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Essai De Synthese L'histoire De L'human1te N. IORGA Professeur û l'Universit6 de Bucarest, . Agréé à la Sorbonne, Correspondant de l'Institut, Directeur de l'École Floumaine en France. ESSAI DE SYNTHESE DE L'HISTOIRE DE L'HUMAN1TE IV EPOQUE CONTEMPORAINE LIBRAIRIE UNIVERSITAIRE J. GAMBER, Éditeur 7,RUE DANTON,7 PARIS 1928 ESSAI DE SYNTHESE DE L'HISTOIRE DE L'HUMANITE ESSII DE SYNTHÈSE DE L'HISTOIRE DE L'HUMANIM PAR N. IORGA Professeur à l'Université de Bucarest Agree A la Sorbonne Membre de l'Acadérnie Roumaine Correspondent .de l'Institut . IV EPOQUE CONTEMPORAINE PARIS LIBRAIRIE UNIVERSITAIRE J. GAMBER, RDITEUR 7,RUE DANTON,7 1928 ESSAI DE SYNTHÉSE DE L'HISTOIRE DE L'HUMANITÉ ÉPOQUE CONTEMPORAINE CHAPITRE PREMIER Les nouvelles autonomies américaines. La Couronne d'Angleterre avait refusé pendant une guerre difficile A laquelle ses colons d'Amérique avaient participé de leur argent, de leurs soldats et de leur initia- tive, de leur permettre une confédération. Un congrès de. ces Etats, dont quelques-uns avaient pour base une charte royale, mais d'autres s'étaient formés d'eux- mêmes et au prix d'un dur labeur et de longs sacrifices, sur les ruines d'une race écartée, et en partie détruite, apparaissait comme indésirable et dangereux aux minis- tres de Londres. L'esprit qui animait ces « dépaysés » et fondateurs de pay,s A se serrer dans une ceuvre de nouvelle création n'appartenait pas b. un seul territoire et 4 une Beale race. Si les colons espagnols en général ne l'avaient pas, sauf le cas, tout particulier, de ce Paraguay, où les Jésuites s'étaient formés une république dont ils étaient l'oligar- chie, avec la croix pour blason, l'église pour palais, la règle de l'ordre pour constitution, les Franpis nour- rissaient les mêmes sentiments envers la terre abandon- née et celle qu'ils avaient conquise et organisée. Puisqu'il n'y avait pas, comme dans l'Hindoustan, des despotes 2 ESSAI DE SYNTHÉSE DE L'HISTOIRE DE L'HUMANITg indigenes dont on pouvait se faire des amis, ou qui sur- gissaient en ennemis, un tiers se trouvant entre la metro- pole et la colonie, ils osaient prétendre à se diriger d'eux- mêmes et 4 repousser les immixtions de la mère-patrie, qui signifiaient trop souvent des abus administratifs ou des tentatives d'exploitation. On avait vu au commencement du xvine siècle un gouverneur de la Martinique revenir en France parce que les habitants de l'fie n'en avaient pas voulu. Au Canada ce sn'était pas de Paris que venaient pendant la guerre de sept ans les instructions d'agir, et cette guerre même avait été en partie provoquée par des actes d'hos- tilité, par des incidents sanglants pour lesquels les bu- reaux parisiens n'étaient pas responsables.Il y eut méme tel cas de marchandises refusées, en guise de pro- testation contre des droits de douane trop élevés. Ce n'était pas la theorie qui fagonnait les Ames. D'elles-mémes elles arrivaient A penser ainsi dans ces formes isolées où chacun se rendait compte de la partici- pation au défrichement, au labeur, à la defense, dans ces villages où se trouvaient ensemble ceux qui avaient col- laboré à l'ceuvre commune, dans ces villes qui s'étaient formées, avec une bourgeoisie d'importation, avec des fonctionnaires envoyes, mais aussi par la selection méme de ces elements ruraux, de travail, de patience et d'ini- tiative. La race conservait son prix, car il y avait la langue la rappelant. Les institutions traditionnelles manquaient cependant presque totalement. Le prestige d'un prince, d'une noblesse agissant comme telle, était absent. Les produits de l'esprit pénétraient difficilement, les ouvrages défendus en France encore plus que les autres. L'Eglise restait beaucoup plus qu'en Europe mattresse des Ames, et l'école en dépendait exclusivement. S'il n'y avait pas eu la difference de religion profoncle- ment marquee par cette fagon de vivre et de s'instruire, si les jésuites n'avaient pas entretenu l'aversion pour a l'hérétique » d'à-còté, on aurait passé facilement par- dessus les recommandations du monde officiel pour se CHAPITRE PREMIER 3 confondre avec ceux d'une autre nation, d'une autre langue et d'une autre dépendance qui travaillaient 4 la même ceuvre. Les Hollandais de jadis avaient bien fini par tendre la main aux Anglais, en dépit de la separation des deux confessions, parties cependant de la meme révolte contre le catholicisme. Sur les Anglais, en partie des rebelles, la main-mise de l'Etat avait été toujours plus faible. Ils n'avaient rien i voir ni avec les facteurs parlementaires car ici il n'y avait pas de whigs et de tories, ni avec les tendances hannovériennes ou avec les appétits de hégémonie con- tinentale du royaume britannique, où il n'envoyaient pas meme pour les etudes leurs fils, pour le gain leurs négociants. Le système d'impôts des colonies anglaises était abso- lument autonome, et il servait 4 couvrir les seuls besoins de chaque province. Le commerce d'un établissernent A l'autre se faisait d'après les normes traditionnelles. Ce qui avail, été au commencement du moyen-Age les « Romani» sur la vieille terre européenne se renouve- lait ainsi par la similitude des circonstances, par la quasi- identité du milieu sur le sol américain. On avait toujours reconnu e Londres la nécessité d'ad- mettre cette fagon de vivre. Du reste, pendant longtemps les choses des Indes orientales avaient été laissées aux soins de la compagnie autonome, et pour les intéréts des Indes occidentales on n'avait pas eu d'attention sérieuse et suivie. La dernière guerre avait cependant amené un changement essentiel; l'idée d'un empire régi, administré, exploité se formait enfin dans la tête des ministres anglais. Pitt était dans l'opposition et ne manquait pas de pré- parer par des agitations dans le monde londonnien son retour au pouvoir; Bute, qui avait signé la paix avec la France qu'un patriotisme exagéré considérait comme mauvaise, avait a se retirer; le Ministère, de simple intermezzo, d'un Halifax et d'un Granville avait des finances prosperes 4 sa disposition; le taux de l'intérêt dans les transactions particulières ayant diminué, une 4 ESSAI DE SYNTHÉSE DE L'ITISTOIRE DE L'HUMANITE. réduction fut pratiquée sur les rentes d'Etat. Ceci ne paraissait pas encore suffisant. On greva le commerce des colonies avec les Antilles, car depuis la paix fait remarquable la couronne avait, A còté des provinces formées par des réfugiés, des pays de conquéte, sans aucun autre droit que celui de simples sujets du roi. Le Canada entier, avec sa nombreuse population, apparte- nant A deux races n'était que la partie la plus impor- tante et la plus précieuse de ces acquisitions faites les armes A la main et auxquelles on pouvait imposer un statutadministratif, demander lescontributions au trésor de l'Etat, envoyer des gouverneurs et infliger des garnisons 1. Les Américains des provinces autonomes se rendaient parfaitement compte eux-mérnes que quel- clue chose de grand se prépare pour la race anglaise des deux ceités de l'Océan et que cette fondation impériale doit nécessairement se poser sur des bases unitaires. La conception d'un seul régime fiscal put partir des cabinets ministériels, mais c'était le Parlement qui devait en prendre l'initiative. Il n'hésita pas A le faire. Une cer- taine envie A l'égard des colonies florissantes agitait A ce moment le milieu commercial anglais, très développé dans les derniers temps, et animait toute une opinion publique, exaltée par les succès. Il y eut done des taxes de timbre; puis on imposa le vin, le sucre (1760-1765), plus tard le papier, les cou- leurs, le thé. La réaction fut immédiate, et d'un caractère invin- cible. Comme au moment oil Penn quittait l'Angleterre pour ne pas payer une taxe, celle des vaisseaux, que n'avaient pas voté, dans les formes requises, ses repré- sentants légaux, lescoloniesdéelarèrent dans leurs assemblées qu'il ne leur est pas permis, dans leur cons- cience politique, d'accepter les conséquences d'un vote auquel elles n'ont pas eu part. Sans compter que 4es rap- ports avec la métropole dont ils parlaient la langue sont 1 Les sujets français de S. Domingue protesterent aussi contre l'in- troduction des troupes. CHAPITRE PREMIER 5 réglés pour toujours dans des chartes royales auxquelles le Parlemerit ne pouvait pas porter atteinte. Elles ajou- talent, du reste, ne pas daigner lame avoir des députés au Parlement d'un pays qui au point de vue politique leur est étranger, car ils font partie, eux, d'un autre Etat. « Les colonies ne se sentent pas étre dans le royaume », et, comme c'est l'opinion d'hommes libres, a aucune force, feft-elle si grande, ne pent les faire changer 1. » Elles n'ont rien a faire ni avec les partis en lutte, ni avec leurs pro- cédés de haine et de corruption. Elles veulent se créer un système économique particulier; comme elles ont déjà passé du simple (sabotage A des relations lointaines avec l'Espagne, le Portugal, la Scandinavie, elles prétendent qu'on leur en reconnaisse le droit, ainsi que celui d'im- porter, après avoir si longternps été un débouché pour les manufactures anglaises, des matières premières, entre autres le fer. Il n'y avait pas moyen de s'entendre. Aux colonies on n'entend qu'une seule voix coritre la tyrannie du Parlement de Londres; en Angleterre la nécenité de rédulre a l'obéissance ces rebelles était admise par les deux partis séparés sur presque toutes les autres ques- tions.
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