J. Schoterman an Introduction to Old Javanese Sanskrit Dictionaries and Grammars
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Ka И @И Ka M Л @Л Ga Н @Н Ga M М @М Nga О @О Ca П
ISO/IEC JTC1/SC2/WG2 N3319R L2/07-295R 2007-09-11 Universal Multiple-Octet Coded Character Set International Organization for Standardization Organisation Internationale de Normalisation Международная организация по стандартизации Doc Type: Working Group Document Title: Proposal for encoding the Javanese script in the UCS Source: Michael Everson, SEI (Universal Scripts Project) Status: Individual Contribution Action: For consideration by JTC1/SC2/WG2 and UTC Replaces: N3292 Date: 2007-09-11 1. Introduction. The Javanese script, or aksara Jawa, is used for writing the Javanese language, the native language of one of the peoples of Java, known locally as basa Jawa. It is a descendent of the ancient Brahmi script of India, and so has many similarities with modern scripts of South Asia and Southeast Asia which are also members of that family. The Javanese script is also used for writing Sanskrit, Jawa Kuna (a kind of Sanskritized Javanese), and Kawi, as well as the Sundanese language, also spoken on the island of Java, and the Sasak language, spoken on the island of Lombok. Javanese script was in current use in Java until about 1945; in 1928 Bahasa Indonesia was made the national language of Indonesia and its influence eclipsed that of other languages and their scripts. Traditional Javanese texts are written on palm leaves; books of these bound together are called lontar, a word which derives from ron ‘leaf’ and tal ‘palm’. 2.1. Consonant letters. Consonants have an inherent -a vowel sound. Consonants combine with following consonants in the usual Brahmic fashion: the inherent vowel is “killed” by the PANGKON, and the follow- ing consonant is subjoined or postfixed, often with a change in shape: §£ ndha = § NA + @¿ PANGKON + £ DA-MAHAPRANA; üù n. -
A Practical Sanskrit Introductory
A Practical Sanskrit Intro ductory This print le is available from ftpftpnacaczawiknersktintropsjan Preface This course of fteen lessons is intended to lift the Englishsp eaking studentwho knows nothing of Sanskrit to the level where he can intelligently apply Monier DhatuPat ha Williams dictionary and the to the study of the scriptures The rst ve lessons cover the pronunciation of the basic Sanskrit alphab et Devanagar together with its written form in b oth and transliterated Roman ash cards are included as an aid The notes on pronunciation are largely descriptive based on mouth p osition and eort with similar English Received Pronunciation sounds oered where p ossible The next four lessons describ e vowel emb ellishments to the consonants the principles of conjunct consonants Devanagar and additions to and variations in the alphab et Lessons ten and sandhi eleven present in grid form and explain their principles in sound The next three lessons p enetrate MonierWilliams dictionary through its four levels of alphab etical order and suggest strategies for nding dicult words The artha DhatuPat ha last lesson shows the extraction of the from the and the application of this and the dictionary to the study of the scriptures In addition to the primary course the rst eleven lessons include a B section whichintro duces the student to the principles of sentence structure in this fully inected language Six declension paradigms and class conjugation in the present tense are used with a minimal vo cabulary of nineteen words In the B part of -
OSU WPL # 27 (1983) 140- 164. the Elimination of Ergative Patterns Of
OSU WPL # 27 (1983) 140- 164. The Elimination of Ergative Patterns of Case-Marking and Verbal Agreement in Modern Indic Languages Gregory T. Stump Introduction. As is well known, many of the modern Indic languages are partially ergative, showing accusative patterns of case- marking and verbal agreement in nonpast tenses, but ergative patterns in some or all past tenses. This partial ergativity is not at all stable in these languages, however; what I wish to show in the present paper, in fact, is that a large array of factors is contributing to the elimination of partial ergativity in the modern Indic languages. The forces leading to the decay of ergativity are diverse in nature; and any one of these may exert a profound influence on the syntactic development of one language but remain ineffectual in another. Before discussing this erosion of partial ergativity in Modern lndic, 1 would like to review the history of what the I ndian grammar- ians call the prayogas ('constructions') of a past tense verb with its subject and direct object arguments; the decay of Indic ergativity is, I believe, best envisioned as the effect of analogical develop- ments on or within the system of prayogas. There are three prayogas in early Modern lndic. The first of these is the kartariprayoga, or ' active construction' of intransitive verbs. In the kartariprayoga, the verb agrees (in number and p,ender) with its subject, which is in the nominative case--thus, in Vernacular HindOstani: (1) kartariprayoga: 'aurat chali. mard chala. woman (nom.) went (fern. sg.) man (nom.) went (masc. -
M. Ricklefs an Inventory of the Javanese Manuscript Collection in the British Museum
M. Ricklefs An inventory of the Javanese manuscript collection in the British Museum In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 125 (1969), no: 2, Leiden, 241-262 This PDF-file was downloaded from http://www.kitlv-journals.nl Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 11:29:04AM via free access AN INVENTORY OF THE JAVANESE MANUSCRIPT COLLECTION IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM* he collection of Javanese manuscripts in the British Museum, London, although small by comparison with collections in THolland and Indonesia, is nevertheless of considerable importance. The Crawfurd collection, forming the bulk of the manuscripts, provides a picture of the types of literature being written in Central Java in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, a period which Dr. Pigeaud has described as a Literary Renaissance.1 Because they were acquired by John Crawfurd during his residence as an official of the British administration on Java, 1811-1815, these manuscripts have a convenient terminus ad quem with regard to composition. A large number of the items are dated, a further convenience to the research worker, and the dates are seen to cluster in the four decades between AD 1775 and AD 1815. A number of the texts were originally obtained from Pakualam I, who was installed as an independent Prince by the British admini- stration. Some of the manuscripts are specifically said to have come from him (e.g. Add. 12281 and 12337), and a statement in a Leiden University Bah ad from the Pakualaman suggests many other volumes in Crawfurd's collection also derive from this source: Tuwan Mister [Crawfurd] asked to be instructed in adat law, with examples of the Javanese usage. -
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Part 1: Introduction to The
PREVIEW OF THE IPA HANDBOOK Handbook of the International Phonetic Association: A guide to the use of the International Phonetic Alphabet PARTI Introduction to the IPA 1. What is the International Phonetic Alphabet? The aim of the International Phonetic Association is to promote the scientific study of phonetics and the various practical applications of that science. For both these it is necessary to have a consistent way of representing the sounds of language in written form. From its foundation in 1886 the Association has been concerned to develop a system of notation which would be convenient to use, but comprehensive enough to cope with the wide variety of sounds found in the languages of the world; and to encourage the use of thjs notation as widely as possible among those concerned with language. The system is generally known as the International Phonetic Alphabet. Both the Association and its Alphabet are widely referred to by the abbreviation IPA, but here 'IPA' will be used only for the Alphabet. The IPA is based on the Roman alphabet, which has the advantage of being widely familiar, but also includes letters and additional symbols from a variety of other sources. These additions are necessary because the variety of sounds in languages is much greater than the number of letters in the Roman alphabet. The use of sequences of phonetic symbols to represent speech is known as transcription. The IPA can be used for many different purposes. For instance, it can be used as a way to show pronunciation in a dictionary, to record a language in linguistic fieldwork, to form the basis of a writing system for a language, or to annotate acoustic and other displays in the analysis of speech. -
I:\Zakiyuddin B\Jurnal\Ijims\12
Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies Vol. 6, no.2 (2016), pp. 161-184, doi : 10.18326/ijims.v6i2.161-184 Common identity framework of cultural knowledge and practices of Javanese Islam Sulistiyono Susilo Diponegoro University Semarang e-mail: [email protected] DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v6i2.161-184 Ibnu Syato State University of Islamic Studies of Walisongo, Semarang e-mail: [email protected] Abstract Previous literatures apparently argued that Javanese Islam is characterized by orthodox thought and practice which is still mixed with pre-Islamic traditions. By using approach of the sociology of religion, this article tries to explain contextualization of Islamic universal values in local space. The results showed that synthesis of orthodox thought and practice with pre-Islamic traditions is doubtless as a result of interaction between Islam and pre-Islamic traditions during the Islamization of Java. In addition, this study found the intersection of Islam and Javanese culture in the terms of genealogy of culture, Islamic mysti- cism, orientation of traditional Islamic teachings, and the conception of the power in Javanese kingdom. Since kejawen practices accordance with Islamic mysticism can be justified by the practice of the Muslims. Thus the typology of the relationship between Islam and Javanese culture are not contradictory but dialectical. Finally, a number of implications and suggestions are discussed. 161 IJIMS, Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies, Volume 6, Number 2, December 2016: 161-184 Berbagai literatur sebelumnya mengenai studi Islam di Jawa umumnya berpendapat bahwa Islam Jawa ditandai dengan pemikiran dan praktek yang masih tercampur dengan tradisi pra-Islam. -
ADDRESSING SYSTEM of KINSHIP TERMS in JAVANESE SOCIETY: a Case Study Among Javanese People Living in Semarang
ADDRESSING SYSTEM OF KINSHIP TERMS IN JAVANESE SOCIETY: A Case Study among Javanese People Living in Semarang Submitted by: Nabila Krisnanda NIM: 13020110130046 FACULTY OF HUMANITIES DIPONEGORO UNIVERSITY SEMARANG 2014 Abstract In a communication, people usually convey an idea through language. The relationship between a speaker and a hearer can be reflected in the use of language. One thing that can determine the relationship between speaker and hearer is an address forms. The use of address forms are bound by the local customs, manners, and circumstances during conversation. In this study, I learn address forms in Javanese. Javanese people recognize certain codes for expressing politeness and respect. The speakers of Javanese language have special terms of address which they use when they talk to other people. It is closely related to the social values and decency in Javanese society. The purposes of this study are to know the actual use of addressing system of Javanese kinship terms by the society in daily conversations and to find out the factors that influence the use of address form in kinship terms of Javanese. The data used are the utterances from Javanese people that contain Javanese address forms in daily conversation. I use primary data because the data sources of this research come from the daily conversation of Javanese people in Semarang. The population of this research is all Javanese people living in Semarang. I use purposive random sampling technique. It means that, in deciding the samples that will be used, I have some criteria. The criteria are they are all Javanese people and they live in Semarang (Banyumanik, Tlogosari, Pasadena). -
Pronunciation
PRONUNCIATION Guide to the Romanized version of quotations from the Guru Granth Saheb. A. Consonants Gurmukhi letter Roman Word in Roman Word in Gurmukhi Meaning Letter letters using the letters using the relevant letter relevant letter from from the second the first column column S s Sabh sB All H h Het ihq Affection K k Krodh kroD Anger K kh Khayl Kyl Play G g Guru gurU Teacher G gh Ghar Gr House | ng Ngyani / gyani i|AwnI / igAwnI Possessing divine knowledge C c Cor cor Thief C ch Chaata Cwqw Umbrella j j Jahaaj jhwj Ship J jh Jhaaroo JwVU Broom \ ny Sunyi su\I Quiet t t Tap t`p Jump T th Thag Tg Robber f d Dar fr Fear F dh Dholak Folk Drum x n Hun hux Now q t Tan qn Body Q th Thuk Quk Sputum d d Den idn Day D dh Dhan Dn Wealth n n Net inq Everyday p p Peta ipqw Father P f Fal Pl Fruit b b Ben ibn Without B bh Bhagat Bgq Saint m m Man mn Mind X y Yam Xm Messenger of death r r Roti rotI Bread l l Loha lohw Iron v v Vasai vsY Dwell V r Koora kUVw Rubbish (n) in brackets, and (g) in brackets after the consonant 'n' both indicate a nasalised sound - Eg. 'Tu(n)' meaning 'you'; 'saibhan(g)' meaning 'by himself'. All consonants in Punjabi / Gurmukhi are sounded - Eg. 'pai-r' meaning 'foot' where the final 'r' is sounded. 3 Copyright Material: Gurmukh Singh of Raub, Pahang, Malaysia B. -
An Introduction to Indic Scripts
An Introduction to Indic Scripts Richard Ishida W3C [email protected] HTML version: http://www.w3.org/2002/Talks/09-ri-indic/indic-paper.html PDF version: http://www.w3.org/2002/Talks/09-ri-indic/indic-paper.pdf Introduction This paper provides an introduction to the major Indic scripts used on the Indian mainland. Those addressed in this paper include specifically Bengali, Devanagari, Gujarati, Gurmukhi, Kannada, Malayalam, Oriya, Tamil, and Telugu. I have used XHTML encoded in UTF-8 for the base version of this paper. Most of the XHTML file can be viewed if you are running Windows XP with all associated Indic font and rendering support, and the Arial Unicode MS font. For examples that require complex rendering in scripts not yet supported by this configuration, such as Bengali, Oriya, and Malayalam, I have used non- Unicode fonts supplied with Gamma's Unitype. To view all fonts as intended without the above you can view the PDF file whose URL is given above. Although the Indic scripts are often described as similar, there is a large amount of variation at the detailed implementation level. To provide a detailed account of how each Indic script implements particular features on a letter by letter basis would require too much time and space for the task at hand. Nevertheless, despite the detail variations, the basic mechanisms are to a large extent the same, and at the general level there is a great deal of similarity between these scripts. It is certainly possible to structure a discussion of the relevant features along the same lines for each of the scripts in the set. -
Balinese Romanization Table
Balinese Principal consonants1 (h)a2 ᬳ ᭄ᬳ na ᬦ ᭄ᬦ ca ᬘ ᭄ᬘ᭄ᬘ ra ᬭ ᭄ᬭ ka ᬓ ᭄ᬓ da ᬤ ᭄ᬤ ta ᬢ ᭄ᬢ sa ᬲ ᭄ᬲ wa ᬯ la ᬮ ᭄ᬙ pa ᬧ ᭄ᬧ ḍa ᬟ ᭄ᬠ dha ᬥ ᭄ᬟ ja ᬚ ᭄ᬚ ya ᬬ ᭄ᬬ ña ᬜ ᭄ᬜ ma ᬫ ᭄ᬫ ga ᬕ ᭄ᬕ ba ᬩ ᭄ᬩ ṭa ᬝ ᭄ᬝ nga ᬗ ᭄ᬗ Other consonant forms3 na (ṇa) ᬡ ᭄ᬡ ca (cha) ᭄ᬙ᭄ᬙ ta (tha) ᬣ ᭄ᬣ sa (śa) ᬱ ᭄ᬱ sa (ṣa) ᬰ ᭄ᬰ pa (pha) ᬨ ᭄ᬛ ga (gha) ᬖ ᭄ᬖ ba (bha) ᬪ ᭄ᬪ ‘a ᬗ᬴ ha ᬳ᬴ kha ᬓ᬴ fa ᬧ᬴ za ᬚ᬴ gha ᬕ᬴ Vowels and other agglutinating signs4 5 a ᬅ 6 ā ᬵ ᬆ e ᬾ ᬏ ai ᬿ ᬐ ĕ ᭂ ö ᭃ i ᬶ ᬇ ī ᬷ ᬈ o ᭀ ᬑ au ᭁ ᬒ u7 ᬸ ᬉ ū ᬹ ᬊ ya, ia8 ᭄ᬬ r9 ᬃ ra ᭄ᬭ rĕ ᬋ rö ᬌ ᬻ lĕ ᬍ ᬼ lö ᬎ ᬽ h ᬄ ng ᬂ ng ᬁ Numerals 1 2 3 4 5 ᭑ ᭒ ᭓ ᭔ ᭕ 6 7 8 9 0 ᭖ ᭗ ᭘ ᭙ ᭐ 1 Each consonant has two forms, the regular and the appended, shown on the left and right respectively in the romanization table. The vowel a is implicit after all consonants and consonant clusters and should be supplied in transliteration, unless: (a) another vowel is indicated by the appropriate sign; or (b) the absence of any vowel is indicated by the use of an adeg-adeg sign ( ). (Also known as the tengenen sign; ᭄ paten in Javanese.) 2 This character often serves as a neutral seat for a vowel, in which case the h is not transcribed. -
The Death of Sanskrit*
The Death of Sanskrit* SHELDON POLLOCK University of Chicago “Toutes les civilisations sont mortelles” (Paul Valéry) In the age of Hindu identity politics (Hindutva) inaugurated in the 1990s by the ascendancy of the Indian People’s Party (Bharatiya Janata Party) and its ideo- logical auxiliary, the World Hindu Council (Vishwa Hindu Parishad), Indian cultural and religious nationalism has been promulgating ever more distorted images of India’s past. Few things are as central to this revisionism as Sanskrit, the dominant culture language of precolonial southern Asia outside the Per- sianate order. Hindutva propagandists have sought to show, for example, that Sanskrit was indigenous to India, and they purport to decipher Indus Valley seals to prove its presence two millennia before it actually came into existence. In a farcical repetition of Romantic myths of primevality, Sanskrit is consid- ered—according to the characteristic hyperbole of the VHP—the source and sole preserver of world culture. The state’s anxiety both about Sanskrit’s role in shaping the historical identity of the Hindu nation and about its contempo- rary vitality has manifested itself in substantial new funding for Sanskrit edu- cation, and in the declaration of 1999–2000 as the “Year of Sanskrit,” with plans for conversation camps, debate and essay competitions, drama festivals, and the like.1 This anxiety has a longer and rather melancholy history in independent In- dia, far antedating the rise of the BJP. Sanskrit was introduced into the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution of India (1949) as a recognized language of the new State of India, ensuring it all the benefits accorded the other fourteen (now seventeen) spoken languages listed.