South Africa: Historical Background Greg Moran
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South·Africa in Transition
POLITICS OF HOPE AND TERROR: South ·Africa in Transition Report on Violence in South Africa by an American Friends Service Committee Study Team November 1992 The American Friends Service Committee's concern over Southern Africa has grown out of over 60 years of relationships since the first visit by a representative of the organization. In 1982 the AFSC Board of Directors approved the release of a full length book, Challenge and Hope, as a statement of its views on South Africa. Since 1977 the AFSC has had a national Southern Africa educational program in its Peace Education Division. AMERICAN FRIENDS SERVICE COMMITTEE 1501 Cherry Street Philadelphia, PA 19102 (215) 241-7000 AFSC REGIONAL OFFICES: Southeastern Region, Atlanta, Georgia 30303, 92 Piedmont Avenue, NE; Middle Atlantic Region, Baltimore, Maryland 21212, 4806 York Road; New England Region, Cambridge, Massachusetts 02140, 2161 Massachusetts Avenue; Great Lakes Region, Chicago, Illinois 60605, 59 E. Van Buren Street, Suite 1400; North Central Region, Des Moines, Iowa 50312, 4211 Grand Avenue; New York Metropolitan Region, New York, New York 10003, 15 Rutherford Place; Pacific Southwest Region, Pasadena, California 91103, 980 N. Fair Oaks Avenue; Pacific Mountain Region, San Francisco, California 94121,2160 Lake Street; Pacific Northwest Region, Seattle, Washington 98105, 814 N.E. 40th Street. CONTENTS II THE AFSC DELEGATION 1 PREFACE III POLITICS OF HOPE AND TERROR: South Africa in Transition 1 THE BASIC VIOLENCE 2 ANALYZING THE VIOLENCE 5 THE HIDDEN HAND 7 RETALIATION 9 POLICE INVESTIGATIONS 11 LESSONS FROM THE BOIPATONG MASSACRE 12 HOMELAND VIOLENCE IN CISKEI AND KWAZULU 13 HOMELAND LEADERS BUTHELEZI AND GQOZO 16 CONCLUSION 19 RECOMMENDATIONS 20 ACRONYMS 21 TEAM INTERVIEWS AND MEETINGS 22 THE AFSC DELEGATION TO SOUTH AFRICA The American Friends Service Committee's Board of Directors approved a proposal in June 1992 for a delegation to visit South Africa to study the escalating violence there. -
Former Transkei Defence Force MI Chief, Lieutenant Colonel Craig Duli, Dies on 22 November While Attempting to Overthrow The
Former Transkei Defence Force MI chief, Lieutenant Colonel Craig Duli, dies on 22 November while attempting to overthrow the military government of Major General Bantu Holomisa in Transkei. (Duli is supported by the South African security forces). Mandela pledges that MK members will help form and train self-defence units (SDUs) to protect communities from attack by security forces or vigilantes. SDUs are established in many townships across the country. Compulsory military service (conscription) is ended and the SADF is withdrawn from townships. Vigilante activities by the Three Million Gang (reported as active from 1989 to 1992 in the Orange Free State) target UDF and ANC activists, student organisations and SDUs for attack. The SDUs violently oppose the group. The killing of political leaders and activists in Natal escalates. 1991 In the Christopher Nangalembe night vigil killings in January, forty-five people are killed when a night vigil is attacked with automatic weapons in Sebokeng, Transvaal. Ciskei rebels, Colonel Onward Mangwane Guzana and former General Charles Sebe are shot dead at a roadblock in Ciskei on 27 January, following an apparent ambush on their coup attempt against Brigadier Oupa Gqozo’s government. Thirteen die and twenty-nine are injured when police open fire on Daveyton residents holding an illegal meeting on 14 January. Lawyer Bheki Mlangeni is killed in February by a Vlakplaas parcel bomb meant for Dirk Coetzee. The UDF National General Council decides in March to disband the organisation later that year. In the Alexandra night vigil killings on 26 March 1991, fifteen people are shot dead and at least eighteen are injured in an attack on a funeral vigil for an ANC member who died in fighting in Alexandra which raged for three days. -
Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report: Volume 2
VOLUME TWO Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report The report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was presented to President Nelson Mandela on 29 October 1998. Archbishop Desmond Tutu Ms Hlengiwe Mkhize Chairperson Dr Alex Boraine Mr Dumisa Ntsebeza Vice-Chairperson Ms Mary Burton Dr Wendy Orr Revd Bongani Finca Adv Denzil Potgieter Ms Sisi Khampepe Dr Fazel Randera Mr Richard Lyster Ms Yasmin Sooka Mr Wynand Malan* Ms Glenda Wildschut Dr Khoza Mgojo * Subject to minority position. See volume 5. Chief Executive Officer: Dr Biki Minyuku I CONTENTS Chapter 1 Chapter 6 National Overview .......................................... 1 Special Investigation The Death of President Samora Machel ................................................ 488 Chapter 2 The State outside Special Investigation South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 42 Helderberg Crash ........................................... 497 Special Investigation Chemical and Biological Warfare........ 504 Chapter 3 The State inside South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 165 Special Investigation Appendix: State Security Forces: Directory Secret State Funding................................... 518 of Organisations and Structures........................ 313 Special Investigation Exhumations....................................................... 537 Chapter 4 The Liberation Movements from 1960 to 1990 ..................................................... 325 Special Investigation Appendix: Organisational structures and The Mandela United -
Inkanyiso OFC 8.1 FM.Fm
21 The suppression of political opposition and the extent of violating civil liberties in the erstwhile Ciskei and Transkei bantustans, 1960-1989 Maxwell Z. Shamase 1 Department of History, University of Zululand [email protected] This paper aims at interrogating the nature of political suppression and the extent to which civil liberties were violated in the erstwhile Ciskei and Transkei. Whatever the South African government's reasons, publicly stated or hidden, for encouraging bantustan independence, by the time of Ciskei's independence ceremonies in December 1981 it was clear that the bantustans were also to be used as a more brutal instrument for suppressing opposition. Both Transkei and Ciskei used additional emergency-style laws to silence opposition in the run-up to both self- government and later independence. By the mid-1980s a clear pattern of brutal suppression of opposition had emerged in both bantustans, with South Africa frequently washing its hands of the situation on the grounds that these were 'independent' countries. Both bantustans borrowed repressive South African legislation initially and, in addition, backed this up with emergency-style regulations passed with South African assistance before independence (Proclamation 400 and 413 in Transkei which operated from 1960 until 1977, and Proclamation R252 in Ciskei which operated from 1977 until 1982). The emergency Proclamations 400, 413 and R252 appear to have been retained in the Transkei case and introduced in the Ciskei in order to suppress legal opposition at the time of attainment of self-government status. Police in the bantustans (initially SAP and later the Transkei and Ciskei Police) targeted political opponents rather than criminals, as the SAP did in South Africa. -
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!I !I AZULU !I p 4 -e T LAST FACEBRICK 1 WE PROMISE YOU THE BEST SERVICE AND THE BEST QUALITY AT THE BEST PRICES MMEGASTONE (PTY) LTD. f%.No OOMMe7 Pnywmn IM~'/per PLASTER AVAILABLE IN: - PROTEA GLEN - DOBSONVILLE - KAGISO X6 - VOSLOORUS X16 - EVATON-NORTH - LAKESIDE - TEMBISA - MAMELODI - ETWATWA - MOHLAKLNG A member of JFMO GROUP LID. South Africa PHONE FOR FURTHER INFORMATION (011) 337-4230 VISIT OUR JHB OFFICES: 2nd FLOOR, LANDMARK BLDG., 94 PRESIDENT STREET (Cor. SMAL ST.) FAX: 337-6197 OR VISIT OUR OFFICE IN PROTEA GLEN OPEN 7 DAYS A WEEK - 24 HOURS A DAY I am interested in buying a house Name: from MEGASTONE (Pty) Ltd Address: Send this coupon to: Employee: MEGASTONE (Pty) Ltd. Tel (Home): (Work): P0 BOX 1045, Jhb iCombined monthly income R: - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - --............................. MAYI BUY! Volume 3, No 10 * November 1992 In this issue: REGULARS 3 Editorial 4 Readers speak out 6 News roundup 44 On the bookshelf 45 Play Review: Some of my best friends are cultural workers CURRENT SCENE 2 Photo page: Away with the racist parliament! 8 Sunrise and sunset: negotiations in the new phase 18 Welfare and Wham: the Lebowa experience 19 Water: a political weapon 30 Angola: any chance for democracy? ANC 12 Mass action: towards an integrated strategy 14 KwaZulu: repression north of the Tugela 16 Vryheid: a patriotic chief besieged FEATURES 21 Asinamali: food for all 24 Umkhonto soldiers come out of prison: interviews with Mthetheleli Mncube, Robert McBride and Mzondeleli Nondula 28 Pension pay-offs: South -
03 Shamase FM.Fm
21 The suppression of political opposition and the extent of violating civil liberties in the erstwhile Ciskei and Transkei bantustans, 1960-1989 Maxwell Z. Shamase 1 Department of History, University of Zululand [email protected] This paper aims at interrogating the nature of political suppression and the extent to which civil liberties were violated in the erstwhile Ciskei and Transkei. Whatever the South African government's reasons, publicly stated or hidden, for encouraging bantustan independence, by the time of Ciskei's independence ceremonies in December 1981 it was clear that the bantustans were also to be used as a more brutal instrument for suppressing opposition. Both Transkei and Ciskei used additional emergency-style laws to silence opposition in the run-up to both self- government and later independence. By the mid-1980s a clear pattern of brutal suppression of opposition had emerged in both bantustans, with South Africa frequently washing its hands of the situation on the grounds that these were 'independent' countries. Both bantustans borrowed repressive South African legislation initially and, in addition, backed this up with emergency-style regulations passed with South African assistance before independence (Proclamation 400 and 413 in Transkei which operated from 1960 until 1977, and Proclamation R252 in Ciskei which operated from 1977 until 1982). The emergency Proclamations 400, 413 and R252 appear to have been retained in the Transkei case and introduced in the Ciskei in order to suppress legal opposition at the time of attainment of self-government status. Police in the bantustans (initially SAP and later the Transkei and Ciskei Police) targeted political opponents rather than criminals, as the SAP did in South Africa. -
The Imperial Map Cape Colony and Later Military Maps of the Cape Colony, South Africa
The Imperial Map Cape Colony and later military maps of the Cape Colony, South Africa. Dr Christopher Board formerly Senior Lecturer in Geography, London School of Economics Abstract Attempts to compile maps for military use in the Cape Colony during the Anglo-Boer War 1899- 1902 left a legacy of incomplete and unstandardised mapping at the scale of 1:250,000 known as the Imperial Map Cape Colony. Aware of the need for good mapping to permit satisfactory administration and defence a congress of interested parties agreed in 1904 to a scheme for topographic mapping South Africa based on geodetic survey. Economic problems put an end to this project, but the War Office considered the NW Cape Colony worthy of a reconnaissance map at 1:250,000 which they would fund. Thus a special section of the War Office’s map of Africa G.S.G.S.1764 was designed and produced in a military version and as sales editions. The paper documents the progress of the survey and compilation of this map using surviving maps and other archival material in the UK. Introduction British military mapping of a large part of the Cape Colony, South Africa was achieved in great haste to meet the requirements of a mobile army in unfamiliar and poorly mapped, mostly open country at the end of the 19th century. The Imperial Map Cape Colony was compiled to meet the need for a map for planning and executing military operations, to deal with guerrilla war in the Colony itself. It was compiled from mapping available in the Surveyor General’s Department, supplemented by local observation and intelligence reports. -
Trc-Media-Sapa-2000.Pdf
GRAHAMSTOWN Jan 5 Sapa THREE OF DE KOCK'S CO-ACCUSED TO CHALLENGE TRC DECISION Three former security branch policemen plan to challenge the Truth and Reconciliation Commission's decision to refuse them and seven of their former colleagues, including Eugene de Kock, amnesty for the 1989 murder of four policemen. De Kock, Daniel Snyman, Nicholaas Janse Van Rensburg, Gerhardus Lotz, Jacobus Kok, Wybrand Du Toit, Nicolaas Vermeulen, Marthinus Ras and Gideon Nieuwoudt admitted responsibility for the massive car bomb which claimed the lives of Warrant Officer Mbalala Mgoduka, Sergeant Amos Faku, Sergeant Desmond Mpipa and an Askari named Xolile Shepherd Sekati. The four men died when a bomb hidden in the police car they were travelling in was detonated in a deserted area in Motherwell, Port Elizabeth, late at night in December 1989. Lawyer for Nieuwoudt, Lotz and Van Rensburg, Francois van der Merwe said he would shortly give notice to the TRC of their intention to take on review the decision to refuse the nine men amnesty. He said the judgment would be taken on review in its entirety, and if it was overturned by the court, the TRC would once again have to apply its mind to the matter in respect of all nine applicants. The applicants had been "unfairly treated", he said and the judges had failed to properly apply their mind to the matter. The amnesty decision was split, with Acting Judge Denzil Potgieter and Judge Bernard Ngoepe finding in the majority decision that the nine men did not qualify for amnesty as the act was not associated with a political objective and was not directed against members of the ANC or other liberation movements. -
MA Semester IV- History of South Africa 1850-1950 (HISKM 16) Dr
MA Semester IV- History of South Africa 1850-1950 (HISKM 16) Dr. Mukesh Kumar UNIT-I Early European presence in the cape 1650-1800- The first Europeans to enter Southern Africa were the Portuguese, who from the 15th century edged their way around the African coast in the hope of outflanking Islam, finding a sea route to the riches of India, and discovering additional sources of food. They reached the Kongo Kingdom in northwestern Angola in 1482–83; early in 1488 Bartolomeu Dias rounded the southern tip of the continent; and just over a decade later Vasco da Gama sailed along the east coast of Africa before striking out to India. Although the voyages were initially unpromising, they marked the beginning of the integration of the subcontinent into the new world economy and the dominance of Europeans over the indigenous inhabitants. The Portuguese in west-central Africa Portuguese influence in west-central Africa radiated over a far wider area and was much more dramatic and destructive than on the east coast. Initially the Portuguese crown and Jesuit missionaries forged peaceful links with the kingdom of the Kongo, converting its king to Christianity. Almost immediately, however, slave traders followed in the wake of priests and teachers, and west- central Africa became tied to the demands of the Sao Tome sugar planters and the transatlantic slave trade. Until 1560 the Kongo kings had an effective monopoly in west-central Africa over trade with metropolitan Portugal, which showed relatively little interest in its African possessions. By the 1520s, however, Afro-Portuguese traders and landowners from Sao Tomé were intervening in the affairs of the Ndongo kingdom to the south, supporting the ruler, or ngola, in his military campaigns and taking his war captives and surplus dependents as slaves. -
The Implementation of Affirmative Action Policy in the South African Military Health Services (Samhs) – 1995 to 2000
THE IMPLEMENTATION OF AFFIRMATIVE ACTION POLICY IN THE SOUTH AFRICAN MILITARY HEALTH SERVICE (SAMHS) 1995 - 2000 N. E. Motumi THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE AFFIRMATIVE ACTION POLICY IN THE SOUTH AFRICAN MILITARY HEALTH SERVICE (SAMHS) 1995 - 2000 BY N.E MOTUMI (9930337) DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER IN POLITICAL POLICY STUDIES IN THE FACULTY HUMANITIES AT THE UNIVERSITY OF PRETORIA DECLARATION I declare that the dissertation, which I hereby submit for the degree of Masters of Political Studies at the University of Pretoria, is my own work and has not been previously submitted by me for a degree at another university. SIGNATURE DATE i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My sincere gratitude and appreciation is conveyed to all those people who assisted me in this research. My supervisor, Professor M. Schoeman and Professor Y. Sadie from the Department of Political Governance at University of Johannesburg for their expert guidance and support. My husband. Tsepe Motumi, for engaging me constructively on the subject of affirmative action policy within the Department of Defence. Brig-Gen. C. Bless, for the expert advice and support on salient points regarding social research. Lt. Col. H. Potgieter, with his assistance on the provision of an appropriate computer program for data capturing and analysis. To all the Social Work officers for their efforts in the distribution and collection of the questionnaires in all the units. To my children, Thando and Phethagatso, for having patience with me during the course of my studies. ii DEDICATION This dissertation is dedicated to my community at large, especially to the members of the South African Military Health Service (SAMHS). -
Transforming the Intelligence Services:Some Reflections on the South
TRANSFORMING THE INTELLIGENCE SERVICES: SOME REFLECTIONS ON THE SOUTH AFRICAN EXPERIENCE Sandy Africa and Siyabulela Mlombile I. Introduction Obviously, every country that works to reform its intelligence services is best placed to decide on the mechanisms and structures that are best suited for its needs. In recent years, South Africa's intelligence apparatus has gone through a tremendous transformation, and we will share some of our South African experiences in managing the transition from a repressive and racist security agenda to a new dispensation informed by democratic principles. We intend to stress those areas that we think were critical for success and which may be relevant to similar transitions in other countries. Our paper will present the following: • an overview of the repressive conditions of the apartheid era and the security doctrine that prevailed at that time • the process of political negotiations and its influence on the country’s security agenda • principles underlying the new intelligence dispensation • the role of the country’s new intelligence structures • organizational challenges in transforming the intelligence structures • key points to note for a transformation agenda II. Our Previous Climate: A Climate of Repression Democracy in South Africa was preceded by decades of political and economic domination by a white minority whose rule was bolstered by their security forces. The country’s leading liberation movements had been outlawed in 1961 and forced into exile from where they continued to wage an armed struggle. The 1980’s were characterized by heightened repression. Legally sanctioned hit squads conducted repeated assaults on neighboring countries, ostensibly in pursuit of guerillas of the South African liberation movement. -
We Were Cut Off from the Comprehension of Our Surroundings
Black Peril, White Fear – Representations of Violence and Race in South Africa’s English Press, 1976-2002, and Their Influence on Public Opinion Inauguraldissertation zur Erlangung der Doktorwürde der Philosophischen Fakultät der Universität zu Köln vorgelegt von Christine Ullmann Institut für Völkerkunde Universität zu Köln Köln, Mai 2005 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The work presented here is the result of years of research, writing, re-writing and editing. It was a long time in the making, and may not have been completed at all had it not been for the support of a great number of people, all of whom have my deep appreciation. In particular, I would like to thank Prof. Dr. Michael Bollig, Prof. Dr. Richard Janney, Dr. Melanie Moll, Professor Keyan Tomaselli, Professor Ruth Teer-Tomaselli, and Prof. Dr. Teun A. van Dijk for their help, encouragement, and constructive criticism. My special thanks to Dr Petr Skalník for his unflinching support and encouraging supervision, and to Mark Loftus for his proof-reading and help with all language issues. I am equally grateful to all who welcomed me to South Africa and dedicated their time, knowledge and effort to helping me. The warmth and support I received was incredible. Special thanks to the Burch family for their help settling in, and my dear friend in George for showing me the nature of determination. Finally, without the unstinting support of my two colleagues, Angelika Kitzmantel and Silke Olig, and the moral and financial backing of my family, I would surely have despaired. Thank you all for being there for me. We were cut off from the comprehension of our surroundings; we glided past like phantoms, wondering and secretly appalled, as sane men would be before an enthusiastic outbreak in a madhouse.