Himalaya, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies Volume 20 Article 8 Number 1 Himalayan Research Bulletin no. 1 & 2 2000 The nI tended and Unintended Consequences of AIDS Prevention Among Badi in Tulispur Thomas E. Cox Nagoya City University Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya Recommended Citation Cox, Thomas E. (2000) "The nI tended and Unintended Consequences of AIDS Prevention Among Badi in Tulispur," Himalaya, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies: Vol. 20: No. 1, Article 8. Available at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya/vol20/iss1/8 This Research Article is brought to you for free and open access by the DigitalCommons@Macalester College at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in Himalaya, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Intended and Unintended Consequences of AIDS Prevention Among Badi in Tulispur Thomas E. Cox Nagoya City University Introduction This paper begins with a short history ofBadi prostitu­ tion. The second section examines relations between Badi The Badi are an untouchable Hindu caste, with a popu­ and high-caste Nepalese before the implementation of AIDS lation of between seven and eight thousand, who live in prevention programs in the early 1990's. The third section scattered settlements throughout the Salyan, Rolpa, Rukum, explains why Tulsipur's Badi community has been the fo­ Dailekh, Seti, Jajarkot, Dang-Deukhuri, Banke and Bardiya cus of AIDS prevention efforts. The fourth argues that peer districts of far west Nepal. Badi men fish (keeping most of counselors -established by development agencies in the catch for their own family's consumption) and make 1993- constitute a new group of leaders who are chang­ drums and pipes, which they sell to other Nepalese in nearby ing Tulsipur's Badi culture in important ways. In the final communities. Their income however, is minimal. Badi section I discuss the condom use policy implemented by women- the primary breadwinners in their society-work Tulsipur's Badi prostitutes and its relationship to the new as prostitutes, beginning at puberty (at an average age of movement to reshape Badi identity. 13 or 14) and continuing until they become too old to at­ tract any more customers, get mmTied or, in very rare cases, A Short History of Badi Prostitution make enough money to "retire" early (See also Cox 1993; The Badi originally came to west Nepal from India back Gurung 1982). 1 in the fourteenth century, first settling in Salyan, and later Since 1991, Badi in Tulsipur (a town in the Dang­ in Rolpa, Rukum and Jajarkot. From the time of their settle­ Deukhuri district of far west Nepal) have been the focus of ment in Nepal, until the 1950s, the Badi made their living AIDS prevention programs implemented by the Nepalese as entertainers, travelling- in groups consisting of three government, various intemational development agencies or more families-from one community to the next, stag­ and non-governmental organizations (NGOs).2 These pro­ ing song and dance petformances and telling stories from grams have had intended and unintended consequences for the great Hindu epics of the Mahabharat and Ramayana. Tulsipur's Badi society. One intended consequence has Their travels often took them out of their home districts been a significant decrease in the incidence of sexually and as far east as Palpa, Baglung, Pokhara, Gorkha and transmitted disease (STD) infection among Badi prostitutes. Bandipur (see Gurung 1982). One unintended consequence has been the creation of a Until the 1950s the Badi were primarily supp01ted by new leadership that is trying to establish a new ethnic iden­ rulers of three principalities; Jajarkot, Salyan and Musikot, tity based on the principles of assertiveness, progressive­ and to a lesser extent by some wealthy high caste land­ ness and self-determination. These two consequences, as I lords. Regmi ( 1978) describes the rulers and landlords who will discuss, are inteiTelated in important ways. lived in west Nepal in the nineteenth and early twentieth 'This paper is based on ethnographic research conducted in centuries. These patrons provided the Badi with basic Tulsipur's Badi community between May 1990 and June needs: housing, land, clothing and food. In return the Badi 1995. A longer account of this research is given in Cox, 1993. provided them with entertainment and sex. At this time, 2Badi in the Tulsipur area live in five separate hamlets that lie however, Badi women limited their prostitution to patrons on the outskirts (or just beyond) of town. These include and some of their male relatives. After the overthrow of Rajapur, Bungusri, Nyabasti, Patekola and Srigau. The total the Rana regime (in 1950) and subsequent establishment Badi population of these hamlets fluctuates between 350 and of King Mahendra's panchayat government, rulers and land­ 400. Some Badi families move down to Tulsipur from the lords in west Nepal were stripped of much of their previ­ northern middle hills area. Others leave Tulsipur for border cities like Nepalgunj. ous authority, and lost the right to tax subjects and exact AIDS PREVENTION AMONG BADI/Cox 23 unpaid labor and rent (on agricultural land) from them. As with her mother and two younger brothers. Between 1986 a result th ey lost much of their economj c clout and were (when Laxmi began prostituting herself at the age of twelve) unabl e to continue their patronage of the Badi. and 199 1 Laxmi had an average of thirty clients a month, from whom she made 8,500 rupees. During this period Badi women, in an effort to make up their lost in come, · some especially generous clients would give her up to 1,000 began prostituting themselves with an increasing number rupees for one night of sex. From this income Laxmi was of men. This growin g reliance on prostitution was facili­ able to purchase almost one acre of khet (irrigated farm­ tated in the mid- 1960s by new accessibility (as a conse­ land) and build two houses. In 1991 Laxmi 's income be­ quence of the malaria eradication program) to Tulsipur, gan to decline. By mid-1995 she was only making an av­ Ghorahi, Rajapur, Nepalgunj and other growing, populous erage of 1850 rupees a month from 10 clients.5 Because Tarai towns with a large expanding market for prostitutes. of this reduction in earnings she could no longer indulge in At the sa me time that the market for prostitutes was ex­ certain "luxuries" (like going to movies or buying jewelry panding, demand for singing and dancing was shrinking and nice clothes) as she used to. (as a result of the radios, movies and tape players which became increasingly available throughout the 1960s and Relations Between Badi and High Caste Nepalese 1970s), making Badi even more dependent on prostitution Badi are the lowest ranking untouchable caste in west as a source of income (see Cox 1993). Nepal. It is primarily because of the stigma attached to The market for prostitutes continued to grow through­ prostitution that Badi have so little status. The rules of out the 1970s and 1980s as the Tarai 's population increased, orthodox Hinduism dictate that members of Nepal's hi gh­ and more Nepali men found out about the Badis' thriving est castes (Brahmans, Chetris and Thakuris) cannot allow commercial sex industry. By the late 1980's many Nepali Badi into their houses or accept a meal of cooked rice or a men from Narayanghat, Pokhara, Kathmandu, Biratnagar, glass of water from them. Marriage with Badi is also strictly and other towns in central and eastem Nepal, were taking prohibited. A Brahman, Chetri orThakuri (either a man or the long trip out west for the sole purpose of having sex a woman) who mmTies a Badi risks being di sow ned by with Badi women. Badi women's income from prostitu­ their family and ostracized by high-caste society. tion continued to ri se steadily. By 1990 each Badi prosti­ Despite the restrictions of orthodox Hinduism many tute in Tulsipur had an average of25 clients a month , from high-caste Nepali men have sex with Badi prostitutes. In whom they obtained a monthly income of around 5,000 most cases relations between a Badi woman and hi gh-caste rupees. clients begin and end with the sex act. I have, however, In 1991 growing awareness about AIDS caused a de­ seen many cases of high-caste men who married or other­ cline in the demand for commercial sex throughout Nepal. wise had long-term live-in relationships with Badi prosti­ By June of 1995 each Badi prostitute in Tulsipur had an tutes (see Cox 1993 ). In most of these cases the man ended average of only 10 clients a month, from whom they were up leaving hi s Badi wife (or lover) because of opposition earning only 1500 rupees. As a result of this declining from his parents and other members of hi gh-caste society. income Badi prostitutes in Tulsipur are no longer able to Occasionally, however, a high-caste man will stay with his buy land and build houses as they did in the booming eight­ ies. Indeed, by 1995 most of them could not even afford to purchase minor luxury items (like costume jewelry, make­ 4The names of all the people mentioned in thi s paper have been up, perfume, liquor and nice clothes) and said they were changed to protect their identities. barely making enough to live on. Despite these problems 5No t all Badi prostitutes in Tulsipur have had reduced incomes most Badi prostitutes said they had no intention of giving in the 1990's.