Some Considerations on the Making and Use of Colours in Etruria During the Middle Orientalising Period Francesco Napolitano

Etruscan Studies Journal of the Etruscan Foundation

Volume 10 Article 2

2007 Some Considerations on the Making and Use of Colours in Etruria During the Middle Orientalising Period Francesco Napolitano

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Recommended Citation Napolitano, Francesco (2007) "Some Considerations on the Making and Use of Colours in Etruria During the Middle Orientalising Period," Etruscan Studies: Vol. 10 , Article 2. Available at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/etruscan_studies/vol10/iss1/2

This Article is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Etruscan Studies by an authorized editor of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Some Considerations on the Making and Use of Colours in Etruria During the Middle Orientalising Period *

by Francesco Napolitano

1. EVIDENCE FROM FUNERARY BUILDINGS

n Etruria the earliest evidence for decorating the interiors of funeral chambers with colour dates back to the middle Orientalising period (680-630 B.C.). This tradition con - Icerns a limited number of tombs owned by families of the dominant social class. The decoration (in some cases found only in certain parts of the room ,1 in other cases adorning all the walls and ceilings 2) distinguishes these tombs from others of the same rank 3.

1.1. Colours and materials

The colours employed for tomb wall decoration, as shown in table 1, are mostly yellow and red. As chemical analyses have revealed, these two colours come from hydroxide and iron oxide (yellow and red ochre) ,4 extracted respectively from limonite and hematite. The use of black is more limited: it is used to trace the outline of the drawing ,5 or it is used as a base to intensify red and yellow tones .6 White was introduced half way through the 7th century, and it was made of kaolin 7 thinned with spring water. Unlike the other colours, black has a vegetal origin 8. Observation of the painted chamber walls shows that the black pigment distributes itself in a homogeneous way on the irregularities of the tufaceous surface. This evidence suggests that the black was not applied dry, but as a fluid substance. These characteristics (the vegetal origin and the liq - uid consistency), and the tone of the colour itself, enable one to identify the black of these tombs with the so called “nero di vite” (‘vine-black’): i.e. a kind of black obtained by col - lecting vine branches during the pruning period and carbonising them in sealed vases. Such a pigment, today sold as an oil colour, has been recommended, particularly for the fresco technique , in painting treatises, from the Middle Ages to 1920 .9

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TABLE 1 ETRUSCAN PAINTED TOMBS DATING TO THE MIDDLE ORIENTALISING PERIOD

Chronology 10 Places Evidences Colours 680-670 Veii Tomba delle Anatre yellow, red 11 , black 675-660 Veii Tomba 5 di Monte Michele red 675-650 Caere Monte d’Oro: Tumulo red, yellow monumentale 675-650 Caere Tomba della Nave 1 red, black, white 675-650 Caere Tomba Mengarelli red, black 12 , yellow about 650 Caere Tomba Maroi 1 red, black 650-625 13 Caere Tomba del Sorbo 1 yellow, red, black 640-630 Veii Tumulo di Vaccareccia yellow, red 650-625 Caere Tomba degli Animali Dipinti red, black, white 650-625 Caere Tomba dei Leoni Dipinti red, black, white 630-620 Caere Tomba dei Denti di Lupo yellow, red, black 650-625 Caere Tomba Campana 1 red 650-625 Caere Via degli Inferi: Tomba 1 red, yellow 650-625 San Giuliano Tomba Cima yellow, red-brown, black, green 14 650-625 Vulci Osteria: Tomba del Sole red, white, black e della Luna

1.2. Preparation of the colour

Red and yellow preparations must also have been very similar to those used in Italy dur - ing the Middle Ages ,15 and down to the post World War I period. The basic ingredient was ground on a millstone. Small amounts of water were added gradually during this process and the resulting dense mixture was then collected with a wooden or bone spat - ula, and deposited in containers sealed with cloths .16

1.3. Fixation techniques

During the middle Orientalising period the mixture of pigment and spring water 17 was sometimes applied directly on the tufaceous surfaces of the tombs .18 In other cases, in order to fix it better ,19 the painter first covered the walls with an uneven layer of clay (never thicker than 1 cm) ,20 and then applied the desired colours on the damp surface. Given the high absorption power of damp clay, such a technique allowed for a better adherence of colour. In at least one tomb (Tomba Maroi 1 in Caere) the painter applied both techniques .21

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2. Evidence from dwellings

The similarities between the above-mentioned preparation of tomb walls and those of the contemporary houses ,22 as well as the visible architectural connections between the hous - es of living people and those of the dead ,23 gives rise to the hypothesis that during the middle Orientalising period the same technique was used both in tomb decoration and also in the houses of the aristocracy. In addition the pieces of trelliswork plastered with clay which have been found in the houses of Acquarossa, San Giuliano and San Giovenale and on the walls of buildings in Rusellae and Tarquinia , offer more precise information about this technique in the middle Orientalising period.

2.1. Northern Etruria: the plastered walls of Rusellae

Only Rusellae allows a complete assessment from the published data. At this location, the stratigraphic sequences and the pottery evidence definitely establish two of the buildings as middle Orientalising: the “casa con recinto” on the north side of the forum, and the remains in “cavità A” of a building, lying beneath the “casa dell’impluvium .”24 There are no recog - nizable traces of colour on the extensive remains of plastered walls in both buildings .25 The same is true of the remains of the building beneath the “casa a due vani” on the north-east side of the forum. The stratigraphic sequences show that it was definitely built during the second half of the 7th century BC. 26 “Casa C ,” in the same area as the “casa dell’impluvium ,” dates back to the late Orientalising period, and its stone walls have no traces of plaster .27 In contrast, fragments from the archaic house “a due vani” pre - serve the remains of coloured plaster. This building overlies the above-mentioned remains of the building on the north-east side of the forum .28 Therefore the evidence from Roselle shows that colour on plaster is not used before the beginning of the 6th century 29 , and that the plaster could be obtained locally .30 Lack of chromatic traces in the remains of late Orientalising dwellings near Lago d’Accesa ,31 and the fact that the earliest decorated tombs in the Heba area date back to the end of the 7th century ,32 suggest that in this area of Etruria colour began to be applied on walls at about the same time as at Rusellae.

2.1. Southern Etruria: plasters from Acquarossa and San Giovenale

In southern Etruria, excavations of settlement areas have brought to light buildings that date back to early and middle Orientalising period at Tarquinia ,33 San Giovenale ,34 San Giuliano, Acquarossa ,35 and Veii ;36 however, only some daub pieces found in a single trial trench at Acquarossa show remains of plaster coating .37 On the evidence of the pottery, the layer in which the plaster fragments were found dates to the end of the early Orientalising period ,38 and the plaster fragments probably belong to two buildings .39 The plaster coating is lime-based white and does not show any other colour .40 Considering the number of buildings known at Acquarossa of the early and mid - dle Orientalising periods and the scarcity of evidence, it seems that coloured decoration on the walls of civil, sacred and domestic buildings in this period is exceptional.

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3. Evidence from stone statuary

In contrast to the architectural evidence, on stone statues colour was applied directly, without any clay layer. In Etruria this technique is used on the two semata from Casale Marittimo (early Orientalising), whose clothes and belts are embellished by red ochre .41

4. Evidence from painted objects

The use of red ochre is evident on a small group of decorated luxury objects belonging to the first half of the 7th century BC.

4.1. The ostrich egg vases

In the first quarter of the 7th century, the earliest painted ostrich egg vases (see table 2) are imported. These vessels are made by assembling different materials: ostrich eggs for the body, and ivory or other perishable materials for the remaining parts .42

TABLE 2 PAINTED OSTRICH EGGS FOUND IN ETRURIA IN EARLY ORIENTALISING CONTEXTS

Chronology Places Colours 700-680 Vetulonia: Circolo del monile d’argento red, yellow-greenish traces 700-680 Vetulonia Circolo del monile d’argento red, yellow-greenish traces 700-680 Vetulonia Circolo del monile d’argento red

In the second quarter of the same century, we find occasional examples of this kind of vase in Tarquinia. The deviation from tradition in the scheme of decoration of the egg shell from Tomba 55 at Tarquinia ,43 consisting of the slight reduction of the unpainted surface of the body, shows that it was produced in loco or in another Etruscan centre .44 The limited range of available pigments forced the artisan to use only two colours i.e. ochre red against the white of the ostrich eggshells .45

TABLE 3 PAINTED OSTRICH EGGS FOUND IN ETRURIA IN MIDDLE ORIENTALISING CONTEXTS

Chronology Places Colours 680-670 Tarquinia: tb. 55 red 680-670 Tarquinia: tb. 55 (?) red 46 660-640 Palo. tumulo di Monteroni 47 (?)

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4.2. “White on red” ware

Another way of using the red pigment is connected to the decoration of a particular group of terracotta vases (amphorae, pyxides, and funeral urns) ,48 and some architectur - al elements (architectural terracottas) .49 After shaping a piece of crudely refined clay, the artisan let it dry until it was leather hard and then he began the decoration process .50 First, the surface of the piece was coated with a layer of clay rich in iron minerals; over this slip was applied another very thin layer of clay with a high content of ferric oxide .51 Then, after a first firing, the design was drawn with kaolin .52 The material was then fired in a kiln with an open chimney and the process of oxidation transformed the iron hydroxide 53 coating (resulting from the blend: H 2O+FeO) into iron oxide . The result was a change of the vase surface colour from yellowish brown to red, leaving the white unaltered. This method of obtaining red on terracotta vases developed from a technique already known in Etruria around the end of the 9th and the beginning of the 8th century BC (e.g. the vase from Veii Valle La Fata) ,54 of which the best examples were made in Bisenzio in the last quar - ter of the 8th century .55 Since the third quarter of the 7th century this tradition is taken up in the plastic arts, as we can see on the terracotta statues from Tomba delle Cinque Sedie in Caere.

5. Conclusions

The data concerning colours discussed in this paper show that red could result from two dif - ferent processes, one compatible with the processing of terracotta ,56 the other more suitable for the decoration of ostrich egg vases, architectural walls, and stone statues. White, on the other hand, was always applied using the same technique on all types of surfaces (walls and terracot - tas). The predominant use of kaolin white during the first half of the 7th century, on the above- mentioned “white on red” decorated terracotta objects, the presence of this colour in only one tomb dating from the same period (Caere: Tomba della Nave), and the use of lime mean that this type of white passed from the ceramic workshops into the decorative tradition of tombs .57 A comparison between the tombs of this period, found in the same area and belonging to the same class, reveals a limited use of colour. Most of the tombs lack paint - ed decoration (e.g. Caere: Tomba Regolini Galassi); only a few have decoration which serve the purpose of highlighting certain parts of the room; and only very few tombs are entirely decorated. The same is true of domestic architecture. Therefore, the use of colour must have been an exceptional practice, suggesting that colouring materials in the middle Orientalising period were of great value. The recurring presence in the same period of more evidence of red and yellow ochres in the Caere area, and the lack of it in other places in Etruria allow a possible identification of the sources of the raw materials for red and yellow ochres. Not far from Caere are the Tolfa moun - tains; they are rich in limonite (yellow ochre) and have a small quantity of hematite (red ochre) .58 Most of the decorated buildings, and one particular group of the objects ,59 on which iron-based colours are used, occur in the same proto-urban centre. However, in the territory opposite the island of Elba and the Colline Metallifere mountains there are no significant traces of colour on the buildings or on the relevant local products over the same period (see below) .60 Therefore this seems to prove that the red and yellow ochres in Caere come from the Tolfa mountains and that they were a secondary product of mining activity practised there by Caere’s principes .61

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Similar reasoning suggests that at Acquarossa local iron deposits were exploited to obtain the typical red ground of the architectural terracottas of the orientalising and archaic buildings. In fact a great deal of iron dross and a number of iron objects have been found in the neighbouring cemetery, which thrived prior to the middle of the 7th century, and archaic fur - naces lie at the foot of the acropolis .62 It is likely that the mining activity of Caere could also have provided the ochre for the decoration of the Tomba Cima in San Giuliano, where iron-based colours are used on only a very few artefacts. There are no structures decorated with colour, either dwellings or tombs, during the same period at Populonia, Vetulonia or Tarquinia .63 On the current evidence, in these proto-urban centres the scanty evidence of colour is limited to red, and this is only found on ostrich egg vases, that is, on objects not necessarily produced in the area where they were found. Therefore, even though there is archaeological evidence for the exploitation of mineral sources (copper and tin) since protohistoric times in the area of the two major cities in north Etruria ,64 and metal-working is attested at Tarquinia from the 8th century BC ,65 it is impossible to be sure that pigments from materials mined there were used to produce colours in these cities. The centre of Veii does not belong to this model as it was located far from any source of supply .66 Nevertheless, during the middle Orientalising period, it functioned as the main crossroads for all commercial activity along the Tiber river and for trade coming from the Campania hinterlands (Capua and Cales) and proceeding to the Etruscan centres .67 It can thus be supposed that the yellow and red ochres used for the painted decoration of the earliest Etruscan tombs were imported. The supply of black is a different matter. Its use is documented in the tombs of Veii and Caere dates to the period we are considering. Since this colour is a secondary product of viti - culture, its supply cannot be traced back to a specific centre, given that archaeological and pale - obotanical data provide certain evidence of widespread wine cultivation among the Etruscans from at least the Villanovan period .68 In conclusion, during the middle Orientalising period decoration involving the use of colour was a practice closely linked with the activities and the role of the principes of the Etruscan proto-urban centres. Some of the uses of colour considered in this paper were intend - ed to bring prestige to their buildings (architectural terracottas) ,69 and to bring luxury to their homes (ostrich egg vessels); some served to contain their jewels (pyxides), and others to store their comestibles (amphorae). Finally, other artefacts contained human remains (urns). Importantly, colour embellished the houses of ancestors (tombs). In the eyes of the common people, the above-mentioned objects and structures were symbols of the social and economical status achieved by the principes of each proto-urban centre. This status was based on economic and political power attained through exploitation of mineral and agricultural resources in the territory .70 Red, yellow and black colours, as shown, were secondary products of the same exploitation activities. Thus, the colours themselves came to express power .71

Francesco Napolitano Vico S. Spirito di palazzo, 34 80132 Napoli. [email protected]

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NOTES

* Thanks go to Antonietta Marra, Marina Mosur and Andrew Packard for their valuable help in the translation of this work. The author holds himself solely responsible for any irregulari - ties in the text.

1. Veii, Tomba 5 di Monte Michele: the spaces between the fake beams are painted red (see Boitani 1983, 538). Caere, Monte d’Oro, monumental grave: ceiling are red and yellow (see Naso 1996, 132). Caere, Tomba Campana: fake trusses are red painted (see Naso 1996, 38; the documentation reported in Steingräber 1985, 272 n. 13.8 is incorrect). Caere, Tomba Via degli Inferi 1: door-frames are decorated by “denti di lupo” friezes, small ceiling beams are painted red (see Naso 1996, 44, fig.14); Caere, Tomba dei Denti di Lupo: the painted roof-tree, the wall border and the frame head - board of the central room are decorated by “denti di lupo” friezes (see Naso 1996, 40, fig. 12-13, table 4, 2-3). Vulci, Tomba del Sole e della Luna: the ceiling and the wall at the bottom of the central room are decorated (see Naso 1996, 234-235; in this case, the author does not exclude the possibility of other decoration). We find more extensive use of decoration in the following tombs: Caere, Mengarelli (see Naso 1996, 32-34); Caere, Maroi 1 (see Naso 1996, 34-35 table III. 1- 2); Caere, Sorbo 1 (see Naso 1996, 29); Veii, Tomba della Vaccareccia (see Naso 1996, 19); San Giuliano, Tomba Cima (see Naso 1996, 120-126, fig. 95-99, table 12, 1-2). 2. Veii, Tomba delle Anatre (see Rizzo 1989, 103-108 with previous references). 3. See the considerations made by d’Agostino after observing the number of painted tombs in Etruria documented during the entire history of the Etruscans (see d’Agostino-Cerchiai 1999, 15). See also the differences in plan and architecture in painted middle Orientalising tombs in Veii (Bartoloni et al. 1994, 33). On the limit - ed number of painted tombs dating to the Orientalising period see Steingräber- Weber-Lehmann 1985, 40. 4. See: Veii, Tomba delle Anatre (see Bettini et al. 1977, 249-250 table 2); Caere, Tomba Maroi 1 and Tomba Mengarelli (see Bettini 1986, 294; Calogero et al. 1994), Monte d’Oro (see Calogero et al. 1994); San Giuliano, Tomba Cima (see Calogero et al. 1994). 5. The painter uses black for this purpose at Caere (see Tomba dei Denti di Lupo, Tomba degli Animali Dipinti, Tomba dei Leoni Dipinti). The painter of the Tomba Mengarelli also uses black for outlining: on the ceiling, he outlines the preparatory drawing for the subsequent carving of the rock. A different use of black may be found at Veii in the Tomba delle Anatre (see infra); here, the black fills shapes outlined in red (see the birds’ wings) The painter of the Tomba del Sorbo 1 at Caere makes both uses of black, as he both outlines and fills his pictures with it (see “denti di lupo” decoration on the ceiling). 6. Cf. the polychromatic band of the Tomba delle Anatre in Veii (see Bettini et al. 1977, 254). 7. Contrast the data collected in the analyse from the Tomba Campana in Veii: Bettini et al. 1977, 254. On the introduction of the use of white painted tomb decoration cf. Table 1.

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8. See Veii, Tomba delle Anatre: Rizzo 1989, 191; Caere , Tomba Maroi 1 and Tomba Mengarelli: Bettini 1986, 294. It should be noted that the same chemical analyses were conducted on paintings in Etruscan tombs at Tarquinia of the next century and these have shown the use of a black made of animal ingredients (Bettini 1986, 295). 9. See Cennino Cennini, Libro dell’arte , abt. 1437; Ronchetti 1911, 262. 10. This chronology is from Naso 1996. 11. Red seems to be used also in the decoration of the outside wall of the tomb (cf. Bettini et al. 1977, 254). 12. About the use of black in this tomb, see note 5. 13. Some data indicates that this tomb may be assigned to the mid 7th century (see Naso 2003, 17-23). 14. This colour, recorded in the work of Steingräber (1985, 287 n. 37), is not reported in the study of Naso (1996, 120-127). 15. These processes are recorded in the above-mentioned Libro dell’arte by Cennino Cennini. 16. See Ronchetti 1911, 34-35. Cf. also the later evidences from acropolis of Caere (see Roma 2001, 130-131 nos. II. A.3.3. table 9, II, A.3.4.). 17. Analyses do not reveal any significant trace of calcium carbonate in the paintings of this period. Most likely the painters did not use either whitewash or organic binding substances to dilute colours, given that no such traces have been found (Bettini et al 1977, 254-255). 18. Cf. Cangiano de Azvedo 1959, 84. This technique is documented in Veii (Tomba 5 di Monte Michele: see Boitani 1983, 538), in Caere (vestibule of Tomba Maroi 1 and Tomba Mengarelli: see Bettini 1986, 294; Tomba della Nave, Tomba degli Animali Dipinti, Tomba dei Leoni Dipinti: see Steingräber 1985, 266-267 ns. 3, 6-7; furthermore, a close examination enables one to recognize this technique also in the Tomba dei Denti di Lupo and in the Tumulo di Monte d’Oro), in San Giuliano (Tomba Cima: see Steingräber 1985, 287 n. 37), in Vulci (Tomba del Sole e della Luna: see Naso 1996, 234). 19. See Cangiano de Azvedo 1959, 83; Bettini et al 1977, 255. 20. See: Veii, Tomba delle Anatre: Rizzo 1989, 191; Caere, tomba Maroi 1, sala a pilastri: Naso 1996, 35. The frequent practice in Etruria during the middle Orientalising period of cov - ering the raw brick and wattle and daub walls of houses with plaster, in contrast with the very less frequent practice of plastering tomb walls, leads us to believe that this technique was first used on the walls of houses and then the stone walls of tombs. On this subject, see above, section 2. 21. Cf. Naso 1996, 32-34; Bettini 1986, 294. 22. Cf. the evidence of the building-technique in the dwellings uncovered in San Giovenale (see Östemberg 1974, 76-78, tab. XXVII a; Idem 1975). See also the plas - ter evidence on raw brick walls of the building found in the forum of Roselle (see Laviosa 1965, 82-83; Bartoloni and Bocci Pacini 1998, 87-90). 23. See Naso 2001 and previous bibliography. 24. See Donati 1994, 9-10. 25. For the “casa con recinto” see: Laviosa 1965, 66 (regarding “muro di recinzione”);

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ibidem 82-83 (regarding “edificio circolare”). For “cavità A” see Donati 1994, 9-10. 26. See Laviosa 1965, 66-68. 27. As far as the late Orientalising period is concerned, many excavations of houses and funerary chambers with stone walls in northern Etruria lack fragments of plaster (cf. tombs in Populonia, Vetulonia, Roselle). Only scanty evidence for them exists (for example the Tumulo della Montagnola at Quinto Fiorentino, where the walls are plastered ready for decoration with red and blue). 28. See Laviosa 1965, 68. 29. The large areas of walls coated with plaster, and the detailed descriptions of the exca - vators, indicate that at Roselle, during the middle Orientalising period it is unlikely that there existed much painted decoration that has since been lost. 30. The plaster is in fine yellow clay (in addition to the references in notes nos. 23-25, see also Bocci-Pacini 1998, 91). The material used to make the plaster is a stratum that covers the rock layer of Roselle (cf. Laviosa 1965, 71). 31. The relevant late Orientalising buildings in Quartiere B are: “complesso VII”, struc - tures nos. 16-19 (Camporeale 1997, 324); “complesso I”, rooms III-IV (Camporeale 1997, 250-253); probably the building called “complesso VIII” (Camporeale 1997, 362-368). Traces of upper walls survive from these buildings but the excavators did not report any traces of plaster, or colour (see in Giuntoli 1997). 32. For the discovery of a late Orientalising tomb from Heba see Maetzke 1956, 17-18. For the earliest painted tombs in this area see Rendini 2003 on the “Tomba delle Cancellone”; StEtr 8, 1934, 327; StEtr 9, 1935, 36-39; and Steingräber 1985, 283 n. 30 on the “Tomba di Sant’Andrea”. Steingräber notices that the colours in this tomb are tempera. For the probable source of the colours in this tomb see Busati 1943, 431. 32. For the early Orientalising period see the building in Area alpha dating back to the first quarter of the 7th century (see Bonghi Jovino 1991, 171-180; Bonghi Jovino- Chiaromonte Treré 1997, 169-173); for the middle Orientalising period see Edificio beta (see Bonghi Jovino-Chiaromonte Treré 1997, 179-180). 34. For the middle Orientalising period see Area E, oval hut II: stratum II (Pohl 1977, 64 n. 28); stratum III ( ibidem , 69, n. 82). It is inappropriate in this paper to discuss the fragments from floors 4 and 2, given that the first floor (n. 4) is probably part of the Villanovan hut (see Pohl 1977, 73, n. 26), and the second floor (n. 2) dates back to around the end of the 7th centu - ry B.C (Pohl 1977, 102). For the date of this evidence see Pohl 1980, 132; for the date of stratum III see Pohl 1977, 102. The building in Area B dates from early Orientalising (see San Giovenale II, 1981, 83-84); from this spring sanctuary came lumps of baked clay identified with architectural elements (see San Giovenale II, 1981, 52 n. 2). Evidence of early Orientalising habitation also comes from the north-east part of Area D (San Giovenale III, 1980, 9-12). For the chronology of this area cf. Malcus 1984. For a general consideration of the Orientalising house at San Giovenale see Nylander 1984. 35. The following buildings definitely date back to the middle Orientalising period: the

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building in Zone A (Acquarossa III, 1982, 22-23, 49); in Zone B, the remains beneath “casa C” (Östemberg 1975, 13) and “casa E” ( ibidem , 14); the building in Zone G (Östembeberg 1975, 27-30); in Zone L, “casa A” (Östembeberg 1975, 33-34). 36. The following evidence dates to the first half of the 7th century: the rectangular tim - ber building and rectangular stone building beside North-West gate (see Ward- Perkins 1959); the capanna al centro del pianoro (see Roma 2003, 59-67); and the capanna sotto il tempio ad oikos di Piazza d’Armi (see Stefani 1944). For a revised summary of Veii habitation during the Orientalising period see Roma 2003. 37. Trial trench 25 on the upper ground of the southern plateau, excavated in 1967 (see Acquarossa, VII, 1994, 44). For Tarquinia, M. Bonghi Jovino hypothesizes that plaster usually covered the “muri a pilastri” (1991,182), but she reports on the building in Area alpha that “i nuclei di argilla” … “qua e là riscontrati….potrebbero aver funzionato come materia cementante” ( ibidem , 179). 38. This layer included Etrusco-geometric ware, brown impasto (some decorated), red impasto, and one Etrusco-protocorinthian kotyle (Acquarossa VII, 1994, 45-46). 39. See Acquarossa VII, 1994, 106. 40. Cf. Östemberg 1975, 15. Concerning the remainder of the evidence, it seems that there was a similar absence of colour as the author refers only to lime white (cf. Östembeberg 1975, 15-16). If he saw, on the “grande numero di pezzi di argilla” evi - dence of any other pigment, either he did not mention it or the fragments with other colours were so few in number as to escape his notice. 41. See Bologna 2000, 172 nn. 126-127. 42. Cf. the example from Pitino San Severino (see Bologna 2000, 132 n. 86); the fragments from Quinto Fiorentino: tumulo della Montagnola (see Bologna 2000, 265 n. 336); the fragments from San Casciano Val di Pesa: Tumulo del Calzolaio (see Bologna 2000, 265 n. 337). About the importers of these wares see Martelli 1991. 43. Cf. the different decorative tradition in the same class of objects in cities of the East Mediterranean (see Astruc 1951). 44. Cf. Cataldi Dini 1986, 223. On the possible manufacture by artisans working in Etruria of two of the ostrich egg vases belonging to the Circolo del monile d’argento di Vetulonia see the following note. The slight reduction of some parts of the surface of the body , in order to decorate a few objects , is known also in middle Orientlising bucchero production: cf. the kyathos given by Venel Paithinas in tomb 1 of the Tumulo di San Paolo not far from Caere (see Roma 2001, 166-167 n. II.D.1.1.). 45. As already stated in the discussion of contemporary tombs, the artisan could use only four colours. Kaolin white and ochre yellow were useless, since they would not show up against the off-white eggshell. Therefore, the choice was limited to black and red. What remains unsolved is the reason why only one of the two colours was used. For the use of black for the decoration of this class of object in the Punic world, see Torelli 1965, 344 in particular note 30. In some cases, during the early and middle Orientalising periods, the decorator could increase the embellishment by applying gold leaf to the eggshell. Such an appli -

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cation is proved by the visible greenish yellow traces that the metal has left behind. This technique was believed to have been used in the Mycenaean world (Astruc 1951, 100, note 700), but it is not documented in Phoenician-Punic areas. We can therefore hypothesize an Etruscan origin for the two ostrich eggs vases coming from the Circolo del monile d’argento di Vetulonia. They have greenish-yellow traces imply - ing the application of gold leaves and a red geometric decoration (cf. Torelli 1965, 335 n. 5 a-b; Camporeale 1969, 102, table 35, 5, in which the interpretation of the above- mentioned traces is not precise). On greenish traces of metallic leaves on eggshells see Astruc 1951, 100, n. 700. 46. See Torelli 1965, 338, n. 14. 47. See Torelli 1965, 338-340, n. 20. 48. See Martelli 1987, 19-20, 259-261 notes 34-36. 49. See Östemberg 1972. 50. See Wikander 1988, 68. 51. See Wikander 1988, 68-70, particularly n. 63. 52. “The kaolins are usually powdery after firing because they are much more refracto - ry than the body. The red and yellow clay that owe their colour to iron oxide or hydrated iron oxide are less refractory and form a good bond. They grade into earthy hematites.” (Shepard 1980, 43). Cf. Wikander 1988, 70. 53. Shepard 1980, 31-43; Cuomo di Caprio 1985, 112-113; cf. also Noble 1988, 79-80. 54. See Canciani 1987, 242 n.1. 55. See Canciani 1987. On pottery of the 8th century it is not the slip which is enriched by iron minerals, but only some parts of the decoration. For the technique of paint - ed decoration on Etruscan vases see also Follo 1981. 56. It was necessary to apply the colours before firing the clay objects in order to ensure a better adhesion. Contact with liquids such as water, wine, oil would otherwise have washed the colours away. This procedure was particularly necessary for architectur - al terracottas, which were more exposed to the elements. On the deterioration under - gone by this type of decoration, see the eloquent testimony given by Varro in Pliny about the fact that the statue of Jove in the Campidoglio temple had to be painted with minimum every year (Pliny HN 35, 157). 57. This seems even more logical if we consider that the tomb is located in Caere , which was the main production centre of “white on red” style objects (see Martelli 1987, 18-19; Colonna 1994). On the close connections between painting and ceramography see Rizzo 1989, 179. 58. See Zifferero 1991, 217 in particular note n. 30 ; ibid 203, fig. 2. 59. I refer to the objects in “white on red” style, or only in red: architectural terracottas; vases; urns; statues. 60. It is significant that only two semata from Casale Marittimo (see above, section 3), a typical product of the area, are decorated with ochre. 61. During the Orientalising period, evidence of this Caeretan activity is the iron bloom found in the settlement of Caere (località Sant’Antonio) (see Brunori-Mela 1990, 224 fig. 280). Naso puts forward the hypothesis that a possible source of the colour in the

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tombs is not only the island of Elba but also the Tolfa mountains, on the grounds “that Caere owned the mineral resources of Monti della Tolfa , already exploited in the previous Villanovan culture.” (Calogero et al. 1994, 32). Nevertheless, for iron export from the island of Elba and from the areas of Populonia and Vetulonia during the 7th century BC, see remarks by Napolitano 2006, 22-27. 62. Östemberg 1975, 32. For the presence of iron deposit at Acquarossa see Zifferero 1991, 219-220. For local production of the architectural terracotta see Wikander 1988, 73-74. 63. As far as Populonia is concerned, it was suggested that there may have been painted decoration or lettering on the stele of the Tomba dei Flabelli (Romualdi 2000, 52). However, the lack of chemical analysis did not provide for confirmation of this hypothesis. I thank Antonella Romualdi for the detailed information that she gave me about this Etruscan centre. 64. See Bartoloni 1991, particularly pages 1, 20, 30-31. 65. See Zifferero 1991, 215 in particular note n. 23. 66. Cf. the map of iron deposits in Etruria in Zifferero 1991, fg. 2. 67. Cf. D’Agostino 2001, 238. On the close contact between Capua and Veii, see Colonna 1991, 34f; D’Agostino 1993, 432-433. 68. Cf. Cristofani 1986, 118; Canciani 1987, 11; Rottoli 1997, 96. 69. See Menichetti 1994; Torelli 1997, 87-121; Sassatelli 2000; Torelli 2000. 70. See Cristofani 1978, 39-37; Torelli 1981, 49-53, 69-104; Cristofani 1986, 88-110. 71. Cf. Cristofani’s considerations about writing (Cristofani 1999).

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