Aug 3 1 1990 Ubraries ,% Abstract

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Aug 3 1 1990 Ubraries ,% Abstract NEGATION IN SYNTAX: ON THE NATURE OF FUNCTIONAL CATEGORIES AND PROJECTIONS by MIREN ITZIAR LAKA MUGARZA B.A. University of the Basque Country (1985) M.A. University of the Basque Country (1986) SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF LINGUISTICS & PHILOSOPHY IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT.OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN LINGUISTICS at the MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY August, 1990 c Miren Itziar Laka Mugarza The author hereby grants to M.I.T. permission to reproduce and to distribute copies of this thesis document in whole or in part Signature of Author Department of Linguilstics & Philosophy Certified by A .. ....- - r S-, Keneth Hale Thesis Supervisor Accepted by . M Wayne O'0Neil OMTASSACHUIEIT Departamen al Committee AUG 3 1 1990 UBRARIES ,% ABSTRACT. The central concern of this work is the syntactic nature of negation in Universal Grammar, and its relation to other functional elements in the Syntax. The study argues that negation is not a syntactic category on its own; rather, it is one of the values of a more abstract syntactic category, named E, which includes other sentence operators, such as affirmation and emphasis (Chapter 2). It is also argued that the syntactic feature [negation] surfaces in other syntactic categories besides E. In particular, the existence of (N] (negative) Complementizers is defended; this acounts for a range of phenomena in various languages: across-the-clause licensing of Negative Polarity Items in English, the ditribution of the -nik complementizer in Basque, and the nature of Dubitative Subjunctive in Romance (Chapter 3). Chapter I argues for the existence of a universal requirement that inflectional heads such as negation (E) must be c-commanded by the syntactic head Tense at S- structure. Assuming this requirement, a unified account is provided for apparently unrelated phenomena induced by negation in English (do-support, sections 1.3 and 1.4) and in Basqu. (movement of the inflected auxiliary, sections 1.1. and 1 2). Chapter 2 also presents an account of the phenomenon of 'double negation' in Romance, in terms of the category E and its projection, EP (section 2.6). It is argued that preverbal instances of the elements that induce 'double negation', such as nadie, nada, ningin etc., involve movement of the item in question to the specifier of EP, which is headed by a phonologically non-overt negative element. Also, 'yes' and 'no' answers are discussed in relation to the E Projection; it is argued that such answers make crucial use of this syntactic category, and parametric differences between the three languages under study (English, Spanish and Basque) are considered in support of the hypothesis (section 2.7). The structure of Inflection in Spanish is considered in Chapter 3. The nature of Subjunctive and its relation to Negation and Imperative Mood is discussed. A proposal is made concerning the inflectional structure of Spanish, this proposal is shown to generate exhaustively the entire verbal paradigm of this language, and it predicts a number of language-particular properties of Spanish (section 3.5). 2 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . It is of course impossible to be fair in dissertation acknowledgments. There are too many names to write down, and too many debts to attach to each one. Also, crucial help and inspiration often comes from unknown or even long forgotten sources. So dissertations may have authors who signed them and "own" them, but the fact remains that ideas are never born to a single, lonely thinker; they are the product of a community of minds. This is the nature of the game, no matter how inconvenient for administrative purposes. Hence, I can gladly claim that more people than I can name or even remember contributed to this work. Despite the hopelesness of the task, I would still like to single out a few people, among the many I am indebted to. Thanks to all the members of the MIT Linguistics & Philosophy department; I consider myself inmensely lucky for the opportunity to participate in such a stimulating and challenging environment during my graduate years. The members of my thesis committee figure prominently in the group of people to whom I am most indebted: Howard Lasnik and David Pesetsky lent their wealth of knowledge of anything ever done in generative syntax, and yet their genuine excitement over any new puzzle; they provided a continuous and plentiful supply of energy and intelligence. Noam Chomsky and Ken Hale have been to main points of reference from the very beggining of my graduate years. They shared with me, always generously, the depth and breadth, the detail and the globality, the coherence and the diversity, the rigor and the fascination that pave their work in linguistics; my debt to them is inmense, and I only regret having been able to absorb but a minimal portion of what I was offered. Thanks to Richard Larson for being always enthusiastic, for arguing and disagreeing, and yet for making me think that what I said made sense, or, often, for having made what I said make sense, by arguing and disagreeing. To Irene Heim, for her intellectual frankness, which made each appointment a pleasure, and for giving me so many crucial comments and suggestions during the last stages of this dissertation. To Richard Kayne for his lectures, his suggestions, and for having the gift to teach one how to work. To Jim Higginbotham for my first evr contact with semantics, and for unraveling in front of me the mysteries hidden inside something as simple as "snow is white". To Wayne O'Neil, for his survey in linguitics, where he let us relax and say what we thought without knocking us down with 3 the flaws in our arguments. To Jim Harris for his input as a member of my generals committee, and for his help through the secret ways of the administration. To Morris Halle and Donca Steriade, for introducing me to phonology and for never avoiding a question, no matter how many there were. Thanks to all the students in the department, to whom I owe many memorable times. To my classmates Lori Holmes, Michael Hegarty, Kate Kearns, Peter Kipka, Scott Meredith and Duanmu San. To the 'youngsters', for all the fun and the warmth: Mika Hoffman, Peter Ihionu, Utpal Lahiri, Paul Law,, Rolf Noyer and Chris Tancredi. To the unique 'fifth year' people, for all the chit-chat and advise: Vivian Deprez, Betsy Klipple, Harry Leder, Li Yafei, Bao Ziming. Very special thanks to Eulalia Bonet and Sabine Iatridou for being there, ready to talk and laugh about life, and for the long hours in the midst of a snow storm. To Anoop Mahajan for every single thing, and particularly for having stood by me, soothingly, in laughter and sorrow, day after day. To Doug Saddy, for reminding me to enjoy time. And last, but absolutely not least, to my dearest 24 Magazine St. witches: Lisa Cheng, Hamida Demirdash and Kelly Sloan, for frienship, fun, feelings and fabulous food. To Esther Torrego, who has been both a demanding professor and a most honest friend; both intellectually and personally, she has given me crucical support; I certainly owe her more than I will ever have the chance to return. To Juan Uriagereka for his continuous and generous help from the beggining to the end, in work and in life. I would also like to thank Ignacio Bosque, whom I have never met, for his inspiring and austerely elegant work on Spanish syntax. Also, to Elena Benedicto, John Frampton, Jane Grimshaw, Beth Levin, Andrea Moro, Jean-Yves Pollock, Georges Rebuschi, Luiggi Rizzi, and Raffaella Zannuttini for their always insightful comments and suggestions at various stages of my work. The Basque colleagues that invaded the department in the fall of my last year made me feel at home: we all argued with the same passion and loudness over the same topics, at the same late hours of the night, to the amazement of those not in the know. Esker haunitz, Andolin Eguzkitza, Xabier Ormazabal, Jon Ortiz de Urbina, Begat Oihartzabal and Miriam Uribe-etxebarria. To Jose Ignacio Hualde and Xabier Artiagagoitia for e-mail support and more. To the professors and friends at the University of the Basque Country, Patxi Goenaga, Joseba Lakarra, Lourdes O~ederra, Ines Pagola and Pello Salaburu. To Ibon Sarasola, for his opening statement in my first undergraduate course: 'do not believe what I say just because I say it'. 4 To Paul Horwich, for an extremely sharp and original prespective. Also, for sharing with me the long hours and the bitter coffee late at night in the office, keeping me sane and happy through dissertation rush. I would like to dedicate this dissertation to my school teachers, who run a clandestine school where kids could learn in Basque. I want to thank them for smiling and being cool when the state inspector came and we all had to speak in Spanish. And for the most wonderful History lessons, where two version that never coincided were taught: the one written by the loosers, which we could not repeat outside the walls of the classroom, and the one written by the winners, which we had to repeat, every yearg in the state- exam. To all those brave and loving people who made going to school so much fun: Andereno Maria Antonia, Irene, Bego'a, Belen, Antton, and many others whose names fade in my memory, and to my parents, Ikerne Mugartza and Pablo Laka, who sent me there and always gave it all expecting nothing in return. 5 TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT 2 ACNOWLEDGMENTS 3 CHAPTER ONE: THE TENSE C-COMMAND CONDITION 1.0.
Recommended publications
  • Allocutive Marking and the Theory of Agreement
    Allocutive marking and the theory of agreement SyntaxLab, University of Cambridge, November 5th, 2019 Thomas McFadden Leibniz-Zentrum Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft (ZAS), Berlin [email protected] 1 Introduction In many colloquial varieties of Tamil (Dravidian; South Asia), one commonly comes across utterances of the following kind:1 (1) Naan Ãaaŋgiri vaaŋg-in-een-ŋgæ. I Jangri buy-pst-1sg.sbj-alloc ‘I bought Jangri.’2 Aside from the good news it brings, (1) is of interest because it contains two different types of agreement stacked on top of each other. 1. -een marks quite normal agreement with with the 1sg subject. 2. -ŋgæ marks something far less common: so-called allocutive agreement. + Rather than cross-referencing properties of one of the arguments of the main predicate, allocuative agreement provides information about the addressee. + The addition of -ŋgæ specifically indicates a plural addressee or a singular one who the speaker uses polite forms of address with. + If the addressee is a single familiar person, the suffix is simply lacking, as in (2). (2) Naan Ãaaŋgiri vaaŋg-in-een. I Jangri buy-pst-1sg.sbj ‘I bought Jangri.’ Allocutive agreement (henceforth AllAgr) has been identified in a handful of languages and is characterized by the following properties (see Antonov, 2015, for an initial typological overview): • It marks properties (gender, politeness. ) of the addressee of the current speech context. • It is crucially not limited to cases where the addressee is an argument of the local predicate. • It involves the use of grammaticalized morphological markers in the verbal or clausal inflectional system, thus is distinct from special vocative forms like English ma’am or sir.
    [Show full text]
  • Linguistics 203 - Languages of the World Language Study Guide
    Linguistics 203 - Languages of the World Language Study Guide This exam may consist of anything discussed on or after October 20. Be sure to check out the slides on the class webpage for this date onward, as well as the syntax/morphology language notes. This guide discusses the aspects of specific languages we looked at, and you will want to look at the notes of specific languages in the ‘language notes: syntax/morphology’ section of the webpage for examples and basic explanations. This guide does not discuss the linguistic topics we discussed in a more general sense (i.e. where we didn’t focus on a specific language), but you are expected to understand these area as well. On the webpage, these areas are found in the ‘lecture notes/slides’ section. As you study, keep in mind that there are a number of ways I might pose a question to test your knowledge. If you understand the concept, you should be able to answer any of them. These include: Definitional If a language is considered an ergative-absolutive language, what does this mean? Contrastive (definitional) Explain how an ergative-absolutive language differs from a nominative- accusative language. Identificational (which may include a definitional question as well...) Looking at the example below, identify whether language A is an ergative- absolutive language or a nominative accusative language. How do you know? (example) Contrastive (identificational) Below are examples from two different languages. In terms of case marking, how is language A different from language B? (ex. of ergative-absolutive language) (ex. of nominative-accusative language) True / False question T F Basque is an ergative-absolutive language.
    [Show full text]
  • Honorificity, Indexicality and Their Interaction in Magahi
    SPEAKER AND ADDRESSEE IN NATURAL LANGUAGE: HONORIFICITY, INDEXICALITY AND THEIR INTERACTION IN MAGAHI BY DEEPAK ALOK A dissertation submitted to the School of Graduate Studies Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in Linguistics Written under the direction of Mark Baker and Veneeta Dayal and approved by New Brunswick, New Jersey October, 2020 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Speaker and Addressee in Natural Language: Honorificity, Indexicality and their Interaction in Magahi By Deepak Alok Dissertation Director: Mark Baker and Veneeta Dayal Natural language uses first and second person pronouns to refer to the speaker and addressee. This dissertation takes as its starting point the view that speaker and addressee are also implicated in sentences that do not have such pronouns (Speas and Tenny 2003). It investigates two linguistic phenomena: honorification and indexical shift, and the interactions between them, andshow that these discourse participants have an important role to play. The investigation is based on Magahi, an Eastern Indo-Aryan language spoken mainly in the state of Bihar (India), where these phenomena manifest themselves in ways not previously attested in the literature. The phenomena are analyzed based on the native speaker judgements of the author along with judgements of one more native speaker, and sometimes with others as the occasion has presented itself. Magahi shows a rich honorification system (the encoding of “social status” in grammar) along several interrelated dimensions. Not only 2nd person pronouns but 3rd person pronouns also morphologically mark the honorificity of the referent with respect to the speaker.
    [Show full text]
  • Mismatches in Honorificity Across Allocutive Languages
    Mismatches in honorificity across allocutive languages Gurmeet Kaur, Göttingen Akitaka Yamada, Osaka [email protected] [email protected] Symposium: The features of allocutivity, honorifics and social relation @ LSA 2021 1 Introduction • Allocutivity is a phenomenon, where certain languages have distinct verbal morphology that encodes the addressee of the speech act (Oyharçabal, 1993; Miyagawa, 2012; Antonov, 2015; McFadden, 2020; Kaur, 2017; 2020a; 2020b; Haddican, 2018; Alok and Baker, 2018; Yamada, 2019b; Alok, 2020 etc.) • A classic example comes from Basque. (1) a. Pette-k lan egin di-k Peter-ERG work do.PFV 3ERG-M ‘Peter worked.’ (said to a male friend) b. Pette-k lan egin di-n Peter-ERG work do.PFV 3ERG-F ‘Peter worked.’ (said to a female friend) (Oyharçabal, 1993: 92-93) • As existing documentation shows, allocutive forms may or may not interact with 2nd person arguments in the clause. • This divides allocutive languages into two groups: • Group 1 disallows allocutivity with agreeing 2nd person arguments (Basque, Tamil, Magahi, Punjabi). In the absence of phi-agreement, Group 2 (Korean, Japanese) does not restrict allocutivity with any 2nd person arguments. (2) Punjabi a. tusii raam-nuu bulaa raye so (*je) 2pl.nom Ram-DOM call prog.m.hon be.pst.2pl alloc.pl ‘You were calling Ram.’ b. raam twaa-nuu bulaa reyaa sii je Ram.nom 2pl.obl-DOM call prog.m.sg be.pst.3sg alloc.pl ‘Ram was calling you.’ 1 (3) Japanese a. anata-wa ramu-o yon-dei-masi-ta. 2hon-TOP Ram-ACC call-PRG-HONA-PST ‘You were calling Ram.’ b.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 1 Negation in a Cross-Linguistic Perspective
    Chapter 1 Negation in a cross-linguistic perspective 0. Chapter summary This chapter introduces the empirical scope of our study on the expression and interpretation of negation in natural language. We start with some background notions on negation in logic and language, and continue with a discussion of more linguistic issues concerning negation at the syntax-semantics interface. We zoom in on cross- linguistic variation, both in a synchronic perspective (typology) and in a diachronic perspective (language change). Besides expressions of propositional negation, this book analyzes the form and interpretation of indefinites in the scope of negation. This raises the issue of negative polarity and its relation to negative concord. We present the main facts, criteria, and proposals developed in the literature on this topic. The chapter closes with an overview of the book. We use Optimality Theory to account for the syntax and semantics of negation in a cross-linguistic perspective. This theoretical framework is introduced in Chapter 2. 1 Negation in logic and language The main aim of this book is to provide an account of the patterns of negation we find in natural language. The expression and interpretation of negation in natural language has long fascinated philosophers, logicians, and linguists. Horn’s (1989) Natural history of negation opens with the following statement: “All human systems of communication contain a representation of negation. No animal communication system includes negative utterances, and consequently, none possesses a means for assigning truth value, for lying, for irony, or for coping with false or contradictory statements.” A bit further on the first page, Horn states: “Despite the simplicity of the one-place connective of propositional logic ( ¬p is true if and only if p is not true) and of the laws of inference in which it participate (e.g.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 English Subjectless Tagged Sentences Paul Kay Department Of
    1 English subjectless tagged sentences Paul Kay Department of Linguistics University of California Berkeley, CA 94720 [email protected] 2 Abstract A colloquial English sentence like Fooled us, didn't they? contains a finite main verb but no expressed subject. The identity of the missing subject of fooled is recovered from the tag subject they: compare Fooled us, didn't she?, Fooled us, didn't you? This paper argues (1) that such subjectless tagged sentences (STSs) pose a problem for grammatical approaches based on movement and empty categories and (2) that STSs receive a revealing analysis as part of a finely articulated family of tagged sentence constructions when viewed within a non-derivational, constructional, multiple-inheritance-based approach.* *I would like to thank Peter Culicover, Liliane Haegeman, Charles Fillmore Andreas Kathol and Richard Oehrle for comments on previous versions of this paper, as well as an anonymous reviewer for Language. They have doubtless offered more good advice than I have accepted. 3 0. Introduction. It has been argued from several points of view that whatever can be done with empty categories (ecs) can be done without them (Ades and Steedman 1982, Gazdar et al. 1984, Kaplan and Zaenen 1989, Pollard and Sag 1994 chapter 9, Sag and Fodor 1994, Kay and Fillmore 1999, Sag 1999). It has also been argued that, because there is no hard evidence for their existence, linguistic theory would be better off dispensing with these unobservable entities (Pickering and Barry 1991, Sag and Fodor 1994, Sag 1999).1 The present paper purports to take the argument one step further by showing that there are things that can be done without empty categories that cannot be done with them, at least not with any of the ecs currently available.
    [Show full text]
  • The Syntax of Answers to Negative Yes/No-Questions in English Anders Holmberg Newcastle University
    The syntax of answers to negative yes/no-questions in English Anders Holmberg Newcastle University 1. Introduction This paper will argue that answers to polar questions or yes/no-questions (YNQs) in English are elliptical expressions with basically the structure (1), where IP is identical to the LF of the IP of the question, containing a polarity variable with two possible values, affirmative or negative, which is assigned a value by the focused polarity expression. (1) yes/no Foc [IP ...x... ] The crucial data come from answers to negative questions. English turns out to have a fairly complicated system, with variation depending on which negation is used. The meaning of the answer yes in (2) is straightforward, affirming that John is coming. (2) Q(uestion): Isn’t John coming, too? A(nswer): Yes. (‘John is coming.’) In (3) (for speakers who accept this question as well formed), 1 the meaning of yes alone is indeterminate, and it is therefore not a felicitous answer in this context. The longer version is fine, affirming that John is coming. (3) Q: Isn’t John coming, either? A: a. #Yes. b. Yes, he is. In (4), there is variation regarding the interpretation of yes. Depending on the context it can be a confirmation of the negation in the question, meaning ‘John is not coming’. In other contexts it will be an infelicitous answer, as in (3). (4) Q: Is John not coming? A: a. Yes. (‘John is not coming.’) b. #Yes. In all three cases the (bare) answer no is unambiguous, meaning that John is not coming.
    [Show full text]
  • Sequence-Of-Tense and the Features of Finite Tenses Karen Zagona University of Washington*
    Sequence-of-tense and the Features of Finite Tenses Karen Zagona University of Washington* Abstract Sequence-of-tense (SOT) is often described as a (past) tense verb form that does not correspond to a semantically interpretable tense. Since SOT clauses behave in other respects like finite clauses, the question arises as to whether the syntactic category Tense has to be distinguished from the functional category tense. I claim that SOT clauses do in fact contain interpretable PRESENT tense. The “past” form is analyzed as a manifestation of agreement with the (matrix past) controller of the SOT clause evaluation time. One implication of this analysis is that finite verb forms should be analyzed as representing features that correspond to functional categories higher in clause structure, including those of the clausal left periphery. SOT morphology then sheds light on the existence of a series of finer- grained functional heads that contribute to tense construal, and to verbal paradigms. These include Tense, Modality and Force. 1. Introduction The phenomenon of sequence-of-tense (SOT) poses several challenges for the standard assumption that a “past tense” verb form signals the presence of a functional category in clause structure with an interpretable ‘past’ value. SOT is illustrated by the ‘simultaneous’ reading of sentence (1): (1) Terry believed that Sue was pregnant. a. The time of Sue’s pregnancy precedes time of Terry’s belief (precedence) b. The time of Sue’ pregnancy overlaps time of Terry’s belief (simultaneity) For the ‘precedence’ reading in (1a), the embedded clause tense is semantically transparent in the sense that the past form was corresponds to a past ordering relation (relative to the time of Terry’s belief).
    [Show full text]
  • Topic Structures in Chinese Author(S): Xu Liejiong and D
    Linguistic Society of America Topic Structures in Chinese Author(s): Xu Liejiong and D. Terence Langendoen Source: Language, Vol. 61, No. 1 (Mar., 1985), pp. 1-27 Published by: Linguistic Society of America Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/413419 Accessed: 11/05/2009 22:37 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=lsa. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Linguistic Society of America is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Language. http://www.jstor.org TOPIC STRUCTURES IN CHINESE Xu LIEJIONG D.
    [Show full text]
  • Empty Categories in LFG
    Empty categories in LFG Judith Berman University of Stuttgart Pro ceedings of the LFG Conference University of California San Diego Miriam Butt and Tracy Holloway King Editors CSLI Publications httpwwwcslistanfordedupublications I am grateful to Christian Fortmann Gert Web elhuth Hub ert Haider Joan Bresnan Miriam Butt Steve Berman and Werner Frey for helpful comments and discussion This researchwas supp orted by the DFG Graduiertenkolleg Linguistische Grundlagen fur die Sprachverarb eitung at the University of Stuttgart LFG JBerman Empty Categories in LFG This pap er is concerned with the question whether there is any necessity and evidence for empty categories sp ecically traces in German Following the analysis of weak crossover in Bresnan b and Choi it is shown that the German weak crossover data can b e captured correctly if it is assumed that a topicalized constituent has to b e linked with an empty category in its lo cal domain its minimal clause only in the case of long distance dep endencies The empty category is indep endently motivated by a lo cality requirement on function sp ecication which is empirically supp orted by the fact that free word order in German is restricted to the lo cal clause It is further shown that the empty category cannot o ccupy the canonical p osition of the antecedent Instead it is claimed based on work byFrey that the sp ecier p osition of the functional category is the only p osition in which the empty category is licensed The resulting analysis not only accounts for the weak crossover data
    [Show full text]
  • Affirmative and Negated Modality*
    Quaderns de Filologia. Estudis lingüístics. Vol. XIV (2009) 169-192 AFFIRMATIVE AND NEGATED MODALITY* Günter Radden Hamburg 0. INTR O DUCTI O N 0.1. Stating the problem Descriptions of modality in English often give the impression that the behaviour of modal verbs is erratic when they occur with negation. A particularly intriguing case is the behaviour of the modal verb must under negation. In its deontic sense, must is used both in affirmative and negated sentences, expressing obligation (1a) and prohibition (1b), respectively. In its epistemic sense, however, must is only used in affirmative sentences expressing necessity (2a). The modal verb that expresses the corresponding negated epistemic modality, i.e. impossibility, is can’t (2b). (1) a. You must switch off your mobile phone. [obligation] b. You mustn’t switch off your mobile phone. [prohibition] (2) a. Your mobile phone must be switched off. [necessity] b. Your mobile phone can’t be switched off. [impossibility] Explanations that have been offered for the use of epistemic can’t are not very helpful. Palmer (1990: 61) argues that mustn’t is not used for the negation of epistemic necessity because can’t is supplied, and Coates (1983: 20) suggests that can’t is used because mustn’t is unavailable. Both “explanations” beg the question: why should can’t be used to denote negated necessity and why should mustn’t be unavailable? Such questions have apparently not been asked for two interrelated reasons: first, the study of modality and negation has been dominated by logic and, secondly, since the modal verbs apparently do * An earlier version of this paper was published in Władysław Chłopicki, Andrzej Pawelec, and Agnieszka Pokojska (eds.), 2007, Cognition in Language: Volume in Honour of Professor Elżbieta Tabakowska, 224-254.
    [Show full text]
  • Assertions and Judgements, Epistemics, and Evidentials 1
    Assertions and Judgements, Epistemics, and Evidentials Manfred Krifka1 Leibniz-Zentrum Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft & Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin [email protected] Workshop 'Speech Acts: Meanings, Uses, Syntactic and Prosodic Realizations' Leibniz-ZAS Berlin, May 29 – 31, 2017 1. Overview Topics to be covered: • The nature of assertion as expressing commitments • Judgements as a separate act from commitments • Subjective epistemics as expressing strength of judgments • Evidentials as expressing source of judgements • Discourse epistemics 2. Assertions as Commitments 2.1 The dynamic view of assertions (1) Assertions as modifying the common ground, “a body of information that is available, or presumed to be available, as a resource for communication” (Stalnaker 1978) (2) Standard view of assertion in dynamic semantics s (Stalnaker 1978, 2002, 2014; Heim 1983, Veltman 1996) φ s+φ – Common ground is modeled by a set of propositions (context set), – Assertion of a proposition restricts the input common ground to an output common ground by intersection. + Example: s + φ = s ⋂ φ (3) Alternative view: Common ground as sets of propositions – Assertion of a proposition adds the proposition to the common ground c φ – Context set: the intersection of the propositions of the common ground + Example: c + φ = c ⋃ {φ} (4) Advantages of this view: c ⋃ {φ} – Meaningful addition of tautologies, e.g. ‘2399 is a prime number’ = – possible modeling of contradictory common grounds (would lead to empty context set) – possible enrichment by imposing
    [Show full text]