Perspectives on Community Representation Within the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative: Experiences from South-East Madagascar

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Perspectives on Community Representation Within the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative: Experiences from South-East Madagascar Resources Policy 37 (2012) 241–250 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Resources Policy journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/resourpol Perspectives on community representation within the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative: Experiences from south-east Madagascar Shirley M. Smith n, Derek D. Shepherd, Peter T. Dorward School of Agriculture, Policy and Development, The University of Reading, PO Box 217, Reading, Berkshire RG6 6AH, UK article info abstract Article history: This article critically examines the nature and quality of governance in community representation and Received 4 November 2010 civil society engagement in the context of trans-national large-scale mining, drawing on experiences Received in revised form in the Anosy Region of south-east Madagascar. An exploration of functional relationships between 5 January 2011 government, mining business and civil society stakeholders reveals an equivocal legitimacy of Accepted 6 January 2011 certain civil society representatives, created by state manipulation, which contributes to community Available online 25 February 2011 disempowerment. The appointment of local government officials, rather than election, creates a JEL classifications: hierarchy of upward dependencies and a culture where the majority of officials express similar views D7 and political alliances. As a consequence, community resistance is suppressed. G3 Voluntary mechanisms such as Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) and the Extractive Industries I3 Transparency Initiative (EITI) advocate community stakeholder engagement in decision making O1 Q3 processes as a measure to achieve public accountability. In many developing countries, where there is a lack of transparency and high levels of corruption, the value of this engagement, however, is Keywords: debatable. Findings from this study indicate that the power relationships which exist between Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) stakeholders in the highly lucrative mining industry override efforts to achieve ’’good governance’’ Extractives Industry Transparency Initiative through voluntary community engagement. The continuing challenge lies in identifying where the (EITI) responsibility sits in order to address this power struggle to achieve fair representation. Large-scale mining & 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Trans-national mining Governance Rio Tinto Madagascar Africa Developing country Development Minerals Resource rich Globalisation Introduction policies, whereas host governments typically receive minimal mining revenues. Essentially, large-scale mining has expanded into With the global demand for minerals increasing, companies certain vulnerable countries without effective regulatory control headquartered in developed countries are expanding into develop- (SAPRIN, 2002, p. 144–155). It is also suggested that undervalued ing countries where reserves are relatively unexploited and plenti- land and resources enable trans-national mining corporations to ful. One continuously debated topic in this regard is the convenience increase their profits. of operating beyond national boundaries for a number of reasons The World Bank, a major investor in extractive industry linked to lower operating costs, including low wages, plentiful projects, advocates that mining-led development in developing labour and weak governance with less public scrutiny and fewer countries creates employment and downstream industries, and, statutory requirements. Structural adjustment and policy reforms, in the process, increases household income and reduces poverty such as those advocated by the World Bank, have increased private (World Bank, 2004). Specifically, the Bank both asserts that large- investments in mining: companies benefit from attractive fiscal scale mining creates income which governments can use to finance national social and environmental programmes with a focus on poverty reduction (World Bank, 2008), and acknowl- n edges that responsible management and distribution of these Corresponding author. E-mail addresses: [email protected], revenues is a challenge to many governments (Weber-Fahr, 2002, [email protected] (S.M. Smith). p. 2). Many developing countries that are major exporters of 0301-4207/$ - see front matter & 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.resourpol.2011.01.001 242 S.M. Smith et al. / Resources Policy 37 (2012) 241–250 mineral resources have high levels of corruption, low levels of south-east Madagascar. Two common themes emerging from the democracy and do not have an appropriate governance frame- industry-specific initiatives and the broader literature concerning work. Dependence on mineral revenues can exacerbate these Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) are explored further: (i) the harmful aspects, in turn, furthering corruption, authoritarianism, voluntary nature of their application; and (ii) the role and value of government ineffectiveness, high military spending and civil war stakeholder engagement, with particular emphasis on civil society (Ross, 2001). It has been observed that many resource-dependent representation and the responsibility of international donors. The countries grow more slowly economically and socially than underlying implication is that stakeholder engagement facilitates resource poor countries, resulting in low levels of education, ‘‘good governance.’’ living standards and life expectancy as well as high levels of poverty and child mortality. Much has been written about this paradox, popularly referred to in the literature as the ‘‘Resource Mining sector reform and the evolution of QMM in Curse’’ and the World Bank’s potential involvement in this Madagascar dynamic1 (see e.g. Atkinson and Hamilton, 2003; Auty, 1993; Sachs and Warner, 2001; Pegg, 2003, 2006; Stevens and Dietsche, Madagascar, a designated biodiversity hotspot, experiences an 2008; Ross, 2001). imbalanced focus towards environment and conservation issues Although the extractive industry has been under sustained rather than socio-economic development. Large-scale mine pro- pressure to improve its performance (Carter, 2005), much of the duction is a relatively recent development in Madagascar: studies focus has been on environmental issues, with comparatively less examining the impact of large-scale mining projects on local attention paid to interrelated socio-economic issues (Hilson, 2002). community identity are therefore scarce. There is even less Social problems were at the forefront of the Global Mining Initiative analysis of governance in the country’s extractive industries, (GMI) embarked on by nine large mining companies in the late- particularly perspectives from the grassroots (Sarrasin, 2006). 1990s. The aim of the GMI was to change the way in which the There is potential for Madagascar’s mineral resource revenue mining industry operated; through an exploration of ‘‘the role of the to be directed at socio-economic development programmes cap- sector in the transition to sustainable development‘‘. The outcome, able of facilitating rural poverty alleviation. The situation else- the Mining, Minerals and Sustainable Development (MMSD) project, where in sub-Saharan Africa is extremely discouraging: evidence acknowledged the industry’s failure to convince stakeholders of its from studies carried out in the region suggests that revenues ‘‘social licence to operate’’ or fully address the challenges of poverty rarely impact positively on the poorest 20% of the population and alleviation, job creation, capacity-building and skills creation, govern- may, in fact, worsen their situation (Ross, 2001). Resource ance, gender equity and stakeholder engagement (IIED, 2002,p.xiv dependency may also negatively affect Madagascar’s fragile 2 3 and 363–366). The Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), state. Since independence, the country has experienced periods which would build upon the foundation laid by the EIR and the of single party dominance, civil uprising against the government MMSD project, is an externally validated voluntary scheme which resulting in military rule followed by elections of disputed fair- aims to strengthen governance through greater transparency and ness due to the manipulation of voters and the suppression of accountability in countries dependent on revenues from extractive opposing political parties. Political scandals, election irregulari- industries. Its principles acknowledge the value of a well-informed ties, corruption, bribes and violent civil unrest have been wide- broader stakeholder group encompassing governments, companies spread over the past decade (Randrianja, 2003; Ploch, 2009). and civil society in the context of transparency and governance. The influence of the World Bank in extractive industry devel- Member countries’ governments must comply with criteria which opment in sub-Saharan Africa can be seen in the region’s three include a focus, inter alia, on the active engagement of civil society as generations of mining codes. The first generation, established in a participant in the design, monitoring and evaluation of the EITI the 1980s, advocated liberalisation, privatisation and state dereg- process (Department for International Development, 2006; Extractive ulation. The second generation focused on capacity-building and Industries Transparency Initiative Secretariat, 2008). The EIR and good governance, but, in allowing self-regulation in the private World Bank guidance on Social and Environmental Assessments sector, failed to address statutory
Recommended publications
  • The South African Institute of International Affairs
    THE SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Brief Report 10/91 A French possession since 1896, the island of Madagascar, the fourth largest in the world, acceded to autonomous statehood within the French Community in October 1958, as the Malagasy Republic. In May 1959 Philibert Tsiranana, leader of the Parti Social Democrate (PSD), became President. The country achieved full independence in June 1960. Universally famous for its oddities in the animal and plant kingdom - notably, the mouse lemurs, the smallest of all primates, and a dozen species of vanga shrikes - Madagascar has known conflict since its independence. Conflict between the coastal people (cotiers) and the traditional ruling group of the island, the Merina, underlies the islands recent political history. ECONOMIC DECLINE After 1967 the economy, based principally on agriculture, forestry, fishing and - more recently - mining, went into deep decline. Political opposition to the Government's alleged authoritarianism and subservience to the interests of metropolitan France, also mounted. The embattled President transferred power to the military, who initiated the "Malagasization" of industry and education, and strengthened ties with the more progressive mainland African states. The crisis deepened, following an attempted military coup in December 1974, the assassination of the new Head of State and the imposition of martial law in February 1975. In June 1975, Lt-Commander Didier Ratsiraka, a cotier (a group long-favoured by the French) and a former Minister of Foreign Affairs, became the new Head of State and Chairman of the Supreme Revolutionary Council (SRC). |an Smuts House P.O. Box 31596 University of the Witwatersrand Braamfontein Braamfontein Johannesburg 2017 South Africa Tel: 339-2021 Telex: 4-27291 SA Fax: 339-2154 In a referendum in December 1975, a new constitution won overwhelming approval from the voters.
    [Show full text]
  • Embassy of India Antananarivo India-Madagascar Unclassified
    As on 24 Sept, 2019 Embassy of India Antananarivo India-Madagascar Unclassified brief India has had maritime links with Madagascar for several centuries. Settlements of Indian merchants in Madagascar date back to the late eighteenth century. The late nineteenth century and early years of the twentieth century witnessed a steady increase in the number of persons from India in Madagascar and persons of Indian origin began to play a significant role in business here. There are about 17,500 persons of India origin in Madagascar, including approximately 2500 Indian passport holders. Most of them are in trading but also manufacturing and other businesses. In recent years a number of Indian professionals have been working in different companies including multi-national companies in Madagascar. The first Indians settlers, mostly from Gujarat, arrived in Madagascar in 1880. Most of them are in trading but some of them are also in the manufacturing, real estate and other assorted businesses. The role played by the Indian community and diaspora in economic development of Madagascar is appreciated at all levels. Some of the Indian Diaspora are quite influential. In recent years a number of Indian professionals have migrated and are working in different companies, including multi- national companies in Madagascar. The Indian Diaspora has been playing a significant role in preserving and promoting Indian culture and traditional values. India opened a Consulate General in Antananarivo in 1954. Upon Madagascar gaining independence in 1960, the Consulate General was up-graded to an Embassy. Madagascar experienced political crisis in 2009. The transitional government was not recognized by the international community.
    [Show full text]
  • Madagascar's Political Crisis
    Madagascar’s political crisis Standard Note: SN05962 Last updated: 1 May 2012 Author: Jon Lunn Section International Affairs and Defence Section In March 2009, backed by large parts of the military and in the context of street protests in the capital, Antananarivo, current interim President Andre Rajoelina seized power from the incumbent, Marc Ravalomanana, who fled into exile in South Africa. The international community viewed it as an illegal coup d’état and took steps to isolate Rajeolina and his government. Since September 2011, a regionally-brokered agreement, signed by all the contending Malagasy parties, has been in place. Amongst other things, it provides for a one-year transition to new parliamentary and presidential elections. However, at just over the half-way point, the agreement is looking fragile and could yet collapse. The key unresolved issue is whether ex-president Marc Ravalomanana, who has been convicted in absentia on charges of complicity in murder in connection with the shooting of protestors in 2009, should be covered by an unconditional amnesty and allowed to return to Madagascar from abroad. Ravalomanana and his supporters allege that the conviction was unjustified and politically-motivated. In April 2012 an Amnesty Law was passed which appears designed not to apply to him. Click here for further background information about Madagascar. This information is provided to Members of Parliament in support of their parliamentary duties and is not intended to address the specific circumstances of any particular individual. It should not be relied upon as being up to date; the law or policies may have changed since it was last updated; and it should not be relied upon as legal or professional advice or as a substitute for it.
    [Show full text]
  • Download File
    Detailed timeline: Madagascar Rick de Satgé This timeline provides additional information to the Land Portal profile on Madagascar. Land related content is shaded in green and tagged using Landvoc metadata categories. Version 1.0 last updated 1 June 2021 Year Event Context Landvoc metadata tags 700CE Mariners from Indonesia settle in Madagascar has only had human settlement for 1300 years. Language Madagascar and culture derived from Indonesian origins although there is debate Afro Arab settlers inhabit the coasts before about how the first settlers came to the island and a precise settlement 1000 CE chronology has yet to be reliably established. 1000 CE “Slaves probably made an important part of the population of Madagascar as early as in the 10th century”. 1 1 (Regnier and Somda 2018) Year Event Context Landvoc metadata tags Madagascar has a fragmented population made up of 20 ethnic groups. The island was visited by Diaz Portuguese navigator in 1500 Figure 1: Encyclopaedia Britannica2 1600 to Portuguese navigators trade and raid Afro 1625 Arab coastal towns 1642 The French invade and establish Port Dauphin in the south-east which they maintain until 1674 1810 - 1861 Formation of the Kingdom of Madagascar In this period Andriana Merina expand their The economy of the Merina kingdom was dependent on domestic influence to control much of the island. slavery supplemented by the import of slaves from the African mainland.3 1810 Radama I rises to head what became known Radama 1 the Merina sovereign (1810-28) allied himself with the British as the Merina kingdom. governor of Mauritius. 2 (Kent 2020) 3 (Campbell 1981) Year Event Context Landvoc metadata tags 1820 British-Merina treaty of I820 in which Radama I signs the agreement with Farquhar the British governor – Radama I, the Merina sovereign, pledged to himself the owner of the largest slave run plantation in Mauritius.
    [Show full text]
  • Madagascar's 2009 Political Crisis
    Madagascar’s 2009 Political Crisis Lauren Ploch Analyst in African Affairs May 18, 2009 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R40448 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Madagascar’s 2009 Political Crisis Summary Political tensions on the Indian Ocean island of Madagascar between President Marc Ravalomanana and Andry Rajoelina, the former mayor of the capital city, escalated in early 2009, culminating in the President’s forced removal from office. In preceding weeks, over 135 people had been killed in riots and demonstrations. Under intensifying pressure from mutinous soldiers and large crowds of protestors, Ravalomanana handed power to the military on March 17, 2009. The military then transferred authority to Rajoelina, who has declared a transitional government. Days prior to President Ravalomanana’s resignation, the U.S. Ambassador to Madagascar had expressed concern that the country could face civil war; some believe that may still be a possibility. Rajoelina’s “inauguration” as president of the transitional authority was followed by days of protests by thousands of supporters of Ravalomanana. Several more recent demonstrations have led to violent clashes with security forces. The political uncertainty has strained relations between international donors and Madagascar, which was the first country to sign a U.S. Millennium Challenge Account compact, worth an estimated $110 million. Following coups in Mauritania and Guinea in 2008, the African Union, the United States, and the European Union, among others, warned against an unconstitutional transfer of power on the island nation and have threatened sanctions and a suspension of foreign aid. The African Union and the Southern African Development Community have suspended Madagascar until constitutional order is restored.
    [Show full text]
  • Note De L'ifri
    NNoottee ddee ll’’IIffrrii ______________________________________________________________________ The Recent Blossoming in Relations between China and Madagascar __________________________________________________________________ Mathieu Pellerin February 2012 . Sub-Saharan Africa Program The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non- governmental and a non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. The Sub-Saharan Africa Program is supported by: Traduction : Kathy Judelson ISBN: 978-2-86592-992-4 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2012 Ifri Ifri-Bruxelles 27, rue de la Procession Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – FRANCE 1000 – Bruxelles – BELGIQUE Tel: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 Tel: +32 (0)2 238 51 10 Fax: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Fax: +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Table of Contents INTRODUCTION ............................................................................. 2 THE ROOTS OF SINO-MADAGASCAN RELATIONS ............................ 4 “Old” and “New” Chinese: peaceful co-existence ............................... 4 From Co-existence to Co-operation ......................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Madagascar's Political Crisis
    Madagascar’s Political Crisis Lauren Ploch Analyst in African Affairs Nicolas Cook Specialist in African Affairs June 18, 2012 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R40448 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Madagascar’s Political Crisis Summary Madagascar, an Indian Ocean island country, ranks among the world’s poorest countries, is the world’s fourth largest island and is extremely biologically diverse, with thousands of unique species of flora and fauna. It has experienced political instability since early 2009, initiated by tensions between the country’s last elected president, Marc Ravalomanana, and an opposition movement led by Andry Rajoelina, then the mayor of the capital city, Antananarivo. Mass protests in early 2009 and eventual military support for the ouster of President Ravalomanana culminated in his forced resignation from office. Rajoelina then seized power and, with other leaders, formed an interim self-declared transitional government, the High Transitional Authority (HAT, after its French acronym). Ravalomanana now lives in exile in South Africa. Periodic protests by Ravalomanana supporters after the takeover led to violent clashes with security forces. Negotiations between the parties led to the signing of an agreement in 2009 in Maputo, Mozambique to establish an inclusive, transitional government, but Rajoelina subsequently appointed a cabinet seen to be primarily composed of his own supporters. Southern African leaders and Madagascar’s opposition parties rejected the proposed government, and negotiations resumed. Two later agreements also failed to result in a unified transitional process. The unconstitutional change of power and resulting political impasse have negatively affected economic growth and development efforts and strained Madagascar’s relations with international donors.
    [Show full text]
  • Madagascar’S Democratization Process
    May 01 Issue FINAL 1 4/10/01 5:22 PM Page 226 (Black plate) “President Ratsiraka is trying to reverse the gains that have been made during Madagascar’s democratization process. Campaigning on the slogan of freedom with development, he has successfully moved the country back toward the autocracy of the Second Republic. If the highest leadership is not seeking democracy, then who is?” Madagascar: Legitimizing Autocracy RICHARD R. MARCUS adagascar is viewed as democratic by the of Malagasy are politically marginalized—muted by international community because, as the the opaque system created by aggressive political MUnited States Department of State has put actors. What is left in Madagascar is a carefully it, this island nation off the eastern coast of Africa crafted shell of electoral democracy. “completed its transition from 16 years of authori- tarian Socialist rule with the free and fair election THE RETURN TO DEMOCRACY of Albert Zafy as president in 1993.” Indeed, in con- In 1989 President Ratsiraka, Madagascar’s undis- trast to the political situation ten years ago, it would puted autocratic leader since the military took over appear that democracy has flourished: not only in 1975, faced three major problems. The economy have regular elections been held, but people also was in tatters, a debt crisis had erupted after foreign exercise their rights to free speech and assembly, donors bailed out of Ratsiraka’s experiment in practice the religion of their choice, and publish nationalization, and his patron state, the Soviet newspaper articles criticizing both the system and Union, was on the brink of collapse.
    [Show full text]
  • Madagascar Epr Atlas Madagascar 1030
    epr atlas 1029 Madagascar epr atlas madagascar 1030 Ethnicity in Madagascar Group selection Experts are divided on weather Madagascar should be considered an ethnically homogenous or heterogeneous country. Those arguing that Madagascar is homogenous consider all indigenous residents as Malagasy, since they all share mixed Southeast Asian and African ancestry, all speak dialects of the Malagasy language and many share common costumes with regard to dress, religion, social organization and other matters. For those that see Madagascar as an ethnically heterogeneous country suggest that there are as many as 20 different ethnic groups that view themselves as distinct social groups. The five most populous groups are the following. The largest of these 20 groups are the Merina (about 27% of the population). While their original homeland is the central highlands, the spread of the Me- rina Kingdom from 1810 until 1895 has left Merina people employed in many occupations across Madagascar. The second largest group is the Betsimisaraka (about 15% of the population), which live on the east cost and are mainly farmers. The third largest group is the Betsileo (about 13% of the population), which live in the southern central highlands. The fourth largest group is the Sakalava (about 5%), which live in the west and herd cattle. Finally, the fifth largest group is the Tandroy (about 8%), which live in the south of the is- land. As we will see below, those groups by themselves do play a dominant political role. Rather a twofold socially constructed com- bination of groups (the highlanders and costal people) is politically salient (2562; 2563, 121-129; 2564, 146-147; 2565) The political history 2562 [Metz, 1994] of Madagascar since independence from France in 1960 can roughly 2563 [Allen, 1995] 2564 be categorized in three periods.
    [Show full text]
  • Experiencing Rhythm: Contemporary Malagasy Music and Identity
    University of Southampton Research Repository ePrints Soton Copyright © and Moral Rights for this thesis are retained by the author and/or other copyright owners. A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder/s. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given e.g. AUTHOR (year of submission) "Full thesis title", University of Southampton, name of the University School or Department, PhD Thesis, pagination http://eprints.soton.ac.uk UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHAMPTON FACULTY OF HUMANITIES Experiencing Rhythm: Contemporary Malagasy Music and Identity by Jenny Fuhr Thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy November 2010 ii UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHAMPTON ABSTRACT FACULTY OF HUMANITIES Doctor of Philosophy EXPERIENCING RHYTHM: CONTEMPORARY MALAGASY MUSIC AND IDENTITY by Jenny Fuhr My thesis is about experiences of ‘rhythm’ in ‘Contemporary Malagasy Music’ (Randrianary 2001), a field that has hardly been researched. I argue for the importance of integrating musical practices into ethnomusicological research. Despite an on-going debate on the need for a more performative approach, only very few scholars have put this aim into action (Baily 2008). Most music research so far, particularly studies on African music, are marked by prevailing and dominating Western discourses on and approaches to music with musical notation remaining the main analytical tool.
    [Show full text]
  • Madagascar Short Brief
    Madagascar Short Brief I. Activity Summary: The AU and SADC in the Madagascar Overview Madagascar, the fourth largest island in the world with population of over 22 million, has faced a series of political crises since its independence from France in 1960, resulting in political instability and frequently disputed elections.[i] Since the most recent set of crises, beginning in 2008, a series of mediations from the UN, AU, and SADC often competed with one another and led to delays, but were more or less successful at preventing the outbreak of all-out conflict. However, reforms needed to stabilize the nation and lead to a durable political consensus have not been undertaken, which is reflected in the weak and divided position of the current government. Background Political rule in Madagascar has followed a familiar path influenced by Cold War politics. The African Elections Database characterizes political regimes in Madagascar since independence as the following:[ii] • 1960-1972 Restricted Democratic Practice • 1972-1976 Military Regime • 1976-1989 One Party State (FNDR) • 1989-1993 Multiparty Transition • 1993-2009 Democracy • 2009- Civilian-led, Military-backed Transitional Government Soviet-leaning socialist regimes ruled state politics until the 1980s when support from the Soviet Union waned.[iii]After the fall of the Berlin Wall, democratization came in fits and starts to Madagascar. After two years of crisis, a democratic transition led to the approval of a new constitution in 1992. In the 1993 presidential elections, leader of the opposition Albert Zafy defeated Didier Ratsiraka, who had ruled Madagascar throughout the Cold War years.[iv]This new government, however, was unable to effectively address the extreme poverty two-thirds of the country faced.
    [Show full text]
  • Madagascar Selective Justice
    Madagascar Selective Justice Introduction The December 2001 presidential elections in Madagascar provoked a major political crisis between the incumbent President, Didier Ratsiraka and his main rival, Marc Ravalomanana. The official results of the election’s first round gave no candidate an absolute majority, but these were challenged by Marc Ravalomanana who claimed he had won the election outright. On 22 February 2002, Marc Ravalomanana declared himself President after weeks of demonstrations in the capital, Antananarivo, in support of his claim. Didier Ratsiraka left the capital for Toamasina, an important port in the east of the country. This led to increasing tension and violence between the supporters of the two candidates. Marc Ravalomanana’s supporters erected barricades in the capital to "protect themselves" against possible action by the security forces or rival supporters. Didier Ratsiraka’s supporters blocked roads linking the provincial ports to the capital in order to isolate the inland capital. This period was marked by increasing confusion, disrespect for the rule of law and a breakdown of security. Parts of the army and the security forces became divided in favour of one or other candidate. However, some army generals tried to remain neutral condemning both the economic blockade of the capital and Marc Ravalomanana’s “self-declaration” as President. Marc Ravalomanana was installed as President on 6 May 2002 after the votes had been recounted. He then sent troops to recapture four provinces where the governors had declared themselves “independent” from the Antananarivo government. Marc Ravalomanana called upon reservists and other recent recruits to boost his troops, known as the “pacifying army”.
    [Show full text]