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RUMOURS of RAIN: NAMIBIA's POST-INDEPENDENCE EXPERIENCE Andre Du Pisani
SOUTHERN AFRICAN ISSUES RUMOURS OF RAIN: NAMIBIA'S POST-INDEPENDENCE EXPERIENCE Andre du Pisani THE .^-y^Vr^w DIE SOUTH AFRICAN i^W*nVv\\ SUID AFRIKAANSE INSTITUTE OF f I \V\tf)) }) INSTITUUT VAN INTERNATIONAL ^^J£g^ INTERNASIONALE AFFAIRS ^*^~~ AANGELEENTHEDE SOUTHERN AFRICAN ISSUES NO 3 RUMOURS OF RAIN: NAMIBIA'S POST-INDEPENDENCE EXPERIENCE Andre du Pisani ISBN NO.: 0-908371-88-8 February 1991 Toe South African Institute of International Affairs Jan Smuts House P.O. Box 31596 Braamfontein 2017 Johannesburg South Africa CONTENTS PAGE INTRODUCTION 1 POUTICS IN AFRICA'S NEWEST STATE 2 National Reconciliation 2 Nation Building 4 Labour in Namibia 6 Education 8 The Local State 8 The Judiciary 9 Broadcasting 10 THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC REALM - AN UNBALANCED INHERITANCE 12 Mining 18 Energy 19 Construction 19 Fisheries 20 Agriculture and Land 22 Foreign Exchange 23 FOREIGN RELATIONS - NAMIBIA AND THE WORLD 24 CONCLUSIONS 35 REFERENCES 38 BIBLIOGRAPHY 40 ANNEXURES I - 5 and MAP 44 INTRODUCTION Namibia's accession to independence on 21 March 1990 was an uplifting event, not only for the people of that country, but for the Southern African region as a whole. Independence brought to an end one of the most intractable and wasteful conflicts in the region. With independence, the people of Namibia not only gained political freedom, but set out on the challenging task of building a nation and defining their relations with the world. From the perspective of mediation, the role of the international community in bringing about Namibia's independence in general, and that of the United Nations in particular, was of a deep structural nature. -
SINGING PSALMS with OWLS: a VENDA 20Th CENTURY MUSICAL HISTORY Part Two: TSHIKONA, BEER SONGS and Personal SONGS
36 JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LIBRARY OF AFRICAN MUSIC SINGING PSALMS WITH OWLS: A VENDA 20th CENTURY MUSICAL HISTORY pART TwO: TSHIKONA, BEER SONGS AND pERSONAL SONGS by JACO KRUGER The three categories of Venda music discussed here are tshikona (the bamboo pipe dance), beer songs (malende, jive) and personal songs. As I indicate in part One of this essay,1 tshikona is useful for the construction of a musical history because its performance is intimately associated with traditional politics. By contrast, beer songs do not feature di rectly in politics. However, they not only comprise the largest category of adult music, they also have more elaborate texts than Venda music forms such as tshikona or tshigombela. While song texts have an important function, they arguably play a secondary role in large scale performances of communal dance music such as tshigombela and tshikona, which primarily are geared towards emotional arousal through sound and movement. As the continuum of musical performance extends towards smaller groups, and finally the individual musician, performances become more reflective, and their cognitive content increases to a point where a simple accompaniment on a musical bow or guitar becomes the subservient carrier of song texts of epic proportion (see Kruger 1993:348-403). While the study of large-scale dance performance reveals general social developments, the texts of beer songs and personal songs not only uncover the detail of these develop ments but also the emotional motivations which underpin them. Tshikona Tshikona is one of a number of South African pipe dances (see Kirby 1968:135 170). These dances mostly take place under the auspices of traditional leaders, and they are associated with important social rituals. -
Inkanyiso OFC 8.1 FM.Fm
21 The suppression of political opposition and the extent of violating civil liberties in the erstwhile Ciskei and Transkei bantustans, 1960-1989 Maxwell Z. Shamase 1 Department of History, University of Zululand [email protected] This paper aims at interrogating the nature of political suppression and the extent to which civil liberties were violated in the erstwhile Ciskei and Transkei. Whatever the South African government's reasons, publicly stated or hidden, for encouraging bantustan independence, by the time of Ciskei's independence ceremonies in December 1981 it was clear that the bantustans were also to be used as a more brutal instrument for suppressing opposition. Both Transkei and Ciskei used additional emergency-style laws to silence opposition in the run-up to both self- government and later independence. By the mid-1980s a clear pattern of brutal suppression of opposition had emerged in both bantustans, with South Africa frequently washing its hands of the situation on the grounds that these were 'independent' countries. Both bantustans borrowed repressive South African legislation initially and, in addition, backed this up with emergency-style regulations passed with South African assistance before independence (Proclamation 400 and 413 in Transkei which operated from 1960 until 1977, and Proclamation R252 in Ciskei which operated from 1977 until 1982). The emergency Proclamations 400, 413 and R252 appear to have been retained in the Transkei case and introduced in the Ciskei in order to suppress legal opposition at the time of attainment of self-government status. Police in the bantustans (initially SAP and later the Transkei and Ciskei Police) targeted political opponents rather than criminals, as the SAP did in South Africa. -
I OTET POLITICAL REPORT Adopted by the National
I OTET POLITICAL REPORT adopted by the National Committee on 8 September 1990 Introduction 1 Namibia 1 Front Line States 2 UnitedOppositiontoApartheid 2 ThecrisisinNatalandtheroleofInkatha 4 The end of the white monolith 5 Theinternationaldimensiontothecrisisofapartheid 5 The"peaceprocess" 6 Futureperspectivesfor Britishandinternational policy 7 The tasks of the Anti-ApartheidMovement 8 TheWayAhead 8 SOUTH AFRICA NelsonMandelaInternationalReceptionCommittee 10 Nelson Mandela Reception Committee - Britain 11 Sanctions 14 South Africa -FreedomNow!campaign 15 NAMIBIA / FRONT LINE STATES 18 CAMPAIGNS Economiccollaboration 19 Military/nuclearcollaboration 22 Sports boycott 23 Culturalandacademicboycotts 24 SouthernAfricaTheImprisonedSociety(SATIS) 24 International work 29 AREAS OF WORK TradeUnions 31 LocalGroups 33 LocalAuthorities 36 Students and youth 37 Women 37 Blackandethnicminorities 38 Health 38 Multi-faith 39 INFORMATION AND RESEARCH Anti-ApartheidNews 39 Research and publications 40 Pressandmedia 40 FINANCE AND FUND-RAISING 41 ORGANISATION Membership 43 AGM/NationalCommittee/ExecutiveCommittee 44 Office/staff 45 POLITICAL REPORT Adopted by the National Committee on 8 September 1990. Introduction THE ANTI-APARTHEID MOVEMENT THE WAY AHEAD 1990 has proved to be a turning point in the history of the struggle for freedom in Southern Africa. Within a period of a little over three months from February to May - Namibia gained its independence under a democratically elected SWAPO government; the African National Congress, Pan Africanist Congress -
Security Laws to Go
Since when, has wearing a Namibian T-shirt become an offence? - Inside today Bringing Africa South 50c (GST inc.) Monday June 5 SCORES INJURED IN S OP ON SWAPO MEETING .JII' . '{ ,I '<"'.. J SCORES of people were seriOUSly injured yesterday when police violently dispersed supporters gathered for a planned Swapo branch meeting at Onankali, northern Namibia. Eyewitness reports received by The Namibian late last night indicated BY CHRIS SHIPANGA that police fired live bullets and t~ ar gas while using "excessive violence" police, immediately went to report during which an unknown number of the matter to UNTAG personnel at people were injured, some seriously, Ondangwa. Most of the people injured during A three-man delegation, consist the incident were taken to the ing of Mr Vilho Kalambi, Mr Cleo Onandjokwe Hospital for treatment, ' phas Augustus and Mr Joshua while others had to be taken to Os Amukugo, was sent by the organ hakati d ue to a shortage of both nurs isers to seek the necessary permis ing staff and lack of facilities, sion for the branch meeting to go Y SourceS reported that at least wee a.head . people had been arrested, including a The UNTAG personnel who had Swapo branch chairman, Mr Josiah been approached earlier were requested Amukugo. It is believed that some to accompany the three men to the are being held at the Okatope Koevoet police station. base, while Mr Amukugo was thought While people were still awaiting to be in custody at the Ondangwa word from the delegation, sources police station. said, amled policemen began "fir Police allegedly confiscated ve ing wildly" in the area, while others hicles and personal items. -
The Referendum in FW De Klerk's War of Manoeuvre
The referendum in F.W. de Klerk’s war of manoeuvre: An historical institutionalist account of the 1992 referendum. Gary Sussman. London School of Economics and Political Science. Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Government and International History, 2003 UMI Number: U615725 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615725 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 T h e s e s . F 35 SS . Library British Library of Political and Economic Science Abstract: This study presents an original effort to explain referendum use through political science institutionalism and contributes to both the comparative referendum and institutionalist literatures, and to the political history of South Africa. Its source materials are numerous archival collections, newspapers and over 40 personal interviews. This study addresses two questions relating to F.W. de Klerk's use of the referendum mechanism in 1992. The first is why he used the mechanism, highlighting its role in the context of the early stages of his quest for a managed transition. -
EB145 Opt.Pdf
E EPISCOPAL CHURCHPEOPLE for a FREE SOUTHERN AFRICA 339 Lafayette Street, New York, N.Y. 10012·2725 C (212) 4n-0066 FAX: (212) 979-1013 S A #145 21 february 1994 _SU_N_D_AY-.::..:20--:FEB:.=:..:;R..:..:U..:..:AR:..:.Y:.....:..:.1994::...::.-_---.". ----'-__THE OBSERVER_ Ten weeks before South Africa's elections, a race war looks increasingly likely, reports Phillip van Niekerk in Johannesburg TOKYO SEXWALE, the Afri In S'tanderton, in the Eastern candidate for the premiership of At the meeting in the Pretoria Many leading Inkatha mem can National Congress candidate Transvaal, the white town coun Natal. There is little doubt that showgrounds three weeks ago, bers have publicly and privately for the office of premier in the cillast Wednesday declared itself Natal will fall to the ANC on 27 when General Constand Viljoen, expressed their dissatisfaction at Pretoria-Witwatersrand-Veree part of an independent Boer April, which explains Buthelezi's head ofthe Afrikaner Volksfront, Inkatha's refusal to participate in niging province, returned shaken state, almost provoking a racial determination to wriggle out of was shouted down while advo the election, and could break from a tour of the civil war in conflagration which, for all the having to fight the dection.~ cating the route to a volkstaat not away. Angola last Thursday. 'I have violence of recent years, the At the very least, last week's very different to that announced But the real prize in Natal is seen the furure according to the country not yet experienced. concessions removed any trace of by Mandela last week, the im Goodwill Zwelithini, the Zulu right wing,' he said, vividly de The council's declaration pro a legitimate gripe against the new pression was created that the king and Buthelezi's nephew. -
A Church School
SADF MUST WITHDRAW .says Kalangula in hard-hitting spe~ch r BY CHRIS SHIPANGA CURFEW REGULATIONS must be reviewed, and South African Security Forces must h e i mmediately withdrawn from northern Namibia to make way for the unconditional implementation of UN Security Council Resolu .tion 435, said the Chair man of the Ovambo Administration, Mr Peter Kalangula, in an 'extremely hard-hitting speech last Friday. Speaking at an extra-ordinary congress of the Christian Democratic Action for Social Justice (CDA), at Ondangwa, Mr Kalangula, leader of that party, strongly condemned the "deliberate violation of fundamental human rights" by members of the South African Security Forces. Bitterly accusing "South Africa and its agents" in Namibia, the CDA leader pointed out that "those who are claiming to be the protectors of the peo, pie ofthisregion, and who say that they are here on the invitation of the people, must get the message and must know that they are no more welcome in this continued on page 2 Policeman assaults Kalangula's Secretary TROOPS pictured in northern Namibia by John Liebenberg - Mr Peter Kalangula has called for their immediate withdrawal. _ .MATJILA INVADES A CHURCH SCHOOL BY GWEN LISTER A FURORE has erupted following an unapproved visit by interim government Education Minister, Mr Andrew Matjila, to St George's Diocesan School last Friday. Sections oftqe Anglican community are up-in-arms at what they view as an attempt by the interim government to propagandise their involvement in multi-racial education. When he arrived at the' School last week with photographers from the Mr Oswald Shivute Department of Information, Mr Matjila also proceeded to promise pupils a holiday on Thursday. -
Ÿþm Icrosoft W
198 Broadway Now York, N.Y. 10038 0 (212) 962-1210 Tilden J. LeMeile, Chairman 198 Broadway Now York, N.Y. 10038 0 (212) 962-1210 Tilden J. LeMeile, Chairman Jennifer Davis, Executive Director MEMORANDUM TO: Key Contacts FROM: Jennifer Davis, Executive Director DATE: September 9, 1992 Ciskei, Boipatong, Empangeni, Sharpeville, Meadowlands, Swanievilie, Sebokeng. in the "New South Africa" ofF.W. De Klerk, the list of atrocities goes on and on. You all know the statistics -nearly 8,000 people dead since the "reformist" De Klerk began his bloody reign of terror, with tens of thousands more wounded. driven from their homes, gripped by hopelessness and fear. For months the white minority regime, aided and abetted by a willing Western press, passed off this concerted attack on the freedom movement as "Black on Black Violence." Now, with hard evidence of government complicity in the violence mounting, ihe misinfoi mers are trying a new tactic-blaming the victim. Increasingly, it is the ANC which is being blamed for the massacre in Ciskei. The movement, so the argument goes, knew full well that Pretoria's bantustan surrogate, Oupa Gqozo, would turn his apartheid-armed, led and financed army on the marchers, and should have called off the protest. According to this distorted logic, Black persons daring to exercise their right of peaceful assembly and protest have only themselves to blame if soldiers under the command of a South African Defence Force Brigadier mow them down without warning with machine guns. The ANC, said apartheid police minister Hernus Kriel, "had fair warnirg," of the massacre, and was therefore at fault. -
The Rise and Fall of the Ciskei Homeland and Bantustan Leadership, 1972–1994
Article The Rise and Fall of the Ciskei Homeland and Bantustan Leadership, 1972–1994 Fezile Cindi Independent Researcher, South Africa [email protected] Abstract In this article, I grapple with notions of celebration, commemoration, and leadership as narratives of memory, in the Ciskei Bantustan in particular. The aim of the article is to get readers to remember and reflect on our past, in order to understand the present. The article also focuses on the history of the Ciskei homeland, its leadership values, and role of traditional leaders, rural development, legislative imperatives, and the impact of the policy of separate development, as well as the coups, suppression, torture and killings that happened between 1972 and 1994. Keywords: Bantustan; Ciskei; homeland; leadership Introduction I am not afraid of an army of lions led by a sheep, I am afraid of an army of sheep led by a lion. (Alexander the Great) In this article, I grapple with notions of celebration, commemoration, and leadership as narratives of memory, in the Ciskei Bantustan in particular. The aim of the article is to get readers to remember and reflect on our past in order to understand the present. The article also focuses on the history of the Ciskei homeland and its leadership values, and it touches on the role of traditional leaders, rural development, legislative imperatives, the policy of separate development, as well as the coups, torture, oppression, and killings that happened between 1972 and 1994. The Ciskei Bantustan in the Eastern Cape was formed to serve as an enclave for Xhosa- speaking people in South Africa, as part of the policy of racial segregation, following the constitution of the Republic of South Africa in May 1961. -
14 September 1989
Bringging Africa South TODAY the pall of deep grief that layover the Swapo Election Directorate and the Namibian people generally was given verbal expression in a -forcefully worded.. ()Qndemnation by the mass .- organisation ofthe "deliberate and well calculated" assassination of Amon Lubowski. Terming the perpetrators the of the cold -blooded murder of Cde, "enemies of the Namibian people" Lubowski " . in accord with popular sentiment, The Administrator General has been Swapo identified the motive behind .dragging his feet on the issue of the slaying was to cause panic and dismantling the para-military force "create an atmosphere of insecu of Koevoet as is required under rity" before the November elections UNSCR435. as well as scaring patriots from giv Referring to Anton's great per ing Sam Nujomathe hero's welcome sonal courage in remaining active in he deserved. Swapo, the Directorate of Elections In an oblique attack on South Af mentioned his murder had been pre rica's man in Windhoek, Swapo took ceeded by anonymous telephone calls on Louis Pienaar by attributing the threatening violent demise to Anton. original source of the weapon used to Gwen Lister and Dave Smuts who gun down Anton to the authorities knew him well, and were associated meant to uphold law and order dur together in opposing the illegal South ing transition to political independ African occupation of Namibia, re ence. ceived similar threats. "Only people who have access to The Swapo leadership currently in fry(' AK-47s are the SADF, Police and the country futher paid tribute to a THE HEAD ofSwapo's Directorate, Mr Hage Geingob, comforts the wife ofslain Koevoet The latter has in particular . -
Committed to Unity
Committed to Unity: South Africa’s Adherence to Its 1994 Political Settlement Paul Graham IPS Paper 6 Abstract This paper reviews the commitment of the remaining power contenders and other political actors to the settlement which was reached between 1993 and 1996. Based on interviews with three key actors now in opposing political parties represented in the National Assembly, the paper makes the case for a continued commitment to, and consensus on, the ideals and principles of the 1996 Constitution. It provides evidence of schisms in the dominant power contender (the African National Congress) which have not led to a return in political violence post-settlement. The paper makes the point that, while some of this was the result of President Nelson Mandela’s presence, more must be ascribed to the constitutional arrangements and commitments of the primary political actors and the citizens of South Africa. © Berghof Foundation Operations GmbH – CINEP/PPP 2014. All rights reserved. About the Publication This paper is one of four case study reports on South Africa produced in the course of the collaborative research project ‘Avoiding Conflict Relapse through Inclusive Political Settlements and State-building after Intra-State War’, running from February 2013 to February 2015. This project aims to examine the conditions for inclusive political settlements following protracted armed conflicts, with a specific focus on former armed power contenders turned state actors. It also aims to inform national and international practitioners and policy-makers on effective practices for enhancing participation, representation, and responsiveness in post-war state-building and governance. It is carried out in cooperation with the partner institutions CINEP/PPP (Colombia, Project Coordinators), Berghof Foundation (Germany, Project Research Coordinators), FLACSO (El Salvador), In Transformation Initiative (South Africa), Sudd Institute (South Sudan), Aceh Policy Institute (Aceh/Indonesia), and Friends for Peace (Nepal).