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Égypte/Monde Arabe, 13 | 2015, « Nouvelles Luttes Autour Du Genre En Egypte Depuis 2011 » [En Ligne], Mis En Ligne Le 10 Novembre 2017, Consulté Le 24 Septembre 2020

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Égypte/Monde Arabe, 13 | 2015, « Nouvelles Luttes Autour Du Genre En Egypte Depuis 2011 » [En Ligne], Mis En Ligne Le 10 Novembre 2017, Consulté Le 24 Septembre 2020 Égypte/Monde arabe 13 | 2015 Nouvelles luttes autour du genre en Egypte depuis 2011 New gender-related Struggles in Egypt since 2011 Leslie Piquemal (dir.) Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/ema/3492 DOI : 10.4000/ema.3492 ISSN : 2090-7273 Éditeur CEDEJ - Centre d’études et de documentation économiques juridiques et sociales Édition imprimée Date de publication : 10 novembre 2015 ISBN : 9782905838865 ISSN : 1110-5097 Référence électronique Leslie Piquemal (dir.), Égypte/Monde arabe, 13 | 2015, « Nouvelles luttes autour du genre en Egypte depuis 2011 » [En ligne], mis en ligne le 10 novembre 2017, consulté le 24 septembre 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/ema/3492 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/ema.3492 Ce document a été généré automatiquement le 24 septembre 2020. © Tous droits réservés 1 Depuis le soulèvement de 2011 en Égypte, les problématiques de genre ont émergé sous différentes formes dans le cadre des mouvements protestataires – révolutionnaires, réactionnaires – et plus largement, dans celui des transformations sociales se produisant autour et entre ces vagues de mobilisation. Alors que les relations entre citoyens et autorités étatiques ont été contestées, modifiées, puis repoussées dans une direction réactionnaire, comment les relations de genre ont-elles été contestées depuis 2011 ? Quels nouveaux imaginaires, quels nouveaux rôles et identités ont été revendiqués ? Quelles mobilisations se sont construites face à l’essor saisissant des violences sexistes dans l’espace public ? Quatre ans après le début de la période révolutionnaire, ce numéro d’Égypte/Monde arabe explore les nouvelles luttes liées au genre en Égypte au prisme de la sociologie, l’anthropologie et la science politique. Chercheuses, expertes et/ou activistes proposent ici un éventail de regards scientifiques et analytiques, et de témoignages militants sur ces combats et mutations, sur l’expérience gagnée et le terrain perdu, à partir d’enquêtes de terrain approfondies sur ces objets de recherche sensibles et parfois éphémères. Since the 2011 uprising in Egypt, gender issues have emerged in various forms within revolutionary or reactionary protest movements and more broadly, in the framework of the social transformations occurring in and around these waves of mobilization. As relationships between citizens and State authorities have been challenged, altered then pushed back in a reactionary direction, how have gender relationships been contested since 2011? What new imaginations of gender, which new roles and identities have been claimed? What mobilizations have developed to confront the shocking rise of gender-based violence in the politicized public sphere? Four years after the revolutionary period began, this issue of Égypte/Monde arabe explores new struggles related to gender in Egypt through the lenses of sociology, anthropology and political science. Scholars, experts and/or activists share with us a range of scientific and analytical perspectives, and insider accounts of these struggles and changes, of experience gained and ground lost, based on in-depth fieldwork on sensitive and sometimes transient research objects. Égypte/Monde arabe, 13 | 2015 2 SOMMAIRE Introduction Leslie Piquemal How can the domestication of women facilitate understanding of their plight in Egypt? Dalia AbdElhameed El-Sissi’s Women? Shifting gender discourses and the limits of state feminism Hind Ahmed Zaki Les « femmes de Sissi » ? Mutations des discours du genre et limites du féminisme d’État Hind Ahmed Zaki Civic participation and gender institutional legacy since January 25, 2011 Marta Agosti Ethnographie de la self-défense féminine dans le Caire révolutionnaire. Modalités de mise en récits de la violence des femmes Perrine Lachenal Reconsidering de-politicization: HarassMap’s bystander approach and creating critical mass to combat sexual harassment in Egypt Angie Abdelmonem Reconsidérer la dépolitisation : l’approche du témoin de HarassMap et la création d’une masse critique pour lutter contre le harcèlement sexuel en Égypte Angie Abdelmonem Male voices in a Cairo social movement Sandra A. Fernandez Perceptions and management of gender roles and dynamics inside OpAntiSH Intervention Teams in Cairo Leslie Piquemal Égypte/Monde arabe, 13 | 2015 3 Introduction Leslie Piquemal Je remercie ici Bernard Rougier et Roman Stadnicki pour leur confiance et leurs conseils, Karine Bennafla pour son soutien et son aide en fin de parcours, ainsi que les nombreux/-ses collègues qui ont rendu possible la réalisation de ce numéro d’Égypte/Monde arabe en acceptant de faire des relectures de textes. Toute ma gratitude va également à Perrine Lachenal et Mathilde du Pradel pour leurs excellentes traductions de textes, ainsi qu’à Sandra Fernandez pour sa gracieuse contribution d’images de ses archives photographiques personnelles. Un grand merci enfin aux contributrices à ce numéro pour leurs efforts, ainsi que pour leurs patience et leur compréhension face aux contraintes des unes et des autres. I would like to convey my thanks to Bernard Rougier and Roman Stadnicki for their trust and their advice, to Karine Bennafla for her support and help at the end of the process, and to the many colleagues who made it possible to complete this issue of Égypte/Monde arabe by agreeing to review the texts. Mathilde du Pradel and Perrine Lachenal have my sincere gratitude for their excellent work translating texts, as does Sandra Fernandez for her generous contribution of images from her personal photographic archives. Finally, I would like to thank the contributors to this issue for their efforts, as well as for their patience and their understanding of the constraints faced by everyone involved. 1 Le soulèvement de janvier-février 2011, séisme dans l’histoire politique égyptienne, a ouvert la porte à un éventail de différentes évolutions des rapports de genre dans l’espace public, des regards portés sur ces derniers par différents groupes sociaux, et du cadrage des comportements genrés par rapport au politique. Ces années révolutionnaires et post-révolutionnaires, et leurs vagues successives de mobilisation/ démobilisation, ont été une période de luttes intenses autour des identités et des rapports de genre, entre le social, le culturel et le politique. 2 Avant 2011, pendant l’ère Moubarak, les limites imposées aux libertés publiques, en particulier la liberté d’association, d’expression et de rassemblement, prévenaient essentiellement toute perspective d’émergence de mobilisations de taille, à la fois féministes et indépendantes. Les droits des femmes étaient quasi-monopolisés comme enjeu social par le Conseil National des Femmes (Al-Maglis al-Qawmi li-l-Mar’a), sous l’impulsion de l’épouse du chef de l’État, Suzanne Moubarak (à côté d’une toute petite Égypte/Monde arabe, 13 | 2015 4 poignée d’acteurs indépendants très isolés1). Après la participation importante des femmes aux mobilisations de janvier-février 2011 menant au renversement de Moubarak, les droits des femmes ont été menacés de différentes manières pendant les années suivantes, alors même que se multipliaient les initiatives indépendantes contre les violences sexistes et pour les droits des femmes. Depuis 2014, de nouvelles avancées juridiques ont été constatées, mais les mobilisations indépendantes sont de nouveau en danger, face aux efforts croissants des autorités pour mettre la société civile sous coupe réglée.2 3 La place Tahrir, au centre-ville du Caire, représentait l’épicentre d’une co- appropriation de l’espace public par les citoyens égyptiens, femmes et hommes début 2011, en tant qu’espace politique et espace de mobilisation sociale. Cette place a acquis un statut particulier associé à l’image des manifestants chrétiens ou musulmans et de différentes affiliations politiques s’unissant pour une même cause—et aussi celle d’hommes et de femmes affrontant ensemble l’ire du régime. Tahrir « est devenu un symbole de l’exercice d’une nouvelle forme de citoyenneté ne passant pas par l’intermédiaire de hiérarchies de genre »3 ; les citoyennes femmes pouvaient y jouer des rôles de leader dans la revendication, la mobilisation et l’occupation des lieux de manifestation, traditionnellement perçus comme masculins. Ce lieu symbolique a longtemps conservé une dimension utopique dans l’imaginaire collectif de beaucoup d’Égyptiens. D’après nombre de témoignages, les interactions entre manifestants en janvier-février 2011 s’y déroulaient effectivement sur un mode inhabituellement égalitaire, inspiré par le sentiment d’une même volonté collective citoyenne, et dans l’absence des pratiques de violence verbale et physique à caractère sexuel contre les femmes, ordinairement très fréquentes dans l’espace public du centre-ville. 4 Rétrospectivement, il semblerait que cette expérience vécue par beaucoup d’Égyptiens ait été limitée à une sorte de microcosme révolutionnaire, circonscrit dans l’espace et dans le temps. Le harcèlement et les agressions sexuelles contre des femmes continuaient comme à l’accoutumée à l’extérieur de cette zone, et elles ont d’ailleurs rapidement gagné la place Tahrir, dans différentes dynamiques politiques et sociales, après ce soulèvement initial de 18 jours. En outre, les revendications de ce moment révolutionnaire n’étaient pas articulées en termes de genre ; les droits des femmes étaient globalement absents des appels à manifester comme des slogans et banderoles ; l’absence de violence sexuelle verbale ou physique était apparemment le produit spontané des conditions régnant Place
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