Chart 1, the overwhelm.ing majority of events dated in the records with with overlord/ royal year-dates from all the tlu·ee periods of the Western Zhöu were receptions held either representative by the Zhöu k.ing (or, seldom, queen), or by an immediate overlord of the caster. o other During these receptions, kings or lesser Iords distributed gifts, thus fastering 1oya1ty in their subjects, and often directly recruited people into their service, charging them with particular responsibilities. 16 In addition, k.ings sometimes adjudicated disputes 17 among their subjects during the receptions. Thus, all receptions, whether related or LATE umelated to particular "appointments" (see below), fu nctioned as a device for political interaction and comrnunication, while some of them were also a means of practical government and jurisdiction. 18 There was only one year-dated record of the Early perioclthat did not refer to any audience. Not by chance, it was composed by a Zhöu king:

~ -t m~ . ~ll ::t . 4 "The seventh sacrificial year of the King. The King cast." 19 In the records of the Middle and Late periods, some events other than receptions also happen to be dated with the year-dates. Their proportion in the total number of

16 On gift exchange in the Western Zhöu, cf. Kryukov 1997; Cook 1997. 17 Such disputes refcrred to in the bronze inscriptions usually concemed land ownership. Cf. Lau 1999, pp. 353-380. Chart 1: Events dated with year-dates in vVestern Zhöu records 18 For a discussion of the po1itical functions of roya l receptions, cf. Maria KJ1ayutina: "Royal Hospitality and Geopolitical Constitution of the Western Zhöu Polity (1046/5 -77 1 BC)" (forth coming). 20 19 The seventh-year Wdng lni :Eft (cover), J[c/ufng #955 l. Z6u gu[ :\El\. lieheng #4244. 132 Maria Khayutina The Royal Year-Count of the Western Zhöu Dynasty (1045-771 BC) and Its Use(r)s 133

Although the word "king" (wdng ::E) did not always precede the number of the year, war against the Yf of Fän", that were refetTed to, but persons as the central actors in it is generally assumed that the year-count was that of the Zhöu k.ing. 21 them (most often the Zhöu king). As demonstrated by the inscriptions on the Li! dzng However, year-dates were not always based on the numeric year-count, but could and the Zuoce Gu6 you, authors of Western Zhöu records could use both Zhöu kings be rendered as relative to particular events. A warlord of the Early period, Nan-gong and their immediate overlords as reference-points for year-dates. Zhong, who conquered the valley of the Hm'in 5-'f! River and installed his seat there Records reporting the receptions held by local overlords constituted a distinct near the present-day town of Xii10gän ~~ in the north of Hubei Province, stated in group during the early Western Zhöu period. It is noteworthy that they identified one of his records: years only relative to events, referring to the person of their overlord, or to both their overlord and the king: Pt::E#i$i'8tltm:7Jz~, ::E# .P 7t~'i$igj(:o < ... > "In the year when the King ordered Nan-gong to attack Hüfäng, the King Pt:;R-=f--(;"t.:P *~~z~ 22 ordered [Nan-göng] Zhöng first to inspect the Southern Areas. < ... >" "In the year when the Kinggranted favor to Mai's ruler, the Lord [of Xing] < ... >"25 Lil, an officer in the far east of the Zhöu realm, in present-day Shändöng Province, stated in his record, also dating to the Early period: This demonstrates that people related to the king not directly but via their overlords could also perceive him as a central figure in their representations of time. ~0***~&~~. ~+X-A~$, 0~-~0g~~~Mlo Nevertheless, the numbers of the king's years did not appear in their inscriptions. < .. .> One may only wonder whether the people who were not immediate "vassals" of the "In the year when the Duke Grand Proteetor attacked the Yf of Fän, in the Zhöu king, but only "vassals of his vassals", especially those living at a great eleventh month, day gengshen, the Duke was in the Chöu Encampment. The distance from the royal centre, were not aware of or not concemed with the royal Duke gave Lil ten bundles of cowries. < ... >"23 year-count, or for some reason were not allowed to use it. Clerk Guo, the caster of another vessel from the early period found in the During the Middle and Late Western Zhöu, almost all year-dated records listed vicinity of Luoyang, in present-day Henan Province, wrote about the visit of his in the Yln Zhöu jlnwen j[cheng were based on the numeric year-count. Tllis does not patron to the western capital of the Zhöu in the present-day Shaanxi Province: necessarily mean that at this time the royal year-count became the universal time­ scale, but can be related to the nature of the dated events. Most of the year-dated Pl0*5!:~ß~T*~~' :{:f=A itE~G~o ~~*5!:JiiX:~ß~T~::f:, f.J~T events from these periods were receptions offered by Zhöu kings, while receptions ~~ ~~AltE~-~~. ::Em0*5!:, 0*51:~~. U~WU~o with local overlords were referred to very seldom. Some examples show that the < ...> numeric year-count did not completely supplant event-related year-dating and that "In the year when Duke Grand Scribe came to Zöng-Zhöu in order to present local overlords could still be regarded as reference points: his services for review in the second month, after the full moon, day yzhai, Duke Grand Scribe presented his services for review to his Iord, the King, Pt+x.=.A ItE~ iiVi T9P, ß!.1tf~ijli§!E5Ult.:Pc!Jgi!iz~, ~ ~ . 1'PMt::K ~~ and consulted [with !um] about many [methods] of government. In the fourth $1fz: < ... > month, after the brightness was bom, day gengwii, the King sent Duke Grand "In the thirteenth month, after the brightness was born, day dlngnuio, in the Scribe back. Duke Grand Scribe was in Feng. [He] gave the Malcer of Scrolls year when Qiän followed Captain Yöng-fu in order to defend the Old 24 Gu6 a horse as a present. < ... >" Encarwment, Qiän was celebrated, [and] Zhong Jlng-fu gave [him] red meta! < ... >. Events that could be referred to in order to identify a year were not natural phenomena such as drought, a plague of locusts, or the appearance of a comet, but Although event-related dates appear only rarely in the records of the Middle and always belonged to sociallife. Moreover, it was not the events per se, such as "the Late periods, this way of dating events persisted in some regions of ancient China until the late Warring Stares epoch. In particular, it is attested in the bronze tally

21 Cf. Shaughnessy 1991, p. 147. References to ca lendars different from that of the Zhöu kings may be found in inscriptions on vessels from the southern, non-Zhöu polity Deng !M: ( § ~) , J[c/ui ng #2643 , #4055. 25 Mai ziin ~ l!lf. , fleheng #6015. 22 N6n-göng Zhöng fäng dlng i$i'8 9='7Jl\H,} feheng #2751. 26 Qiän ziin 12!($ ,}f eheng #6008. For an example of king-event-re1ated inscriptions, cf. X Zlul gui 23 Lil dlng !Ji

As shown in Chart 2, during the Early Western Zhöu period, when time-references were not yet popular as a means of reporting events, records often identified locations where the king performed one or another action and met with their comnlissioners. During the Middle and Late periods, when the popularity of the royal year-count gradually grew, the ratio of the records with place-references to the total nurober of records did not considerably decrease. Especially during the Early Western Zhöu period, ti me-references were only supplementary specifications for place-references. Only in three cases were time-references employed independently. 27 Cf. E-Jün Qichejie I:JHsiD:*Eiii, Jiclzeng #12 11 0. 28 Cf. Hubei shcng Hn gshä tielu käogüdul 199 1. 136 Maria K.hayutina The Royal Year-Count of the Western Zhöu Dynasty (1045-771 BC) and Its Use(r)s 137

Although during the following periods ever more records indicated the time but not lhe recipient. The texts of tbe commands reprod.uced in records on the bronze the place of an event, their number was still much smaller than those where place vessels are often regarded as copied in extenso or selectively from such bamboo and time references were combined. This shows that the Zhöu perceived events documents.32 primarily as embodied in the Iandscape, and only secondly as positioned within the Most of the records reporting on the ceremonies of the transrnission of the stream of time. Even after baving been established as a popular commemorative writlen command (ce ming) are characterized by their standardized structure and instrument, the royal year-count did not substitute tbe traditional way of associating uniform language. The Sh! X gui" provides an example of such a record: events witb locations where they literally "took place". ~ft::E:lC~:tLJlltt~T$", ::Eff~J~fg, .EL, ::E%::k~, '§1 I?~18.A;(:J~ifi Cognitive psychology can help us to understand why place-references outweighed iJJ! ' ftcpJ:E, ~tWJ, ::EIJifP'l5l:'_illfll}frlßifi~~ ' ::E3E'El : ~illij!J!, 7t::Eittfrl ~~'§1±, ~'§1$9, ~~~MM~frl, g~$$*~··~~~. ffl time-references in records of past events. As long ago as 1908, Georg Simmel wrote ~;0 rtffi§, J&ttm~-=t-ZEFJlH*, 1tiDC::>c~7t1st,itm;, ~rnwJf=lt~~-=t­ in bis pioneering work on the representation of space: m -=t- tHffi 7k 'Elf m0 "Place, which is more sensually perceptible than time, usually develops a "In tbe initial year of the King, tbe nintb montb, after tbe fu ll moon, day stronger associative force for the memory. Therefore, especially when it di:ng-hizi. The King was in tbe Kang-Palace in Zhöu. At dawn, the King concerns a unique and emotionally intensive interaction, [the rnernory] tends entered the Great Cbamber. The Minister of Works Ye-b6 entered, to tie itself inseparably with [the place] ... "29 accompanying Captain X on bis right-hand side. [Tbey] took up position in tbe Middle Yard facing north. The King ordered the Interna! Secretary Yi to But wby did time-references start to prevail over place-references in the course write down tbe order to Captain X. Tbe Kingspoke as follows: "Captain X! of time? Why did the precise dating of events becorne preferable to simply The former king already ordered you to be the Minister of Lands, to take over remernbering thern? Why did the royal year-count becorne rnore popular than other responsibility for and to adrninister Fäng and Yln. Today I renew your order. ways of counting years? Finally, why and how did the application of the royal year [I] bestow on you tbe red kneepads with verrnillion pendants, a flag witb count, which originally served to date royal activities or audiences, come to be tinkling be!ls, and a harness. Use them for the service." X bowed, bis head extended to other spheres of life? Considering the changes in the organization of the touching tbe ground, and dared to extol in response the Son of Heaven's Western Zhöu state and society that took place during the alrnost three hundred generous august favour. [He] uses [this occasion] to make a sacrificial tureen years of its existence can help to find answers to these questions. for bis cultivated deceased father Yin-b6. Captain X will [last] ten tbousand 33 Royal year-count and institutions of the Zhöu state years. Sons and grandsons will etemally treasure and use it." It seems inviting to Iook for reasons for a growing concern with the royal year-count This inscription contains a full dating formula including a day, a sub-period of in the process of bureaucratization of the Zhöu state and, particularly, in the tbe month, the month's number, and a number of the year. Thus, it is eligible to be formalization and standardization of the bureaucratic procedure.30 The rnost regarded as a real "document" even from the contemporary point of view, as it not important administrative actions of the Zhöu state - appointrnents of persons to the only records ·what happened, but also specifies when it happened. One rnight expect royal service and the issue of particular orders to them - were docurnented in rnany that once such documenta.ry practice was established, appointments and specific bronze inscriptions. These actions were performed at royal receptions, although not orders would be accurately registered both on bamboo and on bronze with precise · all receptions bad administrative tasks as their purpose. The conunands (ming frJ) to indications of their date. However, although several dozens inscriptions refer to new appointees or to already established officials were written down on barnboo royal receptions in the course of which comrnands were issued, they specify the strips (ce fll}) and read aloud by clerks during the cerernony31 One copy of these year-dates rather in·egularly. Chart 3 represents the ratio of year-dates to place­ documents was probably kept in the royal arch.ive, while another one was handed to references in records reporting royal cornrnands (ming), including both appointments and the issue of specific orders. Remarkably, in the records of commands frorn each 29 Simmel 1908, p. 475; translation from German by the author of the present article. For more recent publications in psychology and cultural studies dedicated to the relationship between time, place, and the memory cf. Lynch 1972; Lowenthal 1975; Benson 2001 & Tuan, Yi-Fu 32 Regarding the ce ming, interpreted either as "investiture" or "appointment" ceremonies, cf. Qf 2001. SThe 1947, cit. after Qi SThe 1980, pp. 50-66; Chen MengjTa 1956, pp. 184-198; Creel 1970, pp. 30 On the Western Zhöu bureaucracy, cf. Crcel1970, pp. 125-127; Li Feng 2001-2002 & 2003. 125-127; Kryukov 1997, pp. 122-136, Kane, 1982-83, p. 17; Falkenl1ausen 1993; Yeung Ching­ 31 Plausibly, the order was not written down during the ceremony, but composed in advance (cf. kong 1996-1997; Li Feng, 2003. Li Feng 2001-2002, p. 50, fn. 143; Kern 2007, pp. 122-26, 154-57). 33 Shl X güi §iji WJiJ1, J[c/u!ng #4312. 138 Maria Khayutina The Royal Year-Count of the Western Zhöu Dynasty (1045-771 BC) and Its Use(r)s 139 period of the Western Zhöu, this ratio is nearly the same as in all records refening to Th.is observation calls for a review of the presumed relationship between the meetings with the king, including those not related to administrati ve tasks (compare contents of the bronze records and the texts of the royal orders on the bamboo strips. Chart 2). Th.is suggests that in reporting the actions of the supposedly rapidly It is noteworthy that in the records on bronze, as in the Shf X gui, orders were quoted bureaucratizing Zhöu state, a rule prescribing that either the time or place of after the preface in which all circumstances of the ceremony were specified. Their governmental actions should be indicated was not yet fully established. Therefore, it main text, introduced by the words wdng ruo yue ::r:::;; B (the k.ing spoke as appears that the Zhöu state was not yet able or did not wish to enforce the fo llows), did not contain any time and place references. It is not unth.inkable that the establishment of the royal year-count as a universal yardstick to which all copies of the orders kept in the royal arch.ive did not contain these references either. governmental and social events had to be related. It is noteworthy that when kings referred to commands issued in the past while issuing new ones, as in the case of Capta.in X, they never specified, or were able to specify, their date. Thus, the records on bronze objects kept in the ancestral temples EARL V of elite lineages may have been the only mediu m that preserved all complementary data concern.ing the appointments. In th.is li ght, the growing concern of the Western Zhöu people with chronography should not be understood as a spin-off of the bureaucratic systematization of virtually everyth.ing, implanted by the royal officials, but rather as a response from below to the imperfection of administrative record­ tJ Place only keeping at the Zhöu court.

~Time only Still, the growing importance of the royal year-count as a means of documenting events was related to processes in the Zhöu state, especially changes in the geo­ 1!!1 Place and Time political constitution of the Western Zhöu polity and territorial consolidation of DAny governmental practices. As shown in Chart 4, during the Early Zhöu period the Zhöu k.i ngs practised a very mobile way of government. The k.ings personally led rn.ilitary expeditions in order to establish control over new areas or to reestablish power over rebellious regions. They had three main capitals or places or residence, Zöng-Zhöu, Zhöu• MI DOLE under-Qi and Cheng-Zhöu, and they travelled all over their territories to ensure the LATE loyalty of their dependants. Their itineraries were irregular. Therefore, it was not only the naturally h.igher "associative force" of the place that caused the authors of the Western Zhöu records to identify the place of their meetings with the Zhöu k.ings, but also the fact that the visit of a k.ing to some place rn.ight be the h.ighlight of a whole decade or of an even Ionger period of time.

5 6

17

Chart 3: Place and time references in the ce ming records 140 Maria Khayutina 1l1e Royal Year-Count ofthe Western Zhöu Dynasty (1045-771 BC) and Its Use(r)s 141

Zhöu kings did not stop travelling overland dming the Middle and Late periods. Records composed by Xlng give an impression of the mobility of the king during the EARL V !ate Middle Westem Zhöu period: 34

~~~~~~~. ~~~~. ~~~~Ba -~~< > li\ll Zhou "In. the third year, the fourth month, day gengwü, the King ..was. in Feng. The rn Zong zho u King ordered Gu6-shü to call Xlng. He presented llim with two pairs of 35 [] Pangjing, Fang stallions < ...>" B Che ngzho u (X in yi) Pt=~:fL~T-=f (B) ' ~~~ll. ~Ir~. ~~;fJ.B~. ~~RMlio c:B:, l'!l Othe r places ~~11J~ffi:. ~l~tiill. IJ;f~ili~B~. ~~~&~li < .. . > "In the th.ird year, tbe ninth month, day d'ingsi, the King was in Zheng. He a Not cl ear gave a feast [and] affered sweet wine. The King ordered Gu6-shü to call Xlng. He presented him with one receptacle of lamb meat. On tbe day yfchou the King was in Göuling. He gave a feast [and] affered wine. He ordered Captain Shou to call Xlng. He presented him with one receptacle of pork. < ...>"36

~~~=~ ~1:.~DtFX:o ~~J@Jßili:8'<:'8o 1j§- (~) :::k::§L RP:s'I ({ll:) o MI DDLE ~Qj (EJ).~;I:t:;b@)Lio ~.3]2- (p;f) ~~fll} < ... > "In the fourth year, second month, after the nascent brightness, on the day wüxü (35). The King was in the Palace of Captain Lu in Zhöu. He entered the LATE Great Chamber and took bis place. The Adnlinistrator of Horses Gong entered, accompanying 'X..1ng on the right. The King ordered Secretary Niän to [read aloud] the written document [to Xlng] < ...> ." 37

~+X =~:fL~ 1'9J5J:lt~o ~~JJXJ@J fmiij±f~E-o 1j§-:;:k:*o ~P.lz:o iJ$:'X;b 23"'. ~ ~-'JZ-'Ffll};F!'fll}~jjj< ... > "In the tllirteenth year, ninth month, first auspicious day wii-yfn. The King was in Cheng-Zhöu, at the Palace of the Adnlinistrator of Lands Hü. He 25

34 For the first publicalion of XTng' s vessels from the Zhuängbai hoard, cf. Zhöuyuan käogüdui 1978. The identity of the king or k.ings referred to in XTng's inscriptions and the dates of his inscriptions remain a subject of debate. In the present paper, they are ordered according to the number of the year in their dating formula. However, these datesarenot compalible within one single calendar, which probably means that XTng scrved at least two different k.ings . Thus, the sequence of the events referred to is not evident. Until recently, most scholars shared the 5 opinion that XTng' s inscriplions dated from about the fust quarter of the ninth century BC ( cf. LT Xueqfn 1979; Nivison 1983 ; Mä Chengym\n 1987, Vol. III, pp. 192-5, 206; Shaughnessy 199 1, pp. 114-1 15, 284). Lotbar von Falkenhausen proposed a mid-ninth century date based on Chart 4: Locations of the Zhöu Kings in the records from the three periods his analysis of both stylistic criteria of the bronzes and the content of their inscriplions (cf. Lu6 Tili 1997); Falkenhausen 2006. Similar dates were recently also proposed by ShT H6ngqlng (2007). For the purpose of the present study, I do not revise the more established chronology and assess XTng' s bronzes as objects from the late Middle period. 35 Xing ding jjfji}\Jl, Jiclufng #2742. 36 The third-year Xing /ul Jiiilft, Jicluing #9727. 37 Xing xü jffl)1!ii., lieheng #4462. T I

142 Maria Khayutina The Royal Year-Count of the Western Zhöu Dynasty ( 1045-771 BC) and Its Use(r)s 143

entered the Great Chamber and took his place. Yi-fu accompanied Xlng, Royal year-count and "private" events accompanying him on the right. The King erdered tbe Chief Maker of During the Middle and Late Western Zhöu periods, some events of a private nature, Documents to [read aloud) the written document [listing] gifts to Xlng such as the production of sacrificial vessels for the ancestral spirits, the negotiation < ... >."38 of property (goods or land), or the provision cf dowry and wedding presents may lt is notewortby tbat as a member of the king's retinue, Xlng was confident about have been recorded with year-dates. The number of such dated private records was the royal year-count. For otber people, a reference to tbe king's stay at a certain small, but it gradually increased in the course of time. lt would be tempting to location or even bis visit to their own place of residence could serve as a memory assume that the royal year-count that was initially used mainiy for the dating of ancbor for marking the time wben tbe event took place: events related to the person of the king, including governmental actions performed by tbe king, was progressively transformed into a universal yardstick of time in ~~AM~~~. ~~~. ~~*~· ~ft~~. #~~~fi~. ~~ Western Zhöu society. The analysis of year-dated records not connected to meetings JJ· ECfl!l-ilJ~i!i* < ... > with the king can shed light on other spheres of life, beyond politics and "In tbe fifth montb, firs t auspiciousness, day jia-xü, tbe King was in Pang. He government, where a demand for chronography emerged. It can also reveal bow· entered the Great Cbamber [and] assumed bis position in the Middle Yard. broad the circle of private "users" of the royal year-count really was. Jing-sbü entered, accompanying Captain Cba on bis right-hand side. The As in tbe Early period, during the later periods Zhöu kings themselves were King erdered the Chief [Maker of Documents] to write down the order to among the "users" of their year-count. They sporadically employed it in their own 39 Captain Cba." records, but did not deem it necessary to put dates everywhere.42 Although during tbe Middle and Late periods receptions were still sometimes On the other band, some persans introduced year-dates in tbeir "private" records held in otber places, they were normally held at the royalcentrein Zhöu-under-Qf. It without any visible reason: is not by chance that records of receptions in Zböu-under-Qf were now often "fully Dltjt!-Y.~<9=-J\A JtE9f:$9D, ~~pj(;Ji§lo {S 'J/fX/FJEi:~o -=f--=f-f>iH'f:7kffl o dated." The year-date became a parameter that allowed users of calendar to "In the thirty-third year, eighth month, after the [beginning] of the dying distinguish between different events that happened in the same place on a routine [brightness], day xznmdo, the King was in Cheng-Zhöu. B6 Kul-fu made his basis. This may explain wby the year-dating of events became more widespread treasured food-container. Sons and grandsans will eternally use it. " 43 during the Middle and Late periods. At the same time, even in full y-dated records, place-references were very seldom ornitted, and Western Zböu dates became even Interestingly enough, this record appears on a vessel discovered in a hoard at 4 4 more precise in this respect: along with the place-name Zhöu most authors specified Fengchu }TI\.~~ village in the Qfshän \ij:!lJ County of Shaanxi Province in 1978 individual names of palaces or temples where the receptions took place. This reflects This indicates that its comrnissioner possibly referred to the royal year-count not the fact that the Western Zböu kings did not establisb any centrat reception-place immediately after he bad seen the king, but when the king was absent from bis where all political and administrative conununication could be concentrated40 The place. journeying of the king between several administrative and reception facilities on the Althougb B6 Kul-fu's reasons for dating the manufacture of hi s food-container Zböu plain rnight have bad a routine and even symbolic cbaracter.41 Tberefore, were unclear, many olher "private" records shed light on other spberes of application place-references were not superseded by year-dates. of the royal year-count beyond the dating of royal receptions.

42 For examples of dated royal inscriptions, cf. the fifth-year HLi zhöng i!*f:!R, J(c/uing #358 and Hä gui y:g:, J{ching #4317, both commissioned by Ling Li. In contrast, the HLi zhöng lJ#JIT , #}{cheng #260, produced by the same king, does not contain any dates, but only a prayer fo r 38 The thirteenth year-XIng lui jj):il~ , Hcheng #9723. "ten thousand years" of power over the four quarters of the earth. 39 MT-shü Shl Chd gLii i)ff;f,l(€i!i~h! . Hcluing 4253. This inscription states that the king took up hi s 43 B6 Kui-f1L xü f8 }!'x~, lieheng #4438. position in the middle yard, which would be very untypical of the ce ming ceremonies (cf. 44 The length of the reign of King Ll is a highly debated topic in studies on chronology. The B6 Khayutina, forthcoming) . Normally, the place of the recipient was located there. Perhaps this Kui-fil xü is often regarded as proof for the assumption that King Ll reigned for thirty-seven unusual record was the result of a scribal error. years (cf. Liu Qiyi 1979). David Nivison and Edward Shaughnessy consider that his reign cou1d 40 Cf. Khayutina forthcoming. not have been that long and that all late bronzes with "high" year-dates belang to the 41 The hypothesis of the routine circulation of the king between a number of "offices" has recently sub sequent reign of King Xuän (cf. Shaughnessy 1991, p. 284-285; Nivison 1997). Therefore, been suggested by Li Feng (2001-2002). they date the B6 Kui-fll xü to 793 BC. 144 Maria Khayutina The Royal Year-Count of the Western Zhöu Dynasty (1045-771 BC) and Its Use(r)s 145

Two important groups of private events that could be dated using the year-dates (shü shl i!5!:.) "to cast this proteering tureen (biio güi · f~ !l) in order to register (diiin were property negotiations, and dedications on dowry or wedding presents. :!ltl-) the fields. 48 An example of a record from the first group can be found in the Qiä Weihe: In this case, as in the records of receptions discussed above, the reference to the king's location at the time of the transaction substituted the year-date. nt :=. :=. .JH!E 1:.iW"EE: 11&:, ::Ef.~JiiT -T ~, 90§: 18 ßt ).J& lilfliZ -T ~Hir , ~ J\. "'F + In records of dowry or wedding presents, dates also appeared iiTegularly. In most JlJl, JViti~;!;t%EB+EBo 9öexi&$IIJtm, ~:$: m, Jtltil-, ~ [itJJJl] , ;l;t cases, these specified the month, but not the year. As a rule, they also did not refer to %EB:=.EB < .. . > the king's actions or whereabouts. Against tb.is background, the record of the Shü "In the third year, the third month, after the brightness was born, day renyfn. Fü-ftl xü is an exception: The king established his banners in Feng. The men of Ju-b6 received from the Master of Furs Wei a ceremonial sceptre priced at eighty bundles of ~:x~"'F. :x~~~. ~AW~T~. ~w~~~*m•~,~•s cowries. Its value is equal to ten fields. [The Eider of] Ju also received a pair 1Z:9 , ~'1H::, !l'!B*;l;t-T-Tl%7l<~ffl o of tiger-shaped jades, a pair of fawn skins, and one set of decorated knee­ "In the K.ing's initial year, the King was in Cheng-Zhöu. In the sixth month, pads. Their value was three fields < ... >"45 first auspiciousness, day dznghai, Shü Fü-ru made six treasured bells, [a set] of four bronze wine vessels and [four] food containers, and seven tripods for The rest of th.is record documents the procedure of land measurement and the Junior of Zheng. The Junior of Zheng (and] her sons and grandsans will disposal in which several neighbouring landowners and royal officers were involved. eternally treasure and use them."49 Although th.is exchange of land for parts of the ceremonial dress can be classified as a private transaction, it was a matter of public control and, probably, of official Another year-dated record is found on the Fän ]Li-sheng hä: documentation. Nevertheless, the year-dating of such transactions in official documents was not mandatory, but, as in records of royal commands, optional. Even < ... >o the records of the distribution or re-distribution of land effected by the king during "In the twenty-sixth year of the k.ing, the tenth month, the first royal receptions were not necessarily year-dated46 An example of a record of a auspiciousness, day j[mäo, Fän Jü-sheng produced this flask for bis first-born private negotiation of property without a year-date is the Ge-b6 gul: daughter the Eider Ji married to Guäi (MI?). < ... >"50 ~~AW~~B, ::E~~~. Mffii&a~*T-~1:. , -~fuEB , ~~ If people introduced year-dates both in records of the negotiation of property and < ... > in records related to the establishment of maritat bonds not because of, but against "In the first month, first auspiciousness, day gulsi, the King was in Cheng­ the generally accepted convention of record-making that did not require Zhöu. Ge-b6 received excellent horses from Peng-sheng. Their value is thirty chronological accuracy, it seems reasonable to inquire why they rnight have done so. fields, which [Ge-b6 then ordered] to have measured off for Peng-sheng]. Same records provide interesting details about the authors of the private year­ < ... >"47 dated inscriptio.ns, while in other cases such data can be found elsewhere. It is important that Ge-b6 explicitly stated that he considered this record on the The wine pitcher of the Master of Furs Wei with the record reporting the bronze vessel to be an official document, as he erdered his Secretary of Documents exchange of ceremonial objects for fields was found in a hoard of bronze vessels tagether with a number of other objects made by the same person. The record on the tureen Qiä Wei gul, fully dated to the "twenty seventh year, third month, after the brightness was born, day wüxü",51 reported the audience in the course of which the k.ing bestowed many presents on the Master of Furs Wei. This audience plausibly 45 Qiti Wei /uf ~f:iüll, Jfcheng # 9456. toolc place in the twenty-seventh year of the reign of King Mü (956-918 BC, i.e. 930 46 For examples of year-dated records of land redistribu tions performed by the king, cf. Yöng y<< BC), while the transaction dated with the third year took place during the third year 7l<:d:i. Jfcheng #10322, Da güi *Ir. Jfclufng #4298, Ge Bi ding il!iiJ:t!fl+. Jfcheng #2818 and Ge Bi xü ?-0iJ:t~. Jfclufng # 4466. Royal bestowals of land without a year-date, but specifying the month, the day and the location of the king are more numerous, e.g. Zhe Fäng y{ 1fr)J~, Jfcheng #9895, Ndn-göng Zhöng ding i$i'8't'KH. lieheng #2785; Da Ke ding *R:Wr,, Jfcheng #2836, etc. Records of bestowa!s of land performed by royal offleials in the name of the king 48 Ibid. Fora detailed analysis of the Ge-b6 gzii, cf. Lau 1999, pp. 297-311). arealso found without year-date, e.g. Duö yöu ding *~W~. } feheng #2835, Bü Qi güi /F ~ll[ 49 Slzü Fu-fil xü ;J'JWX:ill. }feheng #4454. } feheng #4328. 50 Fän Jü-sheng Iu< 'i'Jm~~. } feheng #9705. 47 Ge-b6 gui ft{Bhl. I feheng #4262. 51 The 27th year-Wei güi i~r!\:. JfchrJng #4256. 146 Maria Khayutina The Royal Year-Count ofthe Western Zhöu Dynasty (1045-771 BC) and Its Use(r)s 147 of King Göng's reign (9 15 BC)52 Thus, the Master of Furs had already been the vicinity of XI'än in present-day Shaanxi Province57 The skeleton was not introduced to the royal court before he composed a year-dated record of his private preserved, so that the sex of the buried person could not be detennined. Beside the matters. Two years 1ater (913 BC), Wei minutely registered another property fo ur containers, the burial equipment included three tripods and two wine vases, thus transaction, while in 909 BC he was again generously rewarded by the k.ing for his identifying the deceased as a person of high rank, but whose status was lower than services53 RefeiTing to the royal year-count, Wei indirectly reminded his contracting that of th.e Junior of Zheng mentioned in the Shu Fu-fu's record. The Junior of parties, who were of a hi gher status than himse1f, that he was also the k.ing's man Zheng, entitled to use seven tripods in rituals, rnight be a daughter of a regional and under bis protection. ruler. It is not clear whether Shu Fu-fll rnight be the personal name of her father, the Two oth er private negotiations of property were held between Diäo-sheng I)li]j: Lord of Zheng,53 orthat of her hu sband, wbo probably had bis seat in the Feng River and the Shao-b6 Hü t318m. They were dated with the fifth and the sixth years, valley in the vicinity of another royal centre, Zöng-Zhöu59 It is without doubt that eilher of King Ll's (857-842 BC) or King Xuän's reign (827/25-782 BC).54 These such prominent persans living near royal centres were in regular contact with the two persans were cousins or even brothers and belonged to the ducal clan of Shao Zhöu k.ing. 13 . Both of th em occupied hi gh official positions in the Zhöu civil and mi1itary Fän JU-sheng seems only at the fi.rst glance not to have belonged to the circle of adrninistration 55 Recently, a hoard of bronze vessels was di scovered at Wüjlin 1L.jj~ persans closely related to tbe Zhöu king. He probably was a member of the ruling village in FUfeng County of Shaanxi Province. Among these vessels, two !arge wine house of Fan, whose rulers appeared as "Lords" or "Elders" in bronze records of the vessels were fo und with an identical inscription refeiTing to the same nego tiation Western Zhöu and Spring and Autumn periods. 6° Fan was not refeiTed to in edited process between Diäo-sheng and Sbao-b6 Hü.s6 Tbe discovery of these objects, historical sources. In the 1980s, a number of bronzes produced by rulers of Fän commissioned by Diäo (or Zhöu) -sheng, probably indicates lhe place where he during the early Spring and Autunm period were discovered in Huangchuän )F,[J I [ resided. Clearly, as residents of the Zhöu plain, living in the immediate vicinity of and Xlnyang f~~J; counties in southern Henan Province61 These finds indicate that the royal centre Zhöu-under-Qi, Diäo-sheng and Shiw-b6 bad various contacts with Fän was one of the minor polities situated along Han 1.i and Huai ?ft Rivers valleys. the k.ing. RefeiTing to tbe royal year-count, they indirectly appealed to tbe k.ing's Possibly, Fän :§i: may be identified as the "state" (gu6 im) Pan 1-lfi: that previously authority as arbiter of disputes, even witbout applying for bis justice explicitly. Tbis existed on the territory of Gllshi ~ ftil County in the south of present-day Henan62 rerninder probably helped them to finally resolve tbeir conflict without royal During the Western Zhöu period, Zhöu k.ings sought to gain control over the intervention. polities at the southern periphery of their realm. The forms of comrnunication Likewise, the authors of year-dated records of dowry or wedding presents were between the Zhöu and the regional rulers in Han and Huai areas varied from fierce not just random users of the royal year-count. Tbe four food containers mentioned in rnilitary confrontation to conclusion of marital alliances. It is likely that most of the record on the Shü Fu-fil xit were discovered in a tomb at Zhängjiäpö village in 57 Cf. Zhöngguö shehui kexue yuim kaogi1 yanjiüsuö FengxT fäj uedui 1965. 58 806 BC King Xuän enfeoffed his younger half-brother Yöu 13f:. in Zheng (cf. STmä Qiän, Shiji, "Zhlng shljiä" lll~t!t*, p. 1757). Transmitted sources do not info rm us who held this domain 52 Cf. Shaughnessy 1991 , p. 284-285; Nivison 1997. before this date. The late descendant of the Eider of Zheng named Hu:in, probably deprived of 53 The 5th year-Wei ding ~~-1WF1, Jfeheng 112831, the 9th year-Wei dlng fl~iM]J,, J[elufng #283 1. Cf. his positi on as a result of the Yöu's enfeoffmen t, appeared at the royal audience in the 28th year Shaughnessy 1991, p. 153. of King Xuän (798 BC, cf. Huän pdn ~~. Jicl11ing #10172). The molher of Huän belonged to 54 Cf. Diäo-sheng gzli (sometimes read as Zhöu- sheng güi) :ff;ll:!t]l, J(c/ufng #4292; Shiw-b6 Hz! the 1T tzE! clan and therefore was to some extent related to the king through the blood lines. gui t518m:ß, Jfel11fng #4293. For the alternative dates, cf. Tän Ji efü 1961; Li Xueqfn 2007. Li Another inscri pti on reveals that the ruling house of Zheng belonged to the Ji äng clan (cf. Ze Xueqfn dates the reign of King Ll to 877-842 BC. wdng gui j;::.:E][ (cover), lieheng #387 1) 55 Duke Mu {g of Shao was one of the highest officials during the reign of King Ll (857-842). 59 Another possibility is that the Junior of Zheng was not a woman, but a man who was sent out After King Ll fled into exile, he hid the heir apparent, the future King Xuän, in his house (cf. by h.i s father to fou nd a new branch of bis lineage. A number of bronze inscriptions of the late STmä Qiän: Shiji, trans. in: Nienhauser 1994, p. 71). The Eider of Shizo was referred to as one of period were made by persons with the double patronymic name Zheng JTng (e.g. Zh?mg Jing­ the chief commandcrs of the military campaign against the Southern States in the "Sönggäo" ;f.i} shü zhöng m.[I;Jt;}J.:fEt, Jfelu!ng #21, Käng ding EltHll , lieheng #2786) that might have designated A Ode of the Shijlng (Ill.Ill.8), while Duke Hü !Je of Shao was celebrated in the "Jiäng Han" such a newly created lineage. This interpretation needs further investigation that cannot be rii~Ode (ill.Ill.8) as the victor in the war against the Yi of Huai River during the reign of King carried out within the framewerk of the present article. Xuän (cf. the Chinesetext and the English translation in Legge 1960). Duke Hü of Shao could 60 Cf. Fän-jiin Zheng-b6 Ii *1ll illliE]18ili!i, Jfcheng #732; Fän-b6 Yiin yi :fflf1B § H!l , lieheng be (but was not necessazily) Shao-b6, who cast the bronze tureen. Diäo, or, perhaps, Zhöu• #10259. sheng held the position of Marshall of Ceremonies at the Zhöu court (cf. Shl U gui Si]i/l[]1, 61 Cf. Zhäng Ji exiäng & Zhäng Yäfü 1979; Xinyang dlqü wenguänhui 1980. Jiclufng #4324). 62 Cf. Zhäng Jiexiang & Zhäng Yäfü 1979: 93. The same state was referred to in some other 56 Cf. BäojT shl käogü y:injiüsuö et al. 2007; ßaojT shl käogüdul et al 2007. sourcessuch as Shen iliF (cf. LT Xueqfn 1980). r I

148 Maria KJ1ayutina The Royal Year-Count of the Western Zhöu Dynasty (1045-771 BC) and Its Use(r)s 149 these polities maintained a high degree of autonomy from the Zhöu state and only vessel's manufacture, he possibly rnissed the king, to whom he was personally very lost their independence during the rniddle Spring and Autul1U1 period when the strongly attached, and referred to the royal year-count just to keep his connection southern polity Chu grew strong and started to swallow its neighbours. It seems with the king alive. amazing that Fän JU-sheng, a noble from another polity, refen·ed to the royal year­ count of the Zhöu king in a record on the dowry present for his daughter, who Concluding Remarks married into another lineage, Guäi ;nt; (or, possibly, Mi *). MT was the ruling Based on the examination of the year-dated bronze inscriptions listed in the YTn lineage in Chu and in some smaller polities of the Han River basin that were also Zhöujlnwenjicheng as setout above, the following observations can be made: only marginally related to the Zhöu. However, even in this case the trailleads to the The royal year-count was probably initially used in order to sttucture and register Zhöu king. the activities of the king. Possibly, record-keeping at the royal court focused The record on the Fän-sheng gul ~ j:_ g reports on the investiture ceremony primarily on the king's actions as sacrificer. As during the Shang epoch, annual arranged by a Zhöu king for Fän-sheng.63 Despite the similarity of the names, Fän sacrifices si rnight have been subject to written documentation, and their number Jü-sheng and Fän-sheng must not be the same person, but cou1d be two members of rnight have been inscribed in the anna!s. However, this hypothesis cannot be verified the ruling house of Fän. Th.is record does not contain any dates, but the vessel is since Zhöu royal arch.ives did not survive. It can only be confumed that in records regarded as dating to the late Western Zhöu period according to artistic criteria and on bronze comrnissioned by Zhöu kings, their sacrificial years si could be numbered judging by the inscription's content. It indicates that during the Late period, the in order to date the manufacture of ritual objects up to the Late Western Zhöu rulers of Fan accepted Subordination to the Zhöu kings and met them personally. period. After the Early period, other comrnissioners of bronzes ceased employing si Another inscription bears testimony to the fact that Zhöu kings took concubines in favor of nidn, i.e. agricultural years, when recording dates of events. from the house of Fän.64 Thus, the relationship between Fän and Zhöu was close In the records produced by rnembers of the Zhöu elites, the royal year-count enough to make Fan adjust its calendar to the calendar of Zhöu and to give the Fän most regularly appeared in connection with royal receptions. Inasmuch as ·the latter elites reason to use the year-count of the Zhöu kings. Fän Jü-sheng grasped the functioned as a means of political communication and government in the Western importance of calendrical references as a means of hidden appeal to Zhöu royal Zhöu state, it can be assumed that the royal year-count bad some significance in the authority. In h.is record, addressed not only to bis daughter, but also to her future political and administrative spheres. However, its facultative application in the husband, Jü-sheng thus reminded his future son-in-Jaw of his responsibility before dating formulas and records of royal receptions related to the issue of commands the Zhöu king as the guarantor of peace and rightness in the broader geo-political (ming) suggests that it still was not an indispensable structuring element in official space. It should be noted that for this purpose, it was not necessary to refer to the communication. Possibly, it was not yet regula.rly used in official record-keeping at royal year-count, but to the royal calendar in general. Other calendrical references in the royal court. It can even be suggested that bronze inscriptions giving precise dates records on dowry presents that did not employ the royal year-count but defined the for official appointments and the issue of orders could be a response by various months as "the months of the k.ing" may also have functioned in a sirnilar way. royal servants to the unsystematic docurnentary practices of royal scribes and Finally, B6 Ku!-fü, who cast h.is food container in the thirty-third year of King secretaries. Xuan, was not just an ordinary man. A hoard of bronzes including this vessel was The growing number of year-references in the records of the Middle and Late found near the place where one of the royal palaces forrning part of the ceremonial periods demonstrates that the significance of the royal year-count was gradually complex of Zhöu-under-Qf was located6 5 This palace was quite certainly used to increasing. Its increasing acceptance as a universal yardstick for the measurement of perform official reception ceremonies, from the dawn of the Zhöu kingship until the time in Zhöu society can be better understood after a consideration of the social end of the dynasty. Although no details about B6 Ku!-fu's person have been background of its users and, particularly, of the bronze records concerned with revealed, the location of the hoard indicates that he was in some way attached to the "private" issues, such as maritat contracts or property negotiations. Zhöu court. Without having any particular purpese beyond recording the fact of the The users of the royal year-count, including those who produced records with "private" content, were people involved in political communication and, usually, in a direct service relationship with the Zhöu king. This group was certainly smaller 63 Cf. Fan-shen g grii :m=~]I (cover), Hcheng #4326. than the entirety of members of the contemporary elites whose elevated status may 64 Cf. Wdng Ii ::Eiii!i , lieheng #645: :E ff' li2.itll!.il'M "The Kingmade this kettle for Ji of Fän". Fän be deduced from the fact that they were eligible to own sacrificial objects made of intermarried with another branch of the dominant Zhöu lineage, JT !lJ;:i: - the hause of Lu :<ßc. The bronze. Those who did not bave any contacts with the king at all, or for some reason Lü-h6u Ii :?i,< ~ii)ij bears testimony to the fact that a Lü princess was married to Fän (cf. J[c/uing #545). were not willing to demonstrate their loyalty to the king, rnentioned neither the king 65 Cf. ShänxT Zhöuyuan käogüdul 1979. nor bis year-count in the inscriptions on their bronzes. It is noteworthy that people 150 Maria Khayutina The Royal Year-Count of the Western Zhöu Dynasty (1045-771 BC) and Its Use(r)s 151 not directly serving the king but employed by the king's officials, especially in resulted in essentialization of the kingship as tl{e pivot of society, whereas the distant regions, did not apply the royal year-count when dating events in their gradual propagation of the royal year-count can be understood as the outcome of this records. It is possible that only persans involved in the royal servi.ce knew exactly process. how many years the lcing bad been on the throne and were therefore able to indicate Used contemporarily to confirm th.e status of the coi1U11issioners and to represent year-dates in their records. By doing so, they automatically displayed their close their prestige, as weil as to conclude agreements and resolve conflicts, bronze relationship with the king, and, consequently, their high status in the Zhöu political inscriptions also served as a means of producing memories about th.e past. Kept and and administrative network. used in sacrifices in ancestral temples, ritual bronzes addressed their written Precise dating was not crucial for royal administration, as Jong as copies of messages not only to the ancestral spirits, but also to the descendants of their orders previously issued to certain persans or to their ancestors could still be found coi1U11issioners who had to "treasure and use" these precious objects forever (when and consulted while preparing new ones, even if they did not contain dates. The they were not buried in graves tagether with their owners). Certainly, the records of establishing of the right sequence of past appointments related to the distribution of the ancestors' achievements in the royal service were a source of inspiration for later power insignia, prestige goods and Iands might become significant in a situation of generations, both for modelling their own behaviour and for cultivating memories of competition, dispute and negotiation. It is quite possible that the royal officials the past. Therefore, it is reasonable to question whether the dating of events measured their status by when and how often they were received by the king at an according to the royal year-count helped to produce better, more valuable memories audience, etc. Although the available bronze inscriptions only reflect conflicts in of the past. connection with land, it is possible to imagine other spheres where tension could Many hoards of bronzes produced by members of several generations of one haveappeared and where the records might have been consulted in order to find a lineage include some objects with fully-dated records tagether with other objects solution. However, the position of a competing party could be supported not only by with records without any dates, as weil as some wi thout any inscriptions. Possibly, the early date of some event, but also by the party's close relationship to the king, as even the latter, textless material things transmitred from earlier generations to later 66 displayed in the reference to his year-count. In the year-dated records on dowry and ones helped to evoke memories of the men of the past. Probably, the names of the wedding gifts, references to the royal year-count and to the royal calendar in general corrunissioners and references to events in which they took part guaranteed that the could function as veiled appeals to royal authority, sustaining the hope of a father or memory of a particular person would last Ionger and would be not confused with the the promise of a son-in-law that a woman incorporated into another lineage would memory of someone else, as can happen in the course of oral transmission. be treated in accordance with the rules of propriety. However, it is not certain that, from the Western Zhöu perspective, exactly dated The emergence of such unusual derivative functions of the royal year-count was records of events from the life of an ancestor were regarded as better for assisting his related to changes in the social and political Situation in the Western Zhöu kingdom. descendants to remember !um than records without dates. Today, two incomplete With the transition from the mobile way of government of the Early period to the genealogies of lineages inscribed on bronze are known, the Shi Qicing pdn 5!:Ji f$-~ 67 establishment of Zhöu-under-Qi as the main political and administrative centre and the Qü! pdn cr~ Both of them correlate the life-time of the Jineage's during the Middle and Late periods, the royal year-count gained more importance, as ancestors with the reigns of the Zhöu kings without providing any exact dates. At it allowed the people to distinguish between events, especially appointment the same time, records on other objects produced by members of the same lineages ceremonies, which took place in one and the same Jocation and an a regular basis. or by the coi1U11issioners themselves were dated according to the royal year-count. Simultaneously, new people were recruited into royal service who were often not Nevertheless, although both Shi Qiang and Qiu were able to reconstruct their family members of hereditary office-holding families. By this time the Zhöu lcings only history exactly, they did not consider it necessary to provide exact dates in these seldom granted !arge pieces of land and rich gifts, so that the new officials had less important commemorative documents. It was thus the increasing desire of the Zhöu economic flexibility and depended more extensively on their personal relationship people to order the present rather than a need for an accurate chronology of the past with the lcing. Social tension was increasing in the densely populated areas araund that caused year-dates to appear with increasing frequency in the bronze records. the royal centres, where all the land bad already been divided up and distributecl among the official lineages. At the same time, polities at the Zhöu periphery were actively communicating with the Zhöu, concluding marital alliances with the royal hause, the ruling houses of its regional states, and other strong Jineages. All these processes reflected on the growing roJe of the king as the guarantor of social and 66 On the function of bronzcs as "visible points of reference to the past and anchors of historical political peace and as the arbiter in conflicts that could previously have been memory", cf. Falkenhausen 2006, p. 38. resolved without bis intervention. The demand for more order and regulation 67 Cf. Shi Qidng pän, lieheng #I 0175; for the Qiä pdn cf. Ti an Lu 2008. Bibliography

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Zhäng Yachü ~~21JJ 2001 Yln Zhöujlmvenjfcluing ylnde gjiFcJ~:X:~P.lG511~. Beijlng: Zhönghua shüju. Index

Zhäng Yujln 1~.±~ Achsenzeit-+ axial age 169; 187 Day Book-+ Rlshü EI ~ 153-168 1994 Jiagüwen ;nlcf cfdiän Efl'Pf:X:~~i'i]~i'iJ~. Beijlng: Zhönghua shüju. after the dying brightness -+ jlslpo ~JGJE Di XIn $~ 63-5 1999 "Bücf 'wö qf sl b!n zuo dl jiimg ruo' zaijie" ~ r,w ":f.Z;l:l;E. 1ffir'F'iiHi!o ö5" ~~~. '!Ji 9; 15-32; 122 Di YI 'iß'Z 63-5 Zhönggu6 wenzi ydnjiü Vol. 1, edited by Lf Pü '*-lllil, Nanning: Guängx! jiiwyü after the growing brightness -+ jlshengpo Diäo? I Zhöu? sheng gui :1]\ljj:_][ 146 ehübänshe, pp. 172-179. ~JGj:_~ 9; 15-32; 122 diey!ncf :;'"l:'l§'~i'i] -+ ch6ngyän ~~ __, Zhao Cheng iti!i~~ after the full moon-+ jlwimg ~Je~ 9;15- reduplieated words 184-5 1988 Jiägilwen jiänmlng ddiän- b1/cf Jenlei dtiben Efl~:X:fo'iBm5J~-1,~#5J-f.lHfr4. 32; 122 Döng Zuob!n ][{'!=51[ 29; 75; 171 Beijlng: Zhönghua shüju. axial age -+ Achsenzeit 169; 187 du'izhen !N~ 58; 66; 171 bao *~ - ritual 53; 77 E-jün Qiche jie ~!6~~$!fri 134 Zheng Jib::iang ~~ {?\H$ & Zhäng Yäfü ~~2:5'<:: Bao Yi $&Z:, 48-9 erchong zhengju ta = ~~iH~;~ 33 1979 "Henan Huangchuän xiim fäxian y!p! q!ngt6ngql" ;orm;~JIIl\!fr.ff!Ji.-:lttw~f5J~. Bäoshän Chü jiän §Ll.J~f69 134 Eryä i*j 48; 62; 82 Wenwti 1979.9, pp. 91-93. Jfif beng jl ~Mk 75-6 er zhen =~ 171 Zhöngguö shehui kexueyuim käogü yanjiüsuö Fengx! fäjuedüi cp~U~T+!lJil~J'G~[f]lifl§i;I'JT BI X!n ~tc* 55 Fäyan ;t;~-+ Yang Xi6ng j~t;[E 16 b!n ji\l -litual 50-1; 53; 56; 75-6; 85 )~i2§~t:lml~~ Fän Jü-sheng hu ~%J j:_'ff 28; 145; 147- 1965 "Shänx! Chängän Zhängjiäpö Xi Zhöu mu qlngll jiänbao" ~Yti2§-&Y.'~~*Jl!i:i§FcJ ~;)1f B6 Kul gul f8j1.5\1,][ 84 S r.\![fJj;{:~, Käogü 1965.9, pp. 447-50. B6 Ku!-fu xü 18 J:E:Xß:i 28; 143; 148 Fän-sheng gui ~j:_],l 147-8 B6 Yf {8~ 108-9 Fangmätän jiän )'j)(,~~-l!!*rm 155-8 Zhöu Gu6zheng Fcl~JE Qin CaiJigui ~frS][ 176 1983 "Bücf li ängzhöng dongcf de yüfä tezhengjf yöuguänjuzi de yüfä fenx!" ~r.w~fli!J felieitous phrases-+ gücf m_r,w-+ cluing g- - saclifice 82; 85 ~i'i]fl':)~;~~{fjJ&.&~r,~t]-j=-ti':J*~;~5J-t!T, in: Gtlwenzixue lt!njf chübiän ö:X:~~~tn~ zhügücf :f]Lm_r,w 87; 175 changji 1/t~-+ regular saerifiees 81-3 tm!iii . Hong Kong: The Chinese University, pp.229-30S. ftrst auspiciousness -+ chüji tJJ5 9; 15- Chen Mengjiä ~-*W* 70-1; 75 32; 123 Zhöuyuan käogü dul Fcj)]'('*f[f]~~ eben m:- saerifice 70; 72; 74; 77; 79-80 five agents -> wü xing lii'T 153-4 1978 "Shänx! Futeng Zhuängbai y!hiw q!ngt6ngql yaocang fäjut! jiänbao", ~xi2§t\:fliR)tf 8 chengtao büci P.)G~ I'~# 171 five-ritual cyele-+ zhöujl ,Filil~--> -51Jt wtf5l~2ffi~~§}jftllf:Ji*~ · Wemvtl 1978. 3, pp. 1-18. ch6ngyan ~~ -+ dieyln ci fr'l§'*i'iJ -+ wüzhöngjlsllif:ffi~tl: -+ wü s1 EtE reduplicated words 184-5 9; 64 Zhü Hnghän *©)IS1 Chü gul ~~ 181 Fu Ding :XT 78; 84 2002 "Lun yöu j1" ~@~~ .in: Güwenzi ydnjiü vol. 24, Beij!ng: Zhönghuä shüju, pp. 87-94. ehüjf tJJ5-+ ftrst auspiciousness 9; 15- Fu Häo 1i'Ht 73; 172-3 2004 "Sh! Yöu ding yü Sh! Yöu gui'' gi]i@~13riWgilJ@h!, in: Zhönggu6 lishl wenwü 2004.1, 32; 123 Fu Yi :xz 52; 72-4; 77 pp. 4-10. ci ti'iJ - saeliftce 52-3; 82 giti 'C;) - ritual 72-3 Zhü Fenghan *Ji]\Jl)l & Zhäng R6ngming ~~JfkB)3 (eds.) CI ding Jl:t~"ri 28 gao * - ritual 57-8; 71 -2 1998 XI Zhöu zhü wdng nidndai ydnjiü i§FcJ~::E:9=-{-t~fl'9i;, Gulyang: Guizhöu renrnin Confueius-->Kongzi:PLT- 104; 106-110; Ge-b6 guT ~fall 144 chübänshe. 169 Göng Yang zhuan 0~{.\1;[ 106-7 c6ngehen l'R~ 158-61; 167 gongshl zhengjü ra fi DaJiä :;k:Ej3 73; 117-8 zhügücf t5L61!1.r.'# 87; 175 dänzhen ~~ 171 gul ~~ - saerifice 38; 48-9; 58-9 dao t~ - ritual 56 Guö Moruo $~;;j<;5 70; 73 206 Index Index 207

Gu6 Yü ~~g-> Wei Zhäo ~;Bt:l 101-2 liiio i*'t - sacbfice 70; 72-4; 79-80 sacrificial verb-> jlsl dongcf 5RtE!IVJ~i'TI Wai-Jg Gu6wei .:E~~l (1877-1927) 9; 17; Gu6jl Zi Bill pan 11ff.*--=f Blli 28-9 Unghu jün slzi hu ~~Jil;ß'pjii]-=f:ff 184 52;71 19;23;31;33;70 Guo? I Li? Yöu C6ng ding lii'Hi11:tf.h"'~ 28- Lfngxian l!i§ -> Zhäng Heng 16 sän nian xia wli nian dl :=4t LUnheng gfilifff!j Han Gäozü ~iWi:tl3. 121 Lu XI göng :?g.f~0 119 sän zhen :=~ 171 153 Han shü ;~~ 16; 153 Lu Xiao göng ~·~0 97 Shim Fü Ke xu ~ ;lcR:%\1 175 Wäng Yt\n 3:~ 42 Hou Ha.n shü j'~;;i~~ 153 Lu Wen göng ~·X:0 119 Shan Fu Shän dTng ~)(LlHi'Fi 28 Wei ding i~r~"'l (9 4) 146; 186 Huainanzi ;t~-=f 161; 164-6 Lunheng rnli1if!j-> Wang Chöng 3:31': 153 Shimg Jiä _tEj3 117-8 Wei guT i:~jE;t (27 4l 145 hü $. -ritual 71-2; 77; 79 Lunyü ~iJHg 106-110; 112 Shangshü j\5jg 69; 83; 86; 170 Wei Zhäo ~Bti -> Gu6 Yu ~~ 101-2 Hü Shü dTng t~;ru'P. 100 Lu6 Zhenyü ~!'HJ&.:E: 70 Shao-b6 Hu guT e'f8dti! 146 Weijün i~f;ß' 106-110; 112 Ht\ zhöng §1:-Jill 143; 185 LU dlng Ji~hnfi 132 Shl Ben 1:!:!:;$: 96-7 WenwlidTng X:fttT 86 Hming Dl w'if, 115 Mäwangdul b6shü .~.:EJ:i~ ~ 154-5; Shijl st'_g[.-> Simä Qiän EJ.~~ 26-7; WüdTn g litT 64; 76; 81; 86 in-year intercalation 115-124 162-4 99; 101-3; 105-7; 115; 121; 146-7; wü xfng EJ'f-> five agents 153-4 J aspers, Kar! 169 mai ifm - sacrifice 70; 77; 79 153-4; 167 wu slntE-> five-ritual cycle-> zhöujl H ding fr12~"/l 85 M1Li zün ~:tr 133 Shljlng @;~_, Liu Xi:n l'SU!l'l\ 16 Fcl~ _, wlizhöng jlslnl~~tE 9; jiimcht\ ~ß* 156-8; 167 major lineage -• da zöng ** 94 Shi Qiang pan st'_±G,JIJ[ 21; 86; 151; 174; 64 jlrnfng §R;ß -> sacrifice names 69-71 mäo 9P- sacrifice 70; 72-3; 77-9 183 wlizhöng jlsllifjg~:f E-> five-ritual Shi: X gui giji~jf& 137-9 nn h6u bäo ht\ ~ f~ I't~ 184 Mao Göng ding =ß0W~ 175 cycle-> zhöujl }a)§R-> wli slntE 9· nn Iiäng ding ~-~Wrl 175-6 !Vlengzi ~T 110 shlpan :rtlll. 164 64 nn Xi110 göng "i}~0 101-2 MT-shü Shl Cha guT S!f;j',)lgiji ~g 142 Shi Zhl (or n) guT j:,!;!~Jl 179 Wüyi fttZ:, 76; 86 jlshengpo e)Ej:_t.(ij -> after the growi ng !Vfing guT filJll 127; 179 Shi:jTng W~~ 69; 81-2; 85; 93; 113; 170; Wuzüyi fttt.§Z 86 brightness 9; 15-32; 122 minor lineage-> xiäo zöng ;j'* 94 184-5 Xia-Shäng-Zhöu Chrono1ogy Project 20; Shima Kunio 3ll;j'B5EJ 71 26 jlsl dongcf 5RtEill.IJ~i'!l-> sacrificia1 verb MozT ~.::F- !53 Shü Fu-fu xü ll:Z:Wx%\1 145-7 xianchi ~;fu 161-5; 167 52;71 Mu gui-8:# 76 shü-Qf ;f,\(11\' I 08-9 Xiäo YI ;J,z:. 57 jlsipo &-'HE~ -> after the dying !Vlu gui !f.ii:U: 119 brightness 9; 15-32; 122 Shulhudl ~~dtt~ (Yunmeng ~W. l Qfn xiäo zöng ;j'* -> minor 1ineage 94 ni miao ~f:llJ!:\il 94 Jiüdian Chü jiän tLh:5:1:ll:fJi 154; 158-9; jiän ~im 121; 155-9; 162 XTjiä pan /5-Efllli 19; 28 Nan-göng Zhöng fäng ding ~gcp)Jlfl~ 164 Shuöwen jiezl ~JtX:fil!f:f: -> Xu Shi:n gf Xing dTng !Ifo~~"'l 141 132 nwimg e5E'i:,f-> aftcr the full moon 9; 15- 17; 34; 40; 42-3; 45; 184 XTng ht\ ~ (3 141 nfng ~ -ritu a l 56; 72 'tJ;{ 4) 32; 122 Xlng xü 141 Qf Huan göng 11ft§I0 98 shushu l!&Wi 153 ; 155; 165; 167 fOOfli:{ Kängdlng ffl'ET 86 sl zhen 12]~ 171 Xu nnxi6ng glj'll§U 75 QfXiaogöng11\'~0 97-101 Kängzudlng fflH§.T 86 Sima Qiän EJ.~~ Shijl Si::~['. 26-7; Xü Shen gf'rA -> Shuöwen jiezl ~JtX:fil~ Qiän zün w~ 133 _, Ke zhöng 5H.ll!: 28 99; 101-3; 105-7; 115; 121; 146-7; ~ 17;34;42-3; 45; 184 Keight1ey, David N. 9; 63-4; 122 Qfn shThuäng ~frEI.§§: 121 153-4; 167 Xu Xuan f~*i: 42 Qfn Zhäo wang ~ Bti.:E 121 Köngjiäpö Han jiän tL3llUEzi!l~M 165 0 Songding 1:,!j~ ~ 28 Xu Zhöngshü 1~9='§t 5 1-2; 175 Qiu pan ~m: 151; 174 Köng zi fLT-> Confucius 104; 106- Song Yu *.:E: 185 Yabuuchi Kiyoshi i)jipg;jlf 115 110 Qiu Wei guT ~1~fi! 145 sulxing ~J1_ 161 Yang Shuda ~m~ 73 Kuai-kul iliNH.O 106-7; 109 Qiu Weihe ~~~f~ 144 synchronic evidentia1 approach-> Yäng Xi6ng mtt -> Fäyan ;~1§ 16 1aochang clu\ngjl 81 -3 *!M. '** 33;67 year-end inlercalation 116-8 redup1icated words -> ch6ngyän *1§ -> Li? I Guo? Yöu C6ng dTng lli+fl)(fßt~"'l 28- taisul :;t:~ 161 Yfli f~t~ 51; 54; 85 dieyi:ncf :f-c'§-~i'!J 184-5 9;40 Tang Lan ~iffil 70 Ylzhöushü ~f,lij~ 69; 84; 111 Lijl t~~['. 51; 54; 69 Rlshü B ~ -> Day Book 153-67 Tiänwang gul ~L:E[ 84 yöu i!i~- sacrifice 35-7; 58; 71-2; 77-80; sacrifice names-> jlmfng §R;ß 69-71 Li ang Qf ding ~~~Wrl 86; 127-8 wangbin .:E:et- ritual 48-9; 59; 75; 85 83 Li<\ng Qf ht\ ~~~ 186 208 Index

you '±- affering 72; 77-9; 85 Zhöu Wen wang JEJX::E 21; 83 -6 yo u 5J..- affering 77-8; 85 Zhöu Wu wang }Elftt:E 21; 83 -6 Yu Hu ding ~m~~~ 28 Zhöu Xiang wang )EJ~:E 119 Yu Hu ding J;r:;IJE}f,'\ 19 Zhöu Xiaa wang JEJ~:E 103-4 Contributors and Editors Yu Qiu ding Ja;tß~'7i (42if) 21-2; 27; 29; Zhöu Yi wang JEJ\i:"B:E 103-4 31 Zhöu Yf wa ng )EJ~:E 104 0 Robert H. Gassmann is Professor of Ancient Chinese Language and Cu!ture at the Yu Qiu ding t';i:E~ fi (43 ifl 2 1-2; 24-5; Zhöu Yöu wang JElliliJ:E 26 University of Zurich. 27 Zhöu Zhaa wang JEl8?5x 104; 129 Yu Qiu pan 21-2 J;r:;i:E!Jill. zhöujl JEl;jR-+ five-ritua1 cycle-+ yu w; - ritual 56-7; 71-2; 77 Thomas 0 . Höllmann is Professor of Chinese Archaeology and Anthropology at the wuzhöng jlsl.lifi5RtE-+ wu sl.li Yuanpan ~iJ[ 26-28 Ludwig-Maximilian University of Munich. tE 9;64 yue :(~ I )"J - sacrifi ce 82 Zhöu!I JEl~~ 51 ; 54 Ma.ria K.hayutina is Postdoctoral Fellow 111 the Department of Asian Studies, yuexiimg F.l1§ 29 zh u 1Ji: - ritual 56 Zeng B6 Qihu ~{B~~~ 175 Ludwig-Maximilian University of Munich. Zhushu jlnian 'r'FJi=~cif 103 Zhang Heng ffiiffi-j-+ Lfngxi1m ~~ 16 zhu gucf tJG!if:i~r~ -+ fe1icitaus phrases -+ Zhäng Peiyü ~[tJ;:gf;j;j 19; 24; 27 ; 29; 11 6 Liu Uxiän ~U~'F is Professor of History at the Capital Normal University§'§ß§ffi güc[ tf:i~# 87; l7 5 Zh i10 ding ~~~~ 28 Z6u gui jf:~ 131 ffiß*~ · Beijlng. zhaamu Bi!Hlil -system 94; 96; 100; Zü Geng 1:13.m 81 102;107;11 1 zu Ji ä 1:.13.Efl 81; 117-8 Liu Xueshun ~ U~Iil~ is Chinese Language Instructor in the Department of Asian zheng W;- sacrifice 82; 85 zu mii10 mnm 95 Studies, University of British Columbia, Vancouver. Zhöngffing dlng 9=' :15 ~nfi 11 9 ZuX!n 1:.13.* 57 Zhöu Göng wang )EJ;J:f<:E 103-4; 146; Zu Yi t.§Z 47; 77-8; SO Liu Yuan ~U)ffii is Professor of Early Chinese History at the Chinese Academy of 176 Zuözhuan ;fr:·fW. 84; 86; 94; 98; 119-20 Social Seiences cp~H~N~IIft, BeijTng. Zhöu Huan wang }Elfl[:E 123 Zuoce Hu?/Gu6? yö u fi=im~E\J 18; 20; Zhöu Li wang JEJ!m:E 19; 22; 26; 146 132-3 Edward L. Shaughnessy is Professor of Eas t Asian Languages and Civilizations at Zhöu Mü wang JElf.liil:E 104; 145 Zuocellng f'Fim~ 84 the University of Chicago. Zhöu Xuän wang )EJ]I:E 19-20; 22; 24; 26-8; 100; 146; 148 Ken-ichi Takashima r"]tli,\i!;~Jilt - is Professor of Chinese Paleography at the University of British Columbia, Vancouver.

Xiaobing Wang-Riese ±_~;l_k is Research Associate at the Institute of Chinese Studies, Ludwig-Maxirnilian University of Muni eh.