Dead Cat Alley: an Archaeological Analysis

DEAD CAT ALLEY: AN ARCHAEOLOGICAL ANALYSIS

OF THE OVERSEAS CHINESE OF WOODLAND, CALIFORNIA

KAREN J. REICHARDT

MA THESIS IN CULTURAL RESOURCES MANAGEMENT SONOMA STATE UNIVERSITY

DECEMBER 2011 DEAD CAT ALLEY: AN ARCHAEOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF THE OVERSEAS CHINESE OF WOODLAND, CALIFORNIA

Karen 1. Reichardt

A thesis submitted to

Sonoma State University

in partial fulfillment ofthe requirements for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Cultural Resources Management

Dr. Adrian Praetzellis / 1/ItA,IJr

Dr. RandaIrDodgen

Erica S. GibSOQ, M.A. ~f) /'J()V~ toll Date

Karen J. Reichardt

ii AUTHOIDZATION FOR REPRODUCTION OF MASTER'S TIlESIS

I grant permission for the print or digital reproduction of this thesis in its entirety, without further authorization from me, on the condition that the person or agency requesting reproduction absorb the cost ~d provide proper acknowledgment of authorship.

Signa{tire

DATE(J4 tZ.j').Oil Street Address

City, State, Zip

iii

DEAD CAT ALLEY: AN ARCHAEOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF THE OVERSEAS CHINESE OF WOODLAND, CALIFORNIA

Thesis by Karen J. Reichardt

ABSTRACT

Purpose of the Study:

Hoping to gain a better life for their families, Chinese men immigrated to California at the start of the Gold Rush in the mid-19th century. Despite prejudice and anti-Chinese legislation, the Chinese of California were a major force in the shaping of the American West by building the transcontinental railroad and using their farming prowess to establish California as one of the major agricultural giants of the United States. Once pushed from these roles, they moved into urban centers, settling into ethnic neighborhoods where they could maintain their cultural identities.

The purpose of this study is to analyze the archaeological remains of a late-19th Chinese boarding house located in Woodland, California.

Procedure:

In order to fully understand the archaeological collection from Woodland, the assemblage was processed, identified, and analyzed using historical archaeological techniques. This information was compared to other Overseas Chinese archaeological collections to see how the Woodland assemblage relates to the known body of literature of the Chinese living in California.

Findings:

The artifacts recovered from Woodland’s Chinatown consisted of items of both Asian and European-American manufacture, including a large number of alcoholic beverage bottles. These artifacts were determined to be associated with a Chinese boarding house located on Dead Cat Alley in downtown Woodland. They were deposited in a cellar hole which was covered before the demolition of the building before 1910.

Conclusions:

The Chinese who deposited the artifacts on Dead Cat Alley were consuming a typical Chinese diet in which they used Asian-manufactured tableware. This was commonly seen in other Overseas Chinese collections. Where the Dead Cat Alley assemblage differs, however, is the large number of European-American ceramics found. The predominate occupations of the Chinese in Woodland at the time of

iv the artifact deposition was that ofrestaurant cooks and hotel workers. It is believed that the large number of European-American ceramics contained within the collection is due to easy accessibility to hotel and restaurant cast-off items that were reused by the Chinese living in Dead Cat Alley.

Chair:

Signature

MA Program: Cultural Resources Management Date: Sonoma State University t8~f}J11

Acknowledgments

I must take this opportunity to thank the many individuals who supported me in various ways throughout my graduate career.

Dr. Adrian Praetzellis and Dr. Randall Dodgen provided an incredible amount of help on the content of this thesis. I am indebted to them both.

Without their encyclopedic knowledge of late-19th and early-20th century ceramics and glass; their love of mending Chinese Brown Glaze Stoneware fragments; and their incredible wit, I would have never gotten the Dead Cat Alley artifacts identified and analyzed. To Erica S. Gibson and Michael D. Meyer, I thank you both.

There are so many other people that have helped me get through my time at Sonoma State University by providing baked goods, camaraderie, and quite a bit of good-natured ribbing: Rut Ballesteros, Matthew Chan, Jan Coulter, Emily Darko, Kate Erickson, Craig and Rasa Fuller, Keith Green, Michael Konzak, Annamarie Leon Guerrero, Sandra Massey, Bryan Mischke, Kristina Montgomery, Michael Newland, Mary Praetzellis, Giovanna Rossetti, Naomi Scher, Elaine-Maryse Solari, and Marisa Solorzano.

I must also thank my family. They understand the plight of the lowly graduate student and have provided me with many warm meals and the occasional dirty diaper: Emily, Paul, Jonah, Whitney, and Ella Reichardt. I must also thank my eldest niece, Maya Mazzagatti, for just being all-around awesome!

Last, but certainly not least, I must thank my most cherished friend, David Blood. Without his constant and unwavering support I would have not gotten this far.

Table of Contents Acknowledgments ...... vi Table of Figures ...... ix Table of Charts ...... x Chapter 1: Introduction ...... 1 Chapter 2: Regulatory Background ...... 5 The Birth of Cultural Resources Management...... 6 American Archaeology in the Early Nineteenth‐Century...... 7 Evolution of Academic Archaeology to Cultural Resource Management...... 8 Tennessee Valley Authority, River Basin Survey, and Salvage Archaeology...... 9 Federal and State Legislation and CRM...... 10 Curation Crisis ...... 13 Quelling the Crisis...... 15 Curation Crisis in California...... 16 Developing Solutions to the Crisis...... 18 Dead Cat Alley and the Curation Crisis...... 20 Chapter 3: Historical Background...... 22 The History of Yolo County ...... 23 The Founding of Woodland...... 25 Chinese Settlement in Woodland...... 28 Life of Reuben Fitz ...... 35 The Political and Economic Environment of Guangdong Province...... 36 Civil War and Strife in Guangdong...... 39 Gold Mountain ...... 40 Chinese Immigrants in the Mines...... 41 Influence of the Chinese on California’s Changing Environment ...... 43 Chinese Exclusion and Discrimination...... 44 Paper Sons and the End of Exclusion...... 51 Chinatowns and Chinese American Identity...... 52 Development of Chinatowns in the West...... 52 District, Family, and Benevolent Associations in Chinatown...... 55 The Sojourner Hypothesis and the Chinese Immigrant ...... 57 Chinese American Identity...... 59 Chapter 4: Overseas Chinese Research in Archaeology...... 65 Defining the Overseas Chinese ...... 65 The Early History of Overseas Chinese Archaeology...... 66 Early Overseas Chinese Archaeological Studies...... 68 Transition into Interpretative Overseas Chinese Studies ...... 73 Recent Research in Overseas Chinese Archaeology...... 77 Chapter 5: Research Design and Methods...... 86 Research Design...... 86 Research Themes ...... 87 Theme I: Consumer Behavior/Strategies...... 87

vii

Theme II: Ethnicity/Urban Subcultures ...... 88 Theme III: Interpretative Potential...... 89 Historical Research Methods ...... 90 Archaeological Field Methods...... 96 Laboratory Methods ...... 98 Processing Procedures...... 99 Functional Categories...... 101 Minimum Number of Items (MNI) ...... 101 Dating Methods...... 103 Artifact Tables ...... 104 Food‐Refuse Analysis: Faunal Remains ...... 104 Chapter 6: Findings and Interpretation ...... 106 Archaeological Excavation: Site Structure and Content ...... 106 514 Dead Cat Alley Artifact Assemblage ...... 107 Comparing the Dead Cat Alley Assemblage...... 110 Woodland Opera House ...... 110 Historical Context of the Woodland Opera House Site...... 111 Archaeological Excavations and Interpretations at the Opera House Site...... 112 Artifact Analysis of Features 8 and 9 from Woodland Opera House Site ...... 113 Stockton, California ...... 118 Historical Context of 117‐123 Channel Street, Stockton, California ...... 118 Excavations and Interpretations of Analytical Unit B...... 119 Los Angeles, California...... 121 Historical Context of Pit 622...... 122 Pit 622 of Lot 1F...... 123 Dead Cat Alley, Woodland, California...... 125 Chapter 7: Addressing the Research Questions ...... 130 Theme I: Consumer Behaviors/Strategies ...... 130 Theme II: Ethnicity/Urban Subcultures ...... 131 Theme III: Interpretative Potential ...... 132 Works Cited ...... 136 Appendix ...... 148

viii

Table of Figures FIGURE 1: SITE LOCATION MAP ...... 2 FIGURE 3: MAP OF GORDON AND WOLFSKILL RANCHOS, 1848 (DE PUE & COMPANY 1879)...... 24 FIGURE 4: WOODLAND COURT HOUSE, 1879 (DE PUE & COMPANY 1879)...... 26 FIGURE 5: CHINESE LABORERS BUILDING THE CENTRAL PACIFIC RAILROAD (HARPER'S WEEKLY 1893)...... 27 FIGURE 6: CHINATOWN IN 1886 (SANBORN COMPANY MAP 1886)...... 29 FIGURE 7: ASSESSOR'S MAP OF 400-BLOCK OF DEAD CAT ALLEY (CITY OF WOODLAND 2006) ...... 30 FIGURE 8: CHINATOWN IN 1889 (SANBORN COMPANY MAP 1889)...... 30 FIGURE 9: CHINATOWN IN 1895 (SANBORN COMPANY MAP 1895)...... 31 FIGURE 10: CHINATOWN IN 1912 (SANBORN COMPANY MAP 1912)...... 33 FIGURE 11: CHINATOWN IN 1926 (SANBORN COMPANY MAP 1926)...... 34 FIGURE 12: CHINESE MAN MINING FOR GOLD (COURTESY OF THE BANCROFT LIBRARY)...... 42 FIGURE 13: CARICATURE OF CHINESE MAN DEPICTED AS UNTRUSTWORTHY (THE WASP 1889) ...... 45 FIGURE 14: DENIS KEARNEY (HARPER'S WEEKLY 1880)...... 47 FIGURE 15: CARICATURE DEPICTING THE CHINESE DOMINATION OF CLOTHING AND CIGAR INDUSTRIES (THE WASP 1881) ...... 53 FIGURE 16: EAST TRENCH WALL PROFILE...... 98

Table of Charts TABLE 1: SUMMARY OF ARTIFACTS BY GROUP FOR DEAD CAT ALLEY ...... 107 TABLE 2: SUMMARY OF ARTIFACTS BY PERSONAL GROUP FOR DEAD CAT ALLEY ...... 108 TABLE 3: BREAKDOWN OF SOCIAL DRUG - ALCOHOL CATEGORY BY ORIGIN ...... 108 TABLE 4: SUMMARY OF CERAMIC FOOD PREPARATION AND CONSUMPTION FOR DEAD CAT ALLEY ...... 109 TABLE 5: CHINESE CERAMIC TABLEWARE AND DRINKING VESSEL MINIMUM NUMBER OF ITEMS (MNI) FOR FEATURES 8 AND 9 OF THE WOODLAND OPERA HOUSE SITE (FROM FELTON ET AL. 1984:39) ...... 114 TABLE 6: CHINESE CERAMIC FOOD STORAGE VESSEL MNI FOR FEATURES 8 AND 9 OF THE WOODLAND OPERA HOUSE SITE (FROM FELTON ET AL. 1984:44)...... 115 TABLE 7: EURO-AMERICAN CERAMIC MNI FOR FEATURES 8 AND 9 OF THE WOODLAND OPERA HOUSE SITE (FROM FELTON ET AL. 1984:50)...... 116 TABLE 8: GLASS AND EURO-AMERICAN STONEWARE BOTTLE MNI OF FEATURES 8 AND 9 OF THE WOODLAND OPERA HOUSE SITE (FROM FELTON ET AL. 1984:54)...... 116 TABLE 9: OPIUM-RELATED PARAPHERNALIA (MNI) IN FEATURES 8 AND 9 OF THE WOODLAND OPERA HOUSE SITE (FROM FELTON ET AL. 1984:66, 69)...... 117 TABLE 10: CERAMIC FOOD PREPARATION AND CONSUMPTION CATEGORY (MNI) BREAKDOWN BY ORIGIN (FROM WAGHORN AND MEYER 2004:88-90)...... 120 TABLE 11: CERAMIC FOOD PREPARATION AND CONSUMPTION BY ORIGIN (FROM WAGHORN AND MEYER 2004:88-90)...... 120 TABLE 12: HIGHEST ARTIFACT MNI PERCENTAGE CATEGORIES FOR ANALYTICAL UNIT B (FROM WAGHORN AND MEYER 2004:100)...... 121 TABLE 13: CERAMIC FOOD PREPARATION AND CONSUMPTION CATEGORY (MNI) BREAKDOWN BY ORIGIN (FROM COSTELLO ET AL. 1999:164-165) ...... 124 TABLE 14: CERAMIC FOOD PREPARATION AND CONSUMPTION BY ORIGIN (FROM COSTELLO ET AL. 1999:164- 165)...... 124 TABLE 15: HIGHEST ARTIFACT MNI PERCENTAGE CATEGORIES FOR PIT 622 (FROM COSTELLO ET AL. 1999:169)...... 125 TABLE 16: PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL MNI FOR CERAMIC TABLEWARE OF ALL SITES ...... 125

x 1

Chapter 1: Introduction

The Overseas Chinese in California have been a major contributor to the growth

and development of the state through the advancement of agricultural pursuits in the

Central Valley and the building of the Transcontinental Railroad. The Chinese came to

California in the 1850s to seek fortunes not found in their hometowns in Guangdong

Province in southern China. They arrived in the United States, first landing in San

Francisco, then migrated toward the Sierra Nevada mountains into the goldfields of eastern California. Racial discrimination pushed them into undesirable jobs or out of the goldmines altogether. Many set off for urban centers and clustered in neighborhoods with their compatriots where they could speak their own language and practice their cultural traditions with one another.

Woodland, California is a small agricultural city located northwest of Sacramento in the Sacramento-San Joaquin River Valley in northern California. This city’s economy has been based in agriculture since its initial settlement in the mid-19th century and

Chinese immigrants started to settle in the community shortly thereafter. The alley

running parallel to Main Street in the center of the city evolved to be a small, but tight-

knit Chinatown who provided camaraderie and eased the pressures of racism and

exclusion felt by the individuals who lived there.

Only two archaeological excavations have been conducted within Woodland’s

city limits. The first was conducted in 1980 on the grounds of the Opera House located

in the center of downtown Woodland. The second was the 1986 excavation of a cellar

hole refuse pit located at the present-day 400-block of Dead Cat Alley (see Figure 1).

?? ??

Site Location

TN 0 1/2 mile 0 1/2 1 km

SCALE 1:24000 Figure 1: Location of 514 Dead Cat Alley, Woodland, California

This excavation was a salvage effort conducted by local archaeologist Robert Orlins and due to the circumstances of the project, the artifacts collected were never analyzed or curated.

The thesis summarizes the analysis and interpretation of the Dead Cat Alley collection excavated in 1986. Chapter 2 will lay out the regulatory background of cultural resources management in the United States. This will begin by discussing the history of archaeology in the U.S. Starting in the early-19th century, archaeology was merely an extracurricular activity for independently wealthy men interested in the mounds located throughout the mid-western U.S. This interest eventually led to archaeology being accepted as a viable academic discipline. The strong desire to recover artifacts and antiquities that was instilled into the field by these men, however, has plagued the discipline and its eventual off-shoot, Cultural Resources Management, leading to the curation crisis. This problem that currently faces archaeologists will be discussed at length.

Chapter 3 will discuss the background history of the community where the artifact collection was uncovered. Starting with the development of Woodland as a small town to its growth into a bustling agriculturally-based city, I will discuss how Chinese immigrants migrated from Guangdong Province in southern China and settled into this community. This will follow with Chapter 4 which will synthesize the archaeological research that has been published on Overseas Chinese sites from Roberta Greenwood’s work at the San Buenaventura Mission in Ventura, California to the most recent publications on the subject. The researchers who contributed to this body of literature have used many different theoretical paradigms to interpret Overseas Chinese sites. It is

important to discuss the background and evolution of this research in order to put the

interpretations of Dead Cat Alley into a greater theoretical context.

Chapters 5 and 6 will lay out the logistics of this thesis project. Chapter 5 will

discuss the methods used by Robert Orlins in the field and the laboratory methods used

25 years later at the Anthropological Studies Center (ASC). This will provide an understanding about how the findings and interpretations were found. The goal is to present the data in a useful medium so that if future researchers wish to reinterpret the information, they will have guidelines regarding what I have already done with this collection.

The final chapter will aim to synthesize the findings and will attempt to address the research questions stated in Chapter 5. The goal for this is to contribute more knowledge to the history of Woodland as a community and also to help fill gaps in the overall history of the Overseas Chinese living in California.

Chapter 2: Regulatory Background

This chapter will provide the history of the development of Cultural Resource

Management (CRM) in the United States. Archaeology developed as a pastime for scientists in the late 19th century when the American public became interested in the earthen mounds that dotted the Mid-West (Meltzer 1985:253). This interest evolved into the establishment of the Bureau of Ethnology under the direction of the Smithsonian

Institution (Meltzer 1985:250). This department played a pivotal role in legitimizing archaeology as a viable profession and not merely as a hobby. University programs soon developed and began to produce students qualified to conduct archaeological excavations and research. These professionals would become deeply involved in the Works Progress

Administration (WPA) program which sought to boost employment in the United States through a series of major infrastructure undertakings. These projects required rapid archaeological data recovery before the WPA projects could commence (King 2008:16;

Sebastian 2004:5). This program not only pushed the United States out of the Great

Depression by producing jobs and building the country’s infrastructure, it gave birth to

Cultural Resource Management.

A growing concern for the preservation of American history, architecture, and the natural environment pushed the federal and some state governments to pass legislation to protect these nonrenewable resources. A series of historic preservation laws and the

National Environmental Protection Act (NEPA) would boost the legitimacy and productivity of CRM professionals, but would also create a growing situation exponentially worse. This situation has become known in the archaeological community as the “curation crisis.” Since the WPA projects in the 1930s, collection facilities became

6 filled to capacity with archaeological data with little to no funding to treat or care for the collections and their associated documents. Awareness of this problem surfaced shortly after the passage of NEPA in 1969, but as of 2011 no consensus in the archaeological community has been reached to help solve it (Childs and Sullivan 2004:14; Greenwood and Hale 2002; Praetzellis and Costello 2002).

One solution, however, is to allow graduate students to wash, label, and analyze these collections in order to fulfill the requirements of their degrees. Not only does it help alleviate the crisis, but it also limits the number of excavations conducted for graduate studies and it turns artifacts into valuable data. This tactic was used in the case of the collection associated with 514 Dead Cat Alley. It was excavated under “salvage” conditions, much like many WPA projects of the 1930s, and due to the limited storage space and funding for curation, it laid unanalyzed for 25 years.

The Birth of Cultural Resources Management

Awareness for historic preservation and archaeology in the United States began in the 1870s. Interest in America’s indigenous cultures led to the Smithsonian Institution to create the Bureau of Ethnology (BAE) in 1876. BAE was the first federal institution to devote funding to archaeological research (Meltzer 1985:250). This research, however, was focused predominately on earthen mounds, as a major interest of the scientific community at the time was focused establishing who built the large earth mounds in the middle of the country (Meltzer 1985:253). This interest in the mound builders also created a market for excavated antiquities from the American Southwest for sale to collectors. In order to protect these sites from destruction, the federal government had to intervene through legislation (Gerstenblith 2004:101).

American Archaeology in the Early Nineteenth-Century

The Antiquities Act was signed into law in the United States on June 8, 1906 by

President Theodore Roosevelt. This piece of legislation gave the President the authority

“to declare by public proclamation historic landmarks, historic and prehistoric structures,

and other objects of historic or scientific interest that are situated upon the lands owned

or controlled by the Government of the United States…” (16 U.S.C. 431, Section 2).

Section 3 of the same act declares that “Permits for the examination of ruins, the

excavation of archaeological sites, and the gathering of objects of antiquities upon

[federal] lands” must be granted by the appropriate lead agency to professionals and

institutions deemed “reputable” (16 U.S.C. 432, Section 3). This simple statement helped

to legitimize the profession of archaeology in the United States. Archaeologist Thomas

F. King, however, argues that it was created based on “chauvinistic concern about

removal of antiquities from federal land…” (2008:16). King suggests that the government was declaring these cultural objects the sole property of the federal government and the legislation was a means to protect this property from thieves.

Despite King’s jaded perspective on the roots of this law, it had an undeniable impact on cultural resource management and historic preservation in the US by establishing a way to police archaeological sites from being looted. This law was also boosted by the passage of the National Park Service Organic Act in 1919 which created the National

Park Service as a means to “promote and regulate the use of the Federal areas known as national parks, monuments, and reservations” (16 U.S.C. 1-4). These two laws helped solidify the need for the federal government to protect aspects of the country’s heritage

and established professional qualifications for the management and interpretation of these

sites.

Evolution of Academic Archaeology to Cultural Resource Management

After the passage of the Antiquities Act, the profession of archaeology was

dominated by the academic and museum worlds whose “research support was drawn

largely from their own institutions, private resources, foundations, and a few government programs” (McGimsey 2003:611). According to archaeologist S. Terry Childs, museums and archaeology were interconnected in the late-19th and early-20th centuries. Museums

employed archaeologists and funded their excavations in order to collect artifacts for

museum displays (Childs 2004:5). Practitioners used these funds to participate in elaborate excavations throughout the US and abroad, but many times neglected to analyze the data collected or report on the findings. This deliberate focus on field

excavations by the early-20th-century archaeologists has affected how collections are

viewed by practitioners today (Childs 2004:5). Childs postulates that this focus on field excavation was developed in the 1920s and 1930s through the influence of academic archaeology and the state of the economy in the United States at the time. The need for employment for American citizens during the Great Depression led the president to push major federal undertakings in order to increase jobs (Childs 2004:6).

A shift towards government-funded archaeological projects started to emerge during the 1930s when Franklin D. Roosevelt implemented the Works Progress

Administration (WPA). The federal government employed historians and archaeologists to record local and state histories, historic buildings, and archaeological sites (King

2008:16; Sebastian 2004:5). This directly led to the passage of the Historic Sites Act

(HSA) in 1935 which expanded the role of NPS in preserving historic resources within

federal park lands. This law “did little to protect privately-owned properties from

destruction… (Gray 1971:314); however, eventually the National Historic Preservation

Act (NHPA) coupled with the HSA would “extend… to a wider range of historic and cultural resources, including those located on other-than-public lands” (McManamon

2006:153). All of this legislation helped set the stage for the development of non-

academic-based archaeological investigations, which became the precursor to CRM.

Tennessee Valley Authority, River Basin Survey, and Salvage Archaeology

One of the first major public works projects instituted was through the Tennessee

Valley Authority. The purpose of this undertaking was to build reservoirs and dams in a particularly devastated region of the southeast between 1933 and 1941. This project not only built dams along the Tennessee River and its major tributaries, it also provided a major boost to employment in the United States during World War II (Jennings

1985:282). Archaeologists were hired to recover data from archaeological sites along the

Tennessee Valley which would be destroyed once construction of the dams began (King and Lyneis 1978:874). This and other construction projects, such as the building of reservoirs throughout the country conducted by the US Army Corps of Engineers pushed

NPS and Smithsonian Institution to organize the River Basin Survey Program in the

Spring of 1945 (Jennings 1985:281; King 2008:17).

The threat of destruction to archaeological sites by reservoir projects, however, alarmed agency personnel in NPS, Bureau of Reclamation, and the US Army Corps of

Engineers. This forced NPS to take on the financial role of supporting archaeological data recovery projects during federal undertakings, which led to the passage of the

Reservoir Salvage Act in 1960 (Jennings 1985:282). This Act provided NPS with funding to help salvage archaeological sites before they were destroyed by dammed waters created through the Corps of Engineers’ public utility projects (Sebastian 2004:5).

These public works projects acted as a catalyst for the splitting of archaeology between academic-focused research and salvage archaeology. To some practitioners the latter was a more exciting route, as it focused predominately on rapid data recovery.

Federal and State Legislation and CRM

In 1966, the National Historic Preservation Act (NHPA) was signed into federal law. This law was written in order to establish a program to help protect historic properties in the United States. The portion of this Act that has the most impact to CRM practitioners conducting studies on Federal properties is Section 106. In this Section, an undertaking conducted where a Federal agency has “direct or indirect jurisdiction” must

“take into account the effect of the undertaking on any district, site building, structure, or object that is included in or eligible for inclusion in the National Register” (16 U.S.C.

470, Section 106). This Register was established under 36 Code of Federal Regulations,

Part 60, Section 60.1 and authorizes the Secretary of Interior to “expand and maintain a

National Register of districts, sites, buildings, structures, and objects significant in

American history, architecture, archaeology, engineering, and culture” (36CFR60,

Section 60.1). Another key component of the NHPA was that it established the Advisory

Council on Historic Preservation which acts as “an independent agency of the United

States Government” (16 U.S.C. 470, Title II, Section 201). The Advisory Council on

Historic Preservation (ACHP) advises the President and Congress on “matters relating to historic preservation, recommends measures to coordinate activities of Federal, State, and

11 local agencies and private institutions and individuals in relation to historic preservation”

(16 U.S.C. 470, Title II, Section 202). These measures directly affected historic preservationists, but did little to change the aim of archaeologists participating in salvage efforts.

The National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA) has been a vital component of

CRM since it became law in 1969. While this law was predominantly focused on the protection of the natural environment, it “required that environmental and cultural values be weighed side-by-side with economic and technological values…” which might be affected by a federal development project (Schiffer and House 1977:45). While NEPA established the importance of cultural resources on the same level as environmental resources, it merely requests for the preservation of “important historic, cultural, and natural aspects of our national heritage,” it does not dictate how this should be conducted by CRM practitioners (42 U.S.C. § 4331, Section 101). The history of archaeology in the

United States prior to the passage of NEPA established a long tradition of focusing on excavation without budgeting for data analysis or curation. NEPA did not specify how cultural resources should be preserved, but merely that Federal undertakings must note potential effects on cultural resources in the project area.

After NEPA was established, many states, including California, passed “little

NEPAs.” California was one of the first states to pass environmental legislation by signing the California Environmental Quality Act (CEQA) in 1970. CEQA’s structure is similar to NEPA, but its purpose is to establish guidelines to maintain “a quality environment for the people of [California]” (PRC 21000). Like NEPA, CEQA includes cultural resources as an element of the natural environment that must be included when

non-Federal undertakings are conducted in the state. It also stipulates that “public [non-

federal] agencies should not approve projects… if there are feasible alternatives or

feasible mitigation measures available which would… lessen the significant

environmental effects of such projects…” (PRC 21002). Despite this declaration in the

state law, it is not possible to follow CEQA guidelines for every single undertaking conducted within the state that might affect cultural resources. Therefore, CEQA does not apply to ministerial acts which may impact a historic resource (Governor’s Office of

Planning and Research 1996). Ministerial acts are “actions in which the local government has no discretion” (Fulton and Shigley 2005:71). That is, if an individual applies for a permit for an undertaking on his property and all permit conditions are met at the time of application, the local government does not need to be involved in the process. In the case of the Dead Cat Alley situation, the plumber excavating a trench for sewer pipe repair would not need to apply for a permit from the City of Woodland.

CEQA does not require that all projects be rejected on environmentally damaging grounds nor does it lay out specifications how a project can minimize damage to the environment. It also does not establish a state agency to enforce that CEQA guidelines are followed during an undertaking. CEQA is set up so that the public may enforce the law through legislation (Fulton and Shigley 2009:157-158). By not prohibiting environmentally harmful projects or specifying mitigation measures, CEQA allows local governments or the “professional judgment of consultants” in the areas under study to determine what is defined as “significant” (Fulton and Shigley 2009:163-164). In the case of cultural resources, the local government or the CRM consultant can freely interpret the findings to suit their needs.

Starting with the Antiquities Act of 1906, CRM’s development has been fueled by legislation passed by the federal and state governments. Its origins with the Smithsonian

Institution’s Bureau of Ethnology and the focus on excavation and object removal has unfortunate consequences for the future of data analysis and collections. The lack of forethought and planning for the care of excavated materials from early salvage pursuits and the rapid development of the field of CRM after the passage of NHPA and NEPA has left an overwhelming amount of potential data deposited in facilities.

Curation Crisis

The historical focus of American archaeology on fieldwork has created a curation crisis within the profession. This problem was slowly developing throughout the early

20th century, but it became exponentially worse after the passage of NEPA in 1969. The focus of early museum and academic archaeologists who sought to excavate major sites in order to boost the number of exhibit-quality collections; the rapid accumulation of artifacts through WPA-driven salvage archaeology efforts; and the need for cultural resource compliance due to NEPA have all been factors that created an overwhelming number of artifacts that need to be stored (Christenson 1979:162; Marquardt 1982:409).

Unfortunately, this was a lack of forethought and has left many collections across the

United States in a state of neglect. Some collections have not been treated for proper curation, some have been separated from their field documents, and many times, they have not been analyzed. It was generally assumed that “someone” would return to these collections to conduct research and the cost and time needed to preserve these collections was not budgeted into the initial phase of fieldwork.

The late 1960s and early 1970s saw Americans becoming more interested in the

protection of their natural environment and cultural heritage. This interest fueled the passage of NEPA in 1969, but also provided a boost to the historic preservation movement. Two laws were passed shortly after NEPA which focused on historic preservation of federal properties: Executive Order 11593 (1971) and the Moss-Bennett

Act (1974). The purpose of Executive Order 11593 is for Federal agencies to implement a “spirit” of stewardship and trusteeship of cultural properties within their control; to initiate measures to preserve, restore, and maintain federally-owned sites, structures, and objects that are of historical, architectural, or archaeological significance; and to consult with the Advisory Council on Historic Preservation in order to develop programs that would contribute to the preservation and enhancement of non-federally owned sites of historic or cultural significance (EO 11593). This executive order was created to enhance what had already been established by NHPA. The Moss-Bennett Act was actually originally the Archaeological and Historic Preservation Act signed into law in 1960. It was amended multiple times and evolved into what would commonly be referred to as the

Moss-Bennett Act (16 U.S.C. 469). This act was intended to supplement the Historic

Sites Act of 1935 by specifying that the “preservation of historical and archaeological data (including relics and specimens)” that might be “irreparably lost or destroyed” by federal infrastructure undertakings. It further lays out requirements of federal agencies who suspect that archaeological or cultural data may be lost during a construction project, which includes contacting a professional in order to “initiate [an archaeological] survey or recovery effort” (16 U.S.C. 469a-2(c)). The requirements of this act would assist in

the hardships archaeological facilities face when trying to curate federally-owned

collections.

Both NEPA and the Moss-Bennett Act pushed an influx of artifacts into museum

and curation facilities at exponential rates. These facilities were faced with economic

struggles to care for collections already in storage. This oversight was not due to careless

professional ethics, but a lack of adequate funding to see the procedure through to the

final step in the archival process. Andrew L. Christenson (1979) addressed the situation

in the late 1970s by placing an emphasis on the role museums play in the curation of

artifacts. Unfortunately, “many museums [were] unprepared or unwilling to store large

volumes of artifacts, ecofacts, and documents from sites ‘salvaged’ from destruction”

(Christenson 1979:162). Only three years later, William H. Marquardt et al. were

continuing the fight by stating: “Professional archaeologists… have been slow to realize

that [collections are a valuable resource] only if they are properly documented,

conserved, and organized… [so] that their research value is maintained” (1982:409).

Despite the outcry of cultural resource professionals in the mid-1970s and early 1980s,

the curation crisis still exists with no consensus on how to solve the issue.

Quelling the Crisis

In 1990, the federal government passed two pieces of legislation: 36CFR79 and

the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA). 36CFR79, section 5 states:

A Federal Agency Official is responsible for the long-term management and preservation of preexisting and new collections subject to [Part 79 of title 36 of the Code of Federal Regulations]. Such collections shall be placed in a repository with adequate long-term curatorial capabilities… (NPS 2008).

The goal of this law was to establish standards and procedures for curation facilities that

house federally-owned collections (36CFR79.1). NAGPRA required curation facilities to

inventory their Native American collections for certain items and notify the appropriate

federally-recognized tribe. By doing this, curation facilities were forced to take stock of portions of their warehouses in order to comply. These regulations, however, only apply to collections removed from federal lands and federally-funded museums and in the case of 36CFR79, there is no governing body to guarantee facility compliance (Childs and

Sullivan 2004:8).

Curation Crisis in California

An informal survey was conducted in 2006 by Cindy Stankowski, the Director of

the San Diego Archaeological Center. This survey culminated into a document which

lists 28 repositories located in California that store archaeological collections

(Stankowski 2006). Most of these facilities will accept small collections if they are

pertinent to the geographical region of the facility, but only four had space to

accommodate new collections, particularly large ones. Of these 28 repositories,

California State University, Bakersfield was the only facility that met the federal standards dictated by 36CFR79 (Stankowski 2006). Many of the facilities were in the process of expanding storage as of 2006, but all facilities that were open to accepting new collections placed restrictions on the type and size of the collections they would store.

Stankowski later published her findings with this survey in the Society for California

Archaeology Newsletter and stated that “true curation is not uniformly achieved throughout California. Practices from ‘dead storage’ to ‘available to archaeology students are called curation” (Stankowski 2007:25). She defines “true curation” to mean

17 that “collections are cared for in an appropriate environment, managed so that they are accessible and used [emphasis in original] for continued scientific research, cultural applications and educational programs available to the general public” (Stankowski

2007:25). Stankowski’s facility, the San Diego Archaeological Center, is one of the only facilities listed in this survey that fall under Stankowski’s definition of true curation

(Stankowski 2006).

In 2007, the State Historical Resources Committee published the White Papers in the Society of California Newsletter (SCA 2007:18-25). The goal of the White Papers was based on the passage of California Public Resources Code 5020.5. This law states that the Archaeological Resources Committee of the State Historical Resources

Commission will “develop criteria and methods for determining the significance of archaeological sites… and for determining whether the most significant archaeological sites should be preserved intact or excavated and interpreted” (PRC 5020.5). The purpose of the White Papers was to “foster a higher and more consistent degree of professionalism in the investigation and treatment of [cultural] resources” (Mikesell,

McGuirt, and Fernandez 2007:19). One of the elements addressed to achieve this degree of professionalism in California archaeology was dealing with the curation crisis as it stands within the state (Stankowski 2007:25). Stankowski uses the State of California’s

Guidelines for the Curation of Archaeological Collections (1993) as the basis for her discussion on how to alleviate the situation in collections facilities. The Guidelines were published by the Archaeological Resources Committee in 1993 in order to start tackling the crisis; however, the White Papers shows that these guidelines had yet to be fully implemented within the professional community. These guidelines suggest that the

extent of the crisis must be established through an inventory of uncurated collections

within the state. It also states that it should be mandatory that the financing of artifact

curation be included in data recovery project budgets and that curation facilities statewide

should increase their capacity for collection storage (Stankowski 2007:25; State

Historical Resources Commission 1993). Unfortunately, despite these attempts to help

fix the problem in California, the solutions can only be implemented if adequate funding

is provided to facilities.

Developing Solutions to the Crisis

The Society for American Archaeology (SAA) published a list of ethical

principles for the archaeological community. Principle No. 7 “Records and Preservation” states that “Archaeologists should work actively for the preservation of, and long term access to, archaeological collections, records, and reports” (SAA 1996). In 2002, members of the SAA Curation Committee convened to lay out objectives for professionals to adhere to this principle. The Guidelines to Implement SAA Ethic #7,

Records and Preservation discusses how archaeological collections are just as valuable as artifacts in situ; however, they are only valuable if the associated records and field

notes are compiled and stored in the same facility as the collection itself (Childs

2004:vii). This list of objectives does not solve the crisis, but it does draw attention to professionals that valuable research lies waiting in facilities and care must be taken to preserve the data contained within.

Recently, practitioners have attempted to offer suggestions on how to limit the artifacts being sent to curation facilities that are nearly filled to capacity. Adrian

Praetzellis and Julia G. Costello (2002) used historic-period urban industrial sites as

perfect examples of archaeological sites where one could utilize a carefully planned

discard policy with certain mass-produced, non-diagnostic materials. Their attempt to

offer suggestions and open a discourse among their peers was quickly chastised by

Roberta S. Greenwood and Alice Hale who felt their recommendations were “too

draconian” (2002:22). Childs and Sullivan offer deaccessioning as a viable option, but

do note that it is rarely done due to the sentiment Greenwood and Hale argue (Childs and

Sullivan 2004:14). They do state, however, that “It is important to emphasize… that

deaccessioning does not only involve discard or destruction…. More often, it involves

transfer, donation, or trade to another repository, [or] return to the original owner…”

(Childs and Sullivan 2004:15). Even more recently, the University of Leicester in the

United Kingdom held a conference entitled “Finding the Familiar II: Retention, Discard, and Sampling Policies for Post-1750 Artifacts” in March 2011 (The Center for Historical

Archaeology 2011). This conference shows that the curation crisis is not just a problem

in the United States, but affects archaeological collections facilities across the globe.

This dialogue among archaeological practitioners is vital to establishing

professional norms and a consensus in how to solve curation issues. However, its polarizing effect between archaeologists cannot be underestimated. There is the faction

of professionals who cannot let go of the notion that all artifacts – no matter how non-

diagnostic or common – must be kept in perpetuity, but yet many of these archaeologists

do not plan project budgets accordingly. As for collections that have already been

excavated and sit in facilities without proper analysis or curation, S. Terry Childs is a

strong proponent of promoting graduate students to use collections for their theses

projects (2004:17). Using students to value the resources of previously excavated

artifacts and breed a future generation of professionals that shatter the old viewpoint that

archaeology ends at excavation will help develop more solutions to the current crisis

situation.

Dead Cat Alley and the Curation Crisis

The collection associated with 514 Dead Cat Alley was a victim of the curation

crisis. After excavation, the Yolo County Historical Museum in Woodland, California

offered to store the artifacts; however, the museum’s focus has always been to display

items on exhibit. Due to this and their location inside the Gibson House, a historic-era mansion, very little storage space was available to hold the artifacts that were not exhibit quality. There was also no funding associated with the excavation and no money was

allotted in the museum’s budget for the proper curation of the collection. After 25 years

of being unable to properly care for the collection, Robert Orlins was contacted by the

museum and he begun the process of finding the collection a new home (Orlins

2011:personal communication). Orlins contacted the Anthropological Studies Center

(ASC) at Sonoma State University in Rohnert Park, California in order to donate the

collection to a facility where a graduate student could treat the artifacts for curation,

analyze the data, and contribute new knowledge to the history of the Chinese in

Woodland at the turn of the 20th century. Despite the ASC’s limited storage space for

collections, the facility accepted this assemblage, and it was promptly treated for curation

and analyzed for the completion of a Master’s thesis.

By understanding the history of archaeology in the United States; the evolution of

CRM as a profession; and these having a direct effect on the current state of collection

facilities shines a light on the importance of collections, such as the Dead Cat Alley

21 assemblage. By allowing graduate students to study these previously excavated items, artifacts that are in various states of disrepair are turned into valuable sources of archaeological data. It also creates a fresh mentality in the new generation of professionals who see collection facilities as data mines without conducting damaging field excavations. While data recovery projects will always be an element of federal and state environmental law compliance, there is now more emphasis in mitigation efforts and preserving archaeological sites in situ.

514 Dead Cat Alley is only one of two archaeological excavations conducted within Woodland city limits. The associated artifacts were virtually unknown except to the individuals directly involved in the salvage effort. In the next chapter, the historical background associated with this collection will be discussed. The journey from China to

Woodland that led the residents of a boarding house located at 514 Dead Cat Alley must be understood.

Chapter 3: Historical Background

The deposition of artifacts underneath 514 Dead Cat Alley can only be understood against the backdrop of the history of the city of Woodland and the economic and political situation in China that caused a mass exodus of Chinese to immigrate to

California. This chapter will break down the early settlement of Yolo County by former white miners, the establishment of a Chinatown in the city of Woodland, and the county’s evolution into a major agricultural giant. Much of the success of the agriculturalists in the Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta can be attributed to the sweat and toil of the Chinese who emigrated from Guangdong Province in the mid-19th century and made their way across the Pacific. The life they found once they reached Gold Mountain, however, was not what they had envisioned, and many were subjected to prejudice and in some cases, torture. Despite the hardships the Chinese faced in California, their contribution to the transformation of its environment helped shape the state into what it is today.

Many first generation Chinese were “sojourners,” like other immigrant populations of the time, and only came to the United States to find their fortune and return home (Ng 1998:95). Others, however, stayed and built lives in Chinatowns in cities across the United States. Settling into occupations that they carved out for themselves, these individuals faced fierce discrimination through both state and federal legislation. With only the support of one another in the form of district, family, and benevolent associations, the Chinese persevered and created families in America

(Sandmeyer 1991:24; Sung 1967:136). This gave rise to a new identity in the form of

23 second generation Chinese or Chinese Americans. The children of first-generation

Chinese found themselves in a cultural limbo. In American culture, second-generation

Chinese did not look white and therefore still discriminated against, yet they were still far enough engulfed in white American culture that they did not relate to their Chinese-born friends and family.

The History of Yolo County

In 1849, Senator Mariano G. Vallejo founded Yolo County which would become one of the original 27 counties of California once it gained statehood. It was named after the local Patwin band of Native Americans that inhabited the area surrounding Cache

Creek, Putah Creek, and the Sacramento River. The word “Yolo” was based on the

Patwin’s term for themselves, Yo-doy, which translates to “a place of abounding rushes”

(Hoover et al. 1990; Larkey and Walters 1987:26-27, 29). There are multiple conflicting histories on the settlement of Yolo County. The Western

Shore Gazetteer, published in 1870, and Tom Gregory’s

History of Yolo County, published in 1913, state that William

Gordon and his family were the first to settle in the area

(Gregory 1913; Sprague and Atwell 1870). Gordon and his family, along with another group of settlers, emigrated out of Figure 2: William Gordon New Mexico in the Spring of 1841 toward San Diego. After a brief stay in southern California, the party continued northward, with members splintering off and settling in spots along the journey. The Gordon Family continued the trek before finally settling in the area that would eventually be known as Yolo County

(Sprague and Atwell 1870:8; Gregory 1913:6). Joann L. Larkey and Shipley Walters’

modern history of Yolo County, however, states that John Reid Wolfskill was the first

American to settle on a Mexican land grant. Wolfskill took possession of the Rancho Rio de los Putos land grant, located along the north bank of Putah Creek, in July of 1842

(Larkey & Walters 1987:18).

Figure 3: Map of Gordon and Wolfskill Ranchos, 1848 (De Pue & Company 1879)

Regardless of which individual is credited with first settling Yolo County, both

William Gordon and John Wolfskill were pivotal to the development of the region as an

agricultural giant. Gordon imported highly prized swine breeds and became a renowned

swine-herder. He eventually produced enough hogs to supply the local farming

community with “desirable specimens” (Gregory 1913:48). Wolfskill also made a name for himself through the purchase of cattle, horses, and eventually the cultivation of grain fields, vineyards, and fruit trees. These contributions helped build the agricultural industry in the Sacramento Valley which continues into the present day (Larkey and

Walters 1987:18-19). By 1848, present-day Yolo County had about thirty settlers who were actively expanding their farms. Around the same time, however, James A. Marshall discovered gold in Coloma. The draw to seek fortune in the gold fields of the Sierra

Nevada mountains proved to be so intense that Yolo County’s male population left the area which temporarily halted the growth of the county’s agriculture production (Gregory

1913:36).

The Founding of Woodland

In 1851, John Morris and his family, originally from Kentucky, immigrated from

Missouri to Yolo County (Gregory 1913:40). They settled in what would eventually become northeastern Woodland (Larkey and Walters 1987:34). Two years later, in 1853,

Henry Wyckoff instigated the process that would lead to Woodland becoming the largest town in the county. He built a general store that he named “Yolo City” at the corner of what would become First Street and Dead Cat Alley (Larkey and Walters 1987:34). This store provided essential goods to the local community, serving the likes of William

Gordon, Harbin Jesse, and Archibald Jesse, great agriculturalists who help establish Yolo

County as a major agricultural economy (Gregory 1913:40, 48; Larkey and Walters

1987:34).

Four years later, Wyckoff sold his general store to Frank S. Freeman, who settled in the area with his wife, Gertrude Swain Freeman, after a successful stint in the gold mines (Larkey and Walters 1987:28, 34-35). After acquiring Wyckoff’s store and the

160 acres surrounding it, Frank Freeman pushed to get the town on official maps by petitioning the federal government to allow Yolo City to build a post office. The request was granted in 1861 after Gertrude Freeman, Frank’s wife, suggested that the town be

renamed Woodland (Larkey and Walters 1987:35). A few months later, the County Seat moved from the town of Washington – now known as West Sacramento – along the western bank of the Sacramento River to Woodland, where it has remained to the present day (Gregory 1913:52-53).

In June 1863, Frank Freeman filed a town plat establishing Woodland’s city boundaries as Fourth Street to the east, Main Street to the south, College Street to the

west, and North Street to the north (Walters 2007:25). To further Woodland’s growth,

Freeman donated an entire city block to the local government in order to establish a county courthouse. It would take two years for the courthouse to be built on Court Street

(Walters 2007:25).

Figure 4: Woodland Court House, 1879 (De Pue & Company 1879)

In addition to the construction of the courthouse, Main Street blossomed into the major business segment of the town in the 1860s. Freeman has established a booming business on Main Street, a flouring mill at Court and First streets, and other townspeople opened a livery stable, stores, a wagon shop, blacksmith shops, and a drug store (Walters

2007:25). All of these businesses were necessary to accommodate the rapidly growing

population of Woodland after it became the center of Yolo County government. In 1871,

Woodland became an incorporated city and found itself with an expansive array of

businesses, including five hotels, three lumber yards, five dry-goods stores, and eight

grocery stores by 1897 (San Francisco Call 1897:30).

This population would continue to increase once the transcontinental railroad was

completed in California in 1869. The California-Pacific Railroad built a line running

from Vallejo through Davisville – now Davis – and Dixon linking to the Central Pacific

Railroad in Sacramento. An additional line was built to link Yuba City to Knights

Landing with a stop in Woodland (Walters 2007:27).

Figure 5: Chinese Laborers Building the Central Pacific Railroad (Harper's Weekly 1893)

Chinese Settlement in Woodland

In 1860, Yolo County had a Chinese population of only 6 individuals. By 1870, however, this number grew to 395; this increase in population is probably due to the completion of the transcontinental railroad in 1869 (US Census Bureau 1880). Chinese laborers had been toiling to complete the railroad since 1865. Once completed, hundreds of Chinese men found themselves unemployed, leading them to settle in nearby cities, such as Woodland (Sandmeyer 1991:15).

According to local historian, Shipley Walters, it is estimated that 70 Chinese lived within Woodland’s city limits in 1870. These men worked as cooks in private homes and restaurants or as gardeners, laborers, and laundrymen (Walters 2007:33). This same year,

Henry Aronson, a Jewish merchant, rented a wooden warehouse on Dead Cat Alley to a

Chinese man. This willingness to rent to a single Chinese individual created an influx for more requests. Aronson accommodated these requests by building more wood-framed boarding houses in the alley, thus establishing Woodland’s Chinatown (Walters 2007:33).

Chinatown was located on the alley parallel to Main Street, bounded on the east by Elm Street and College Avenue on the west in the center of downtown. This block is located in what originally was known as the Whitford and Ruggles Addition (Official

Map of Woodland 1926). It is unclear when the Whitford and Ruggles Addition was subdivided, but in December 1884, Reuben Fitz filed a mortgage indenture for Lot 8 and the western 20 feet of Lot 9 in Block D (see Figure 7). This would indicate that Reuben

Fitz owned Lots 8 and 9 of this portion of the block at the time of this mortgage indenture

(Yolo County Tax Assessment Roll 1884). No earlier maps exist at the Yolo County

Archives nor were tax assessment rolls available to show when Block D of the Whitford

and Ruggles Addition had been originally subdivided or how much of the block Reuben

Fitz had purchased at the time of the division. No historical documents were found that discuss the Fitzes leasing their property to Chinese residents, but by 1889, Chinese dwellings appeared on the northern edge of Lots 8 and 9, and along the northwestern corner of Lot 10 (see Figure 8). Only about twenty years earlier, Woodland was listed as

having six Chinese-run laundries within the community (Sprague and Atwell 1870:522).

During the same time, Yolo County had 2500 acres of vegetable-producing land, which

was being cultivated by approximately 300 men, most of which were Chinese (Sprague

and Atwell 1870:57). These Chinese farmhands were probably living close to the farms

that they worked on, but would visit Chinatown on weekends or stay in boarding houses

in the city during the off-season. Chinatown in Woodland, like most Chinatowns, was a

Figure 6: Chinatown in 1886 (Sanborn Company Map 1886)

Figure 7: Assessor's Map of 400-Block of Dead Cat Alley (City of Woodland 2006)

Figure 8: Chinatown in 1889 (Sanborn Company Map 1889)

place for the local Chinese to gather for socializing and to purchase goods from the home

country.

Reuben Fitz and his wife, Sarah, owned Lots 8 and 9 until February 1904, when

Lot 8 and the western 20 feet of Lot 9 were sold to Frank and Jacopo Baccei for $10

(Woodland Deed Book No. 63:250). The Fitzes kept the remaining 40 feet of Lot 9 and the entirety of Lot 10. In 1895, Main Street and Dead Cat Alley were numbered as the

500-block and a Chinese dwelling was located at 514 Dead Cat Alley (see Figure 9).

This building was offset a few feet south from the rest of the Chinese dwellings that were

attached to its western wall. During the inhabitation of this dwelling, a cellar pit was dug underneath for storage.

Figure 9: Chinatown in 1895 (Sanborn Company Map 1895)

Woodland Fire Insurance books noted that 514 “China Alley” was occupied by Chinese, but does not indicate how many individuals were living there (Board of Fire Underwriters of the Pacific 1898). By 1906, this building has disappeared indicating that the site was

inhabited for less than ten years (Sanborn Company Map 1906). The 1900 US Census

states that 35 individuals were living in 15 dwellings on the alley (US Census Bureau

1900). While the census does not specify which side of the street each household was

living on, it does indicate that one to four people were living in each building (US Census

Bureau 1900). Only two women were indicated in the census. One middle-aged single

woman who was head of her household with no tenants, and another woman who lived in

a dwelling on the alley with her husband and two single male lodgers. All residents

living in the alley were listed as Chinese (US Census Bureau 1900).

Reuben and Sarah Fitz had passed the ownership of their portion of Lot 9 to their

children, Frank, George, and Nina Fitz in 1908 (Yolo County Tax Assessors Map 1908).

It is uncertain when the Fitzes sold Lot 10. The parcel maintained a single Chinese

dwelling in 1912, the last vestige of a cluster of attached dwellings that was located on

Lots 8 and 9 previously (see Figure 9). Also at this time, the block was renumbered to

the 400-block of Dead Cat Alley (Sanborn Company Map 1912).

Figure 10: Chinatown in 1912 (Sanborn Company Map 1912)

The children maintained ownership of Lot 9 up to 1918, when Frank’s wife, Helen, was

added as an additional owner (Yolo County Tax Assessors Map 1918). Prior to 1926, all

buildings located along the alley in Lots 8 and 9 disappear. The 1920 U.S. Census listed

20 individuals, all Chinese males, living on the alley in seven separate households (U.S.

Census Bureau 1920). Only 416 Dead Cat Alley, a Chinese store, and three attached

Chinese buildings, which were marked as dwellings in earlier Sanborn Company Maps, remain on the southern side of the 400-block of Dead Cat Alley by 1926 (see Figure 10).

In 1939, five Chinese individuals are listed as living in “Chinese Alley” and six Chinese

were living on the 400-block of Main Street in the Woodland City Directory (Polk’s

Woodland City Directory 1939). While previous years were consulted, the 1939 City

Directory was the only volume to name any Chinese person living within all of

Woodland.

Figure 11: Chinatown in 1926 (Sanborn Company Map 1926)

The lack of information about the Chinese in the city directories up to 1939 indicates that the Chinese were deemed as unimportant to document. City directories were used before telephones became commonplace in households. The lack of Chinese listings shows that prior to 1939, it was felt that it was unnecessary to include Chinese members of Woodland’s population. This might also indicate that anti-Chinese sentiment was on the wane by 1939. Only four years later, in 1943, the Chinese Exclusion Act was repealed (57 Stat. 600-1).

Life of Reuben Fitz

Reuben Fitz was described as “a man of sterling traits of character, and was well known throughout this county” (Mail of Woodland 1907:1). He had moved to California from New Fame, New York in 1860 and met his wife, Sarah A. Hilton, in Sacramento shortly thereafter. After spending some time in Washington state, the Fitzes returned to

California, settling outside of Woodland where they reared three children – two boys,

George and Frank, and one girl, Nina (Mail of Woodland 1907:1). Reuben Fitz was a well-respected citizen of Woodland during his lifetime. He acted on the board of directors of the Woodland Street Railway Company which incorporated on 1 March 1888

(Walters 2007:38). He was an active participant in the Republican party and was elected as a member of the executive committee of the Yolo County McKinley and Hobart

Republican Club of Yolo County (San Francisco Call 1896:8). He was also on the board of directors for the Santa Maria Mining Company of Woodland, which incorporated in

October 1897 (Sacramento Daily Union 1897:3).

Sarah Fitz died of peritonitis in 1906 (The Mail of Woodland 1906). Reuben died the following year after a long bout of stomach ailments (The Mail of Woodland 1907).

The role the Fitzes played on Woodland’s development is notable. It must also be stated that he helped the growth of Chinatown by allowing Chinese dwellings to be built on his parcel. This contribution may have been due to Reuben Fitz being sympathetic to the plight of the Chinese or he may have merely been acting as an entrepreneur looking to gain profits from tenants in need of housing. Either way, it is evident that some of

Woodland’s Chinese were living on property that Reuben Fitz owned.

The Political and Economic Environment of Guangdong Province

To understand the Chinese immigration to California, one must examine the

economic and political situation of southern China, particularly in the Guangdong

Province in the early 1800s. Most Chinese who fled their homeland in the 19th century

emigrated from the Pearl River Delta region, the major city of which is Guangzhou

(Canton). According to historian Betty Lee Sung, up to 60 percent of the Chinese

immigrants in California were actually from one small district of the Guangdong

Province, Toishan (Sung 1967:11).

The major push of individuals to flee this region of China was deeply rooted in

the development of the entire country since the 17th century. The Qing dynasty, the ruling government at the time of the largest emigration out of China in the mid-19th

century, was established around 1644 after a rebel named Li Zicheng mounted an attack

on Peking (Spence 1990:25). This successful attack was one incident of a much larger

movement that was spreading throughout northern China. According to historian

Jonathan D. Spence, the Ming dynasty’s state and economy were rapidly declining

towards the late-17th century (Spence 1990:3). This was due to a lack of adequate

supervision for the state-run granary supplies and a stretch of poor weather conditions

that led to the malnourishment of many rural Chinese. The desperation that resulted

caused random gangs of Chinese wreaking havoc across the countryside (Spence 1990:3).

The Ming government did not know how to maintain control over the rebel forces

that developed due to economic hardships. In fact, their inability to quash uprisings

forced the last Ming emperor to commit suicide (Spence 1990:3). It was not until

Jürchen tribesmen from northeastern China formed a strong military and government

administration in preparation for their eventual invasion of the rest of the country in 1644

(Spence 1990:3-4). Their success was based on the fact that the Manchus, as they called

themselves, promised Chinese supporters that they would uphold the culture’s traditional beliefs. This support led to the formation of what would become known as the Qing dynasty (Spence 1990:4). This, coupled with the rebel fighting in Peking led by Li

Zicheng, whom the Manchu forces would eventually corner and capture, was the major impetus for the fall of the Ming dynasty by the mid-17th century (Spence 1990:31).

Unfortunately, the Manchus did not entirely uphold their guarantee to maintain traditional Chinese customs and implemented a series of laws that catered to Manchu cultural practices. Dorgon, the regent for the Manchu child emperor Shunzhi, ordered

that all Chinese men must shave their foreheads and maintain a Manchu-style queue in

the back of their heads and all Chinese women were forbidden from binding their feet

(Spence 1990:39). In addition, Dorgon also demanded the removal of many Chinese

farmers in the area around Peking, which resulted in landlords exploiting this declaration

for personal gain. The poverty and resentment that Chinese tenant farmers felt created a

breeding ground for unrest (Spence 1990:40). In addition to the area surrounding Peking,

the area within Fujian and Guangdong provinces were wrought with village feuds that

were frequently deadly (Spence 1990:93).

This region, especially Guangdong province, was more cosmopolitan and worldly

due to its location as a major international sea port for trade (Spence 1990:92-93).

Unfortunately, Chinese governments had always felt that non-Chinese were culturally inferior and that “China was the ‘central’ kingdom and… other countries were, by definition, peripheral, removed from the cultural center of the universe” (Spence

1990:119). Due to this belief, all European trade was restricted to the port city of Canton

and foreigners were only allowed to reside in the area during trade season (Spence

1990:121). These restrictions led to tension among British traders who desperately

sought Chinese silks, porcelains, and teas (Spence 1990:121-122). The British, however,

realized that their colony in India held a valuable resource in the opium poppy that

flourished in certain regions of that country (Spence 1990:120, 130). The poppy seeds

were processed into a thick paste that was embraced by the Chinese populous.

Instructions for how to prepare and smoke opium spread across China which resulted in a

such a demand that public rooms were set up to cater to the addicted masses (Spence

1990:130). Originally, opium smoking was mostly a hobby enjoyed by bored segments

of China, such as the eunuchs who worked for government agencies or upper class

women who were forbidden from gaining education or travel outside their households

(Spence 1990:131). The habit, however, eventually spread to the lower classes which

resulted in many growing their own poppies in order to capitalize on the country’s

desperate need (Spence 1990:131). The surge in opium smoking in the country caused

the Qing government to develop legislation that banned opium imports, domestic opium

production, and opium smoking after 1813 (Spence 1990:131).

In order to further combat the addiction raging across China, a man named Lin

Zexu was appointed as the imperial commissioner to stop the opium trade in China

(Spence 1990:150). Lin called for the Chinese public to stamp out opium use by asking individuals to report opium users or merchants. His campaign against opium came to a head in 1839 when Lin demanded the arrest of Lancelot Dent, a British opium trader, and

blocked all foreigners in Canton from accessing their factories (Spence 1990:152). After

six weeks, a stockpile of foreign opium was ceded to Commissioner Lin to which he

destroyed and dumped into a creek (Spence 1990:152). This was one of the final straws

that led to the tensions between Britain and China to balloon into full out war by 1839

(Spence 1990:152-156).

Civil War and Strife in Guangdong

The turmoil in China after the Opium Wars created a hotbed for radical uprisings.

One individual named Hong Xiuquan attempted to gain upward mobility from his humble

Hakka minority upbringing by taking the state-run examinations to gain a civilian

position within the Qing government (Spence 1990:170). Despite the fact that Hong

passed the initial exams, he failed his first two attempts to earn the shengyuan degree in

the early 1830s (Spence 1990:170). A few years later, he encountered an American

Protestant missionary that provided him with religious tracts in order to convert him to

Christianity. After a third failure to obtain his degree, Hong suffered a mental breakdown

that resulted in a hallucination that declared him the younger brother of Jesus Christ

(Barth 1964:27; Spence 1990:171). Hong took this vision to heart and began to lecture to

the rural masses of China about his new found Christian beliefs. His charisma and his

gift to engage audiences earned him a heavy following among the poor and destitute in

China (Spence 1990:171).

In January 1851, Hong Xiuquan gathered his converts and declared himself the

Heavenly King of the Taiping Tianguo (Spence 1990:172). This group of rebels conducted assaults across the Guangxi-Guangdong border and collected large sums of

cash, food, and new members in the fall of 1851. This uprising would eventually be

called the Taiping Rebellion (Spence 1990:172-173). While the Taiping fighters

maintained their following and pledged their loyalty to Hong Xiuquan for eleven years,

the Taiping Rebellion did not overthrow the government, like it intended (Sandmeyer

1991:14; Spence 1990:175, 179). The Taiping Rebellion, however, was only one of

many conflicts that swept across China. These internal rebellions caused millions of

Chinese to be killed or left the survivors homeless and starving (Spence 1990:210). The unrest wrought the farmlands, causing farmers to abandon their familial properties to escape the bloodshed. These wars, plus a credit crisis brought upon Guangdong Province

in the 1840s by the British, created an environment in the Pearl River Delta so dire that

many citizens fled, despite emigration bans placed upon Chinese citizens by the Qing

government (Kung 1962:3).

Gold Mountain

California experienced a gold rush shortly after gold was found at Sutter’s Mill

along the western edge of the Sierra Nevada in 1848. News of miners’ successes traveled

quickly, particularly to the port of Guangzhou. Many men packed their things and left

Guangdong with the hopes of returning back to their homes after obtaining wealth in

Gum Shan, or Gold Mountain, as the Chinese nicknamed California (Sung 1967:1).

In order to gain passage to Gold Mountain, these immigrants had to collect the

forty to sixty dollars it cost to travel by steamer across the Pacific Ocean (Chang

2003:32). Since most of these men were poverty-stricken, many borrowed money

through the “credit ticket system.” This allowed the passenger to gain the money needed

to travel to California and helped provide food and shelter upon their arrival in San

Francisco (Daniels 1988:14; Takaki 1989:35; Lyman 1970:69). Chinese immigrants

would agree to the sum of the voyage, plus interest, to be paid over time through their

employment in California. The profits helped support intermediaries in China and San

Francisco, as well as the Western ship owners who transported hundreds of Chinese

immigrants in unsanitary conditions across the Pacific.

Chinese Immigrants in the Mines

California of the 1850s was still a frontier, and like most frontiers of the west,

labor was scarce. The boom of Chinese laborers to the gold fields was initially seen as

advantageous by white miners. In fact, according to Elmer Clarence Sandmeyer, “Their importance as laborers in the early years is attested to the fact that the first agitation… concerning [the Chinese was not due to their] presence, but rather by an attempt to pass legislation for the enforcement in California of contracts made in China” (1991:14). In other words, the need for labor was so intense, that some Californians were requesting the

State government to establish a partnership with the Chinese government in order to fill the labor shortage. Upon arrival, they were seen as quiet, hard-working, and willing to accept low wages for the most grueling jobs (Kung 1962:67). This sentiment changed, however, once they attempted to work mining claims in the Sierra Nevada. The tolerance whites once bestowed upon the Chinese quickly developed into resentment and aggression (Takaki 1989:81; Lyman 1970:71).

Figure 12: Chinese man mining for gold (Courtesy of the Bancroft Library)

Despite working mining claims that had been previously abandoned, Chinese

miners were eventually forced out of the Sierras by irate whites (Takaki 1989:83). The

news of the dissention in the mines traveled to Sacramento and caused law makers to

pass the Foreign Miners’ License Tax in 1850 (Takaki 1989:82; Lyman 1970:71-72).

The tax declared that any individual not eligible for citizenship had to pay an additional

tax to the State government (Kung 1962:71). This law specifically targeted individuals

from Chile, Mexico, and Australia, but only mentions Chinese miners as people who

work for others (Sandmeyer 1991:42). It required them to apply for a special license in order to mine at a cost of twenty dollars a month. Punishment for not complying was expulsion from the mines and the possibility of a fine or imprisonment (Sandmeyer

1991:41). If the language was ambiguous about Chinese miners, it was explicit in federal legislation as a federal circuit court decision in 1867 declared that the Chinese were

ineligible for naturalization (Kung 1962:72). This ruling was based on a 1790 federal

43 law that states that “any alien, being a free white person, who shall have resided within the limits and under the jurisdiction of the United States for the term of two years, may be admitted to become a citizen thereof…” (1 Stat. 103 § 1).

Influence of the Chinese on California’s Changing Environment

Some of the Chinese who fled from persecution in the mines eventually found themselves in the Sacramento-San Joaquin River Delta in Northern California. This area is a highly fertile agricultural region specializing in fruits and nuts. This region, however, was not naturally suited to agricultural pursuits and was the product of a highly determined Chinese labor force who manipulated the soggy wetlands by building levees and creating acres of productive farmland (Street 2004:260-267). The value of agricultural land was further increased when the Central Pacific and Southern Pacific

Railroads built extensions through the delta region, which increased the region’s markets across the country. All of this infrastructure was built on the back of the endless toil of the Chinese immigrant worker (Street 2004:267).

The railroad was another feat that changed the landscape of California and brought it closer to becoming less isolated from the rest of the United States. Upon arrival in San Francisco, many newly-landed Chinese had made deals under the credit ticket system which were mostly funded through the Chinese Six Companies, a benevolent organization which helped provide passage, shelter, and food for the Chinese in California. They also helped provide transportation to job employment, first at the mines and eventually in the agricultural fields and railroad construction sites (Williams

1930:24). The Chinese Six Companies also established the system of China Bosses and

Chinese worker gangs. A China Boss would be the intermediary between the white

businessmen and the Chinese workers. These individuals wielded much power over their

subordinates, as they dictated the wages received. They were widely known for

skimming profits off the top of the wages paid by the white business owners (Street

2004:260-275). China Bosses and their gangs of workers were well-renowned among

farm owners as hard and low-cost workers. Unfortunately, in late 1873, their reputation

would prove to inflict more hardship on the Chinese.

In the Fall of 1873, there was a national financial panic, which resulted in a state-

wide depression within California. This caused hundreds of white men to become

unemployed (Street 2004:277). Historian Richard Steven Street states that there was “no segment of commercial agriculture [where] Chinese laborers were ever a majority – or even a significant minority – at any time” (2004:237). Despite this fact, unemployed white men saw gangs of Chinese finding work in the agricultural districts of California.

The only reason why Chinese immigrants had an easier time finding work was simply because most white males had an “aversion” to working in agricultural fields (Street

2004:238). Even so, this fueled a growing resentment similar to the animosity which pushed the Chinese from the mining claims in the Sierra Nevada only a few years before.

Angry mobs were known to beat Chinese workers and cut off their queues (Street

2004:277). The hostility pushed the San Francisco Board of Supervisors to lobby in

Washington, D.C. to terminate the immigration of Chinese into the United States in 1876

(Street 2004:281).

Chinese Exclusion and Discrimination

Chinese labor in the west had provided a significant boost to the American

economy through the completion of the transcontinental railroad in 1869; however, their

45 physical differences from white Americans and different cultural practices allowed them to be used as scapegoats for the mounting tensions felt due to the struggling economy. In order to make sense of the situation, white Americans subconsciously proposed to

“reduce the Chinese into a permanently degraded caste-labor force: they would be… a unique, transnational industrial reserve army of migrant workers forced to be foreigners forever” (Takaki 1989:99). In the news media, the Chinese were depicted with physical characteristics that were formerly associated with another subaltern group, African

Americans. The Chinese were described as “heathen, morally inferior, savage, childlike, and lustful” (Takaki 1989:101).

Figure 13: Caricature of Chinese man depicted as untrustworthy (The Wasp 1889)

In 1885, California passed legislation that demanded separate schools be constructed for African Americans, Native Americans, and Chinese students. It also stated that if a school is established for “Mongolian or Chinese children [they] must not

46 be admitted to any other school” (California Political Code, Section 1662). San

Francisco passed the Cubic Air law which was not directly focused against Chinese immigrants, but was only enforced in Chinatown. The Cubic Air law stipulated that lodging houses provide at least five hundred cubic feet of open space for each adult occupant (Chang 2003:119). This led to multiple arrests of citizens of Chinatown who retaliated by refusing to pay the required fine for release from jail. San Francisco officials further humiliated the Chinese inmates by passing the Queue Ordinance which stated that “each male prisoner who did not pay his fine would have his hair shaved within an inch of his scalp.” The shaving of one’s queue was “a mark of treason and occasioned a complete loss of caste” to the Chinese (Chang 2003:119-120). The

Sidewalk Ordinance was also passed in San Francisco that blatantly targeted Chinese laundry workers. This ordinance stated that it was a criminal offense to walk through San

Francisco carrying a pole with baskets on one’s shoulder (Chang 2003:120).

Despite these Anti-Chinese measures, the United States still wanted to have access to Chinese ports and maintain a lucrative trading relationship between the two countries. The U.S. sent a diplomat named Anton Burlingame to help open the doors of trade. Burlingame was well-received by the Chinese, so much so that upon his resignation as a diplomat for the United States, China asked him to become the Chinese

Minister, acting as a liaison between the U.S. and other European nations (Sung 1967:46-

47). Burlingame eventually negotiated the Burlingame Treaty of 1868 between the U.S. and China. In this treaty, Burlingame sought to protect the citizens of both China and the

United States from religious persecution and the right to travel between each country.

The United States was required to maintain that Chinese immigrants and their property

47 was secure from assault or harm (16 Statute 739, Articles 5 and 6). The Treaty of

Burlingame would be considered pro-Chinese and pro-Chinese-American had it actually been followed in practice. Unfortunately, the signing of this treaty did very little to better the lives of immigrants who wished to travel to America and those who had already landed. In fact, the Chinese Six Companies, the benevolent association who looked after

Chinese immigrants and helped gain many their passage into America, asked those immigrants in the U.S. to write letters back home to China discouraging their fellow countrymen from “mak[ing] the long sea voyage… so as to avoid bringing trouble on the community.” They further stated that the “reason we have been subjected to all kinds of harassment by white people is that many of our Chinese newcomers are taking jobs away from them” (Yung et al. 2006:25).

Figure 14: Denis Kearney (Harper's Weekly 1880)

During the 1870s, the United States was in the grips of an economic depression.

The eastern United States had just come out of the Civil War and on the west coast, individuals who bought highly inflated stocks lost their investment when the stocks

crashed (Farkas 1998:46). At the same time, the transcontinental railroad reached

completion in 1869, which pushed thousands of Chinese workers into unemployment.

Flocking to cities and major agricultural regions, the Chinese sought any work they could

find. Despite taking jobs that white Americans refused, such as farmhands, the sight of

Chinese easily gaining employment planted a seed of agitation and resentment in the

minds of the unemployed (Farkas 1998:46; Street 2004:310). One man, an Irish

immigrant named Denis Kearney, fed on this undercurrent of animosity and formed the

Workingman’s Party (Street 2004:310). Kearney’s angst was fueled by the loss of his entire savings in the stock market crash after investing in mining stocks (Farkas 1998:46).

He blamed the railroad monopolies and the Chinese workers who built it for his

misfortune and led a series of “sandlot speeches” that were fueled on the racism that

permeated unemployed America (Farkas 1998:46; Street 2004:310). Eventually, the

Workingmen’s Party of California gained a nationwide following, including prominent

political leaders (Street 2004:310). Kearney blamed the Chinese for “undermining the

white man’s standard of living” despite the fact that Charles Crocker of the Central

Pacific Railroad showed that he paid both white workers and Chinese the same monthly wage (Sung 1967:42). The fire that Kearney stoked eventually found its way to Congress who created the Sino-American Treaty of 1880. This treaty completely ignored the provisions of the Burlingame Treaty by suspending the immigration of new Chinese laborers. Chinese who were entering the United States as students, merchants, officials,

travelers, and teachers were still allowed to enter, and any laborer who already resided in

the country was permitted to stay (Sung 1967:50). When the bill reached President

Hayes’ desk, he vetoed it due to its direct violation of the Burlingame Treaty. Within a

year, however, Congress passed another bill which suspended all Chinese laborers from

immigrating for twenty years. The new president, Chester A. Arthur vetoed it, due to its

“unreasonable” duration (Sung 1967:50). President Arthur was fiercely condemned by the public, forcing him to back down once Page’s Bill reduced the restriction on Chinese laborer immigration to ten years (Spence 1990:215). On 6 May 1882, he signed into law the Chinese Exclusion Act (Spence 1990:215; Sung 1967:50). This Act suspended both skilled and unskilled Chinese laborers from entering the United States, but still allowed certain classes of Chinese, such as teachers, students, and merchants to enter the country.

These groups, however, were still not accepted within American society and the discrimination directed towards them deterred them from entering the country (Farkas

1998:54; Sung 1967:53-54). Six years later, the Scott Act was passed which altogether banned Chinese laborers from immigrating into the United States (Sung 1967:53-54).

This act also barred Chinese laborers who resided in the United States previously and were returning from a temporary visit abroad, despite having secured the needed reentry permits for readmittance into the country (Farkas 1998:77). Ng Poon Chew, a well- respected Chinese American leader, who was educated in the United States and established the Chung Sai Yat Po, a daily newspaper, wrote an essay in 1908 about the discrimination that the supposed “exempt classes” of Chinese immigrants faced. He stated:

…in 1898 the Attorney General of the United States decided that the true theory of the law was not that all Chinese who were not laborers could come in, but that only those could come who were expressly named in the law… The American immigration officials… made it a pretext for excluding all the Chinese they could even of the five classes named in the treaty… The United States demands a certificate of admission, with many personal details, signed by officials of the Chinese Government and of the United States; but when the certificate has been secured in proper form and every requirement met, the holder is not sure of being

able to enter the United States; for the immigration officials re-examine him and often detain and sometimes deport him on petty technicalities (Yung et al. 2006:112-113).

Ng Poon Chew continued to discuss a Chinese man by the name of Wah Sang who was

originally admitted into the United States as a student of theology. However, once he

graduated and started to work as a preacher in the Methodist Church, he was viewed by

immigration officials as a “laborer.” He was arrested, detained, and quickly deported

(Yung et al. 2006:112).

In 1892, the Geary Act was enacted. This Act extended the ten year limit on the

Chinese Exclusion Act to an additional ten years and stated: “it shall be the duty of all

Chinese laborers within the limits of the United States… to apply… for a certificate of

residence, and any Chinese laborer… who shall neglect, fail, or refuse to comply with the provisions of this act… may be arrested” (52nd US Congress, Session I, Chapter 60,

Section 2). When the Act expired in 1902, Congress passed another law to extend the

ban on Chinese immigration indefinitely (Chang 2003:141). Despite this bleak situation

for incoming Chinese and the immigrants living in the US, some light was shed for San

Franciscan Chinese immigrants on 18 April 1906, when the infamous San Francisco

earthquake struck. While San Franciscans were displaced and the Chinatown pillaged by

angry white mobs, the fire that broke out destroyed all the city’s birth and citizenship

records. While devastating for the city, the lack of records meant that Chinese

immigrants could claim that they were born in San Francisco, not China, and were

therefore, American citizens (Takaki 1989:234).

Paper Sons and the End of Exclusion

Not only did Chinese immigrants in San Francisco benefit from being able to claim citizenship, it created a loophole for young men in China to gain passage into the

US The notion of “paper sons” was born from the wreckage of the Great Earthquake. A

Chinese man living in San Francisco could claim that his wife in China had given birth to a son. He would gain paperwork validating this son’s birth from American immigration authorities and sell it to a young man in China. The paperwork would be legally binding for a fictitious child, as any child born to an American citizen, whether born in the country or abroad, automatically received US citizenship (Takaki 1989:234-235).

American authorities quickly took note, as:

Authorities could not help but notice that the ratio of Chinese sons to daughters reported to be born during visits to the motherland was something like four hundred to one. They also commented on the high number of Chinese who alleged American citizenship (Chang 2003:147).

The American immigration authorities retaliated. In 1910, the United States government emulated Ellis Island in New York Harbor and claimed ten acres on Angel Island in the

San Francisco Bay as a waystation for immigrants entering the United States from the west. Only a few Chinese who entered Angel Island were allowed to continue on into

California. Many were rejected and sent back shortly upon arrival and many others were detained for extended periods of time in horrid conditions (Takaki 1989:237-239).

The limitation on Chinese immigration continued until World War II when a new nationality was marked as America’s enemy: the Japanese. When the US entered the war after the bombing of Pearl Harbor, China and the US became partners in the fight against fascism (Yung et al. 2008:103). In 1943, the United States repealed the Chinese

Exclusion Act, probably as an means of showing solidarity with China in fighting a

common enemy (78th US Congress, Session I, Chapter 344).

Chinatowns and Chinese American Identity

Development of Chinatowns in the West

The discrimination against Chinese in the mid-19th century in the mining and

agricultural industries in the rural parts of the western United States forced many to flee

towards urban centers. While vast majority returned to San Francisco, the city that

greeted them on their first arrival and their point of embarkation to visit the homeland,

some settled in smaller cities, such as Sacramento and throughout the Sacramento-San

Joaquin River Delta in California. While the Chinese were astute farmers and agriculture

seemed a lucrative endeavor in California, the 1913 Alien Land Act barred aliens ineligible for American citizenship to acquire, own, occupy, lease, or transfer agricultural land (332 US 633). This law forced many immigrants to become migrant farm laborers, but some Chinese were able to find ways to get around the Alien Land Act. Some convinced sympathetic white men to buy property under their own names using funds

raised by a Chinese farmer with the understanding that the Chinese farmer was going to

run and maintain the farm. Chinese farmers with young children who were born in the

United States would purchase property under their child’s name and as the legal guardian

were therefore responsible for the upkeep and taxes paid on said property. The latter

scenario caused the US Supreme court to hear the case Oyama vs. State of California the

verdict of which overturned the Alien Land Act in 1948 (332 US 633).

Those that flocked to urban centers gravitated toward occupations that became

“Chinese monopolies” (Chang 2003:163). Industries such as woolen, textiles, clothing,

shoe, cigar, and gunpowder manufacturing were open to the Chinese, particularly within

the confines of large urban Chinatowns, such as the one in San Francisco (Lyman

1970:90; Sung 1967:42; Takaki 1989:239). Additionally, the more entrepreneurial

Chinese who had a small bit of capital – whether saved up from previous endeavors in

California or through loans set up through district associations – opened laundries, restaurants, and Chinese stores (Takaki 1989:93, 116-119).

Figure 15: Caricature depicting the Chinese domination of clothing and cigar industries (The Wasp 1881)

During the 1850s, men living in the Sierra foothill mines had a need to have their

clothes laundered. They felt, however, that the tedium involved in washing and ironing

clothing was beneath them as it was considered women’s work (Chang 2003:48). Since

the Chinese were forced into occupations that whites rejected, they built a niche for

themselves in establishing laundries. Laundries were a simple way of entering into self-

employment for an immigrant, as it required very little capital and minimal fluency in

English (Daniels 1988:74; Takaki 1989:92-93). Also, a newly arrived immigrant could

apprentice with a clansman who owned a laundry, learn the trade, and go into business

for himself. It also was a business that was easy to shut down on a whim, which was

useful for Chinese men with families in China that they wished to visit on a regular basis

(Daniels 1988:79-81).

Laundries were labor intensive, yet hardly lucrative endeavors. In order to

compete with any white laundries within the same community, a Chinese laundryman had to live cheaply and charge at least 15 percent less for services than his white counterparts. In order to survive, a business owner lived in a backroom of the laundry and worked a minimum of 12-hour shifts most days a week (Chang 2003:168). These laundrymen toiled through long work days with minimal profits in order to return to

China. Unfortunately, many never did return. They became known as Lo Wah Kiu, the title of old Chinese who stayed and would probably die in America (Takaki 1989:244).

Coupled with Chinese laundries, restaurants and Chinese-focused general stores helped build up Chinatowns in semi-rural and urban communities. Restaurants that did

serve the white community reinvented cuisine to please the Euro-American palate, but

still retained an element of exoticism. The development of this new cuisine was one of

the major contributions of the early Chinese immigrants in establishing the Chinese

American identity (Chang 2003:163). Most Chinese business owners, however, tended to

cater to a Chinese clientele.

A city’s Chinatown was the hub of Chinese social life in a region. It was here that

migrant laborers could visit on the weekends and establish a sense of group solidarity

(Lyman 1970:78-79). Chinese were drawn to the local Chinatowns because of the

comforts of a common language and customs. The combined front of a group of Chinese

within the confines of a section of a urban center helped protect those that lived and

visited there from the racial prejudices that lurked outside its boundaries (Sung

1967:133). In San Francisco Chinatown, or dai fou, these traits are what helped comfort newly-arrived immigrants from the motherland. It was here that their district associations, or hui guan, gave them food and shelter while helping the new foreigner find work (Takaki 1989:119).

District, Family, and Benevolent Associations in Chinatown

Ties to one’s family and village were incredibly strong for the Chinese. Prior to

the mass emigration from China, most citizens did not venture far from their home

districts. In fact, even on the rare occasion one ventured from his home province, he

would unite with others from the same province to form a guild (Sandmeyer 1991:23).

This tradition would also develop in California by the formation of the Chinese Six

Companies in San Francisco (Sandmeyer 1991:23; Sung 1967:135-136). The Chinese

Six Companies was a conglomerate of six companies representing the five predominant districts of Guangdong Province with the most members, and a sixth company

representing all other districts (Sandmeyer 1991:23). Chinese Six Companies was

considered a “benevolent association.” Chinese benevolent associations were found in

most, if not all, Chinatowns. These associations were formed by representatives from all

Chinatown organizations, such as the Chamber of Commerce, women’s clubs, and

district associations (Sung 1967:136). The Chinese Six Companies was the more famous

of the benevolent associations merely because it was headquartered in San Francisco

which had the largest population of Chinese in the United States.

Benevolent associations, like the Chinese Six Companies, were formed to speak

for and represent the entire Chinese population of a city (Sung 1967:136). These associations maintained hotels and restaurants that served newly-arrived immigrants or those who were ill (Sandmeyer 1991:24). They also helped settle disputes between members or paid for and arranged for the shipment of association members’ bones to

China for burial in their home village (Sandmeyer 1991:24). Benevolent associations were the largest of a hierarchical series of organizations in Chinatowns in the United

States.

Below the benevolent associations were the district associations. Members of these associations would hail from the same province. District associations were a key component for members in a city who did not have strong familial ties in the community

(Sung 1967:135-136). District associations would extend membership to any individual hailing from the represented geographical region (Sung 1967:136).

According to historian Betty Lee Sung, there are only a total of 438 surnames in all of China (1967:18). For anyone who shares a common last name, they are seen as family. Due to this, there is another organization called the family association. These associations tended to weigh more in cities who had a strong number of members with the same last name. Sung states that the last name of Fong had a large membership in the city of Sacramento, California. This allowed for a family association to be established.

However, a Fong in Chicago would be unable to find a family association to join as they

did not have the numbers to warrant the establishment of one (Sung 1967:136). Instead,

one would simply join a district association which would serve the same purpose.

That purpose of course is to maintain a central location where members can seek

news from the local area or from China, socialize, and play games. These organizations

helped create a protective community to help shield them from as much of the discrimination as they could. In addition, another smaller quintessentially Chinese

American institution was the Chinese store (Takaki 1989:127). Even a rural Chinatown had a store focusing on Chinese goods aimed to supply the immigrant agricultural and mining workers. Besides providing dry goods and groceries imported from the motherland, the back rooms of these establishments provided a social environment where the Chinese could relax, socialize, gamble, and find out gossip from town and abroad

(Takaki 1989:128).

The Sojourner Hypothesis and the Chinese Immigrant

Much has been written about the idea of the Overseas Chinese as “sojourners.”

The idea of a sojourner is a person who emigrates from their home country in order to work hard in a foreign land, build some financial security, and return to the motherland to live in relative comfort. The “Sojourner Hypothesis” was developed by sociologist Paul

Siu in 1952. Siu studied the lives of Chinese laundrymen in Chicago for his doctoral thesis at the University of Chicago (Ng 1998:88). Siu soon discovered that while he originally thought that Chinese laundrymen would be what Robert Park called “the

Marginal Man,” that is, “a racial or cultural hybrid, a product of ethnic minorities undergoing culture contact in American cities” (Ng 1998:89). Siu realized, however, that none of the men under study could be considered marginal men. He stated for these

immigrants, it was that the goal was to do a job and do it as quickly possible in order to return back to their home country (Ng 1998:90). Since Siu’s initial publication of his hypothesis, the idea of the Chinese sojourner has dominated the historiographies of the

Chinese in America. Franklin Ng argues that because the Chinese were placed in the idea of the sojourner, their story of immigration is markedly different from other immigrants coming to the United States, particularly Europeans. In reality, however, European immigrants also did not necessarily move to the United States to live permanently. For they to wished to seek fortune in the United States and return home to live in relative ease

as well. Ng states that “Scholars have discovered that Italians, Poles, Greeks, Magyars,

Slavs, Norwegians, Irish, Portuguese, and Germans, among others, had varying amounts of returnees to their European homelands” (1998:95). Ng’s argument shows that the concept of a “sojourner” was not a quintessentially Chinese sentiment, but one felt by most immigrants coming to the United States.

Sociologist Gunther Barth argues, however, that the “sojourner’s pursuit of their limited goal influenced the reception of the Chinese in the United States who were, as a result, excluded from the privileges and obligations of other immigrants” (1967:1).

According to Yuen-fong Woon, Barth is indicating that the Chinese were discriminated against because they were “voluntary sojourners” and that they “had no intention of settling permanently in the United States [unlike European immigrants who did intend to stay in the US permanently]” (Woon 1983-1984:674). She continues by stating that

Barth implies that the white Americans were not racist, but that the discrimination inflicted on the Chinese was through their own fault (Woon 1983-1984:674).

Woon discusses that scholars take issue with Barth’s interpretation of the sojourner hypothesis and that the Chinese migrants ultimately did want to remain

permanently in their host country. The issue was that most immigrants were poor and the

work available to Chinese immigrants in the United States would not accommodate the

relocation of an entire family (Woon 1983-1984:674). Two Canadian scholars, Anthony

Chan and Peter Li argues that

the sojournering pattern of behaviour of the Chinese in Canada [and the United States – both countries had nearly mirror-image anti-Chinese legislation during approximately the same time period] before the Second World War did not reflect the cultural preferences, but was actually imposed on them by the immigration policies of the host country (Woon 1983-1984:674-676).

Chan and Li use the fact that after bans on Chinese immigration were lifted in both the

United States and Canada, the sex ratio became more balanced since wives and children

were able to join their husbands and fathers in the host country (Woon 1983-1984:676).

This statement directly contradicts the vast majority of historiographies published about

the Chinese immigrating to the United States and Woon herself dismisses the hypothesis

Chan and Li had developed about involuntary sojourners (Woon 1983-1984:678).

Analyzing this debate goes beyond the scope of the research design of this thesis,

but it is important to understand the framework for historical and archaeological studies

of the Chinese living in the United States. Because the idea of the Chinese sojourner

dominates the majority of the historiographies of the Chinese in America, this concept is

discussed in the background history below.

Chinese American Identity

The Chinese immigrated to the United States as “sojourners.” Healthy men

secured their passage to Gold Mountain in order to provide for their families in China and

eventually return to a comfortable retirement in their homeland. Due to this mentality

and the discrimination that they faced, the Chinese in America lived a life where they

“were in the host society but not of it” [emphasis in original] (Lyman 1970:63). Clinging

to their cultural values, it was Chinese custom that a wife should live in the household of her husband’s family, even if that husband moved abroad (Lyman 1970:84).

Additionally, the village played a key role in the emigrant’s life, as they requested him to promise remittance payments (Lyman 1970:84). To ensure that he cooperate, many times the village arranged a married shortly before his emigration.

This led to an unbalanced sex ratio of Chinese immigrants in the New World.

Even if a Chinese man found relative success and wished to have his wife and children join him, US immigration made it doubly impossible to do so. The Chinese Exclusion

Act of 1882 imposed that Chinese laborers were officially barred from entering the

United States. A few categories of exceptions were still allowed to enter, but nothing in

the law specified whether or not women were allowed entry. In 1884, however, a

Chinese laborer named Too Cheong who resided in the United States returned to China

briefly to marry a woman named Ah Moy. He returned to the US in 1884 with his bride

in tow, but she was denied to enter the US as she was considered a “Chinese laborer”

simply due to her husband’s occupation and thus did not qualify under the Chinese

Exclusion Act for admission into the country (Takaki 1989:40-41, 239). Since a Chinese

woman would be categorized under her husband’s occupation, wives of Chinese men

who were in the exempted categories were allowed to settle in the United States. Small communities of Chinese families slowly began to appear at the turn of the 20th century, but since many were the families of Chinese merchants, a Chinese bourgeois class

emerged (Chang 2003:174). It was not until after the Great Earthquake of 1906 and the destruction of immigrant paperwork did more families of differing socioeconomic

statuses appear and the sex and age ratio of Chinese immigrating into the western United

States began to diversify (Takaki 1989:254).

As more and more families in Chinatowns blossomed, parents hoped to instill

Chinese values in their American-born children. Children growing up in Chinatown were protected from discrimination by the invisible walls of the Chinese communities. Their parents would warn then about the fan qui, or “foreign devils” to try and prevent their children from venturing beyond the boundaries of Chinatown (Takaki 1989:255). Parents knew that their offspring had a better chance of life in America despite the discriminatory laws placed upon them. They worked incredibly hard in the hopes of providing a better life for the future generations in Chinese America (Takaki 1989:257).

One advantage open to Chinese American children that was not afforded to their parents in China was access to free education. To the first generation Chinese, education was the key to success. In China, the merchant class were looked down upon and the educated were seen as elites. The Chinese “preached the importance of education…” and

“venerated book learning as a worthy goal in itself, not simply as the path to skills that

bring financial success” (Chang 2003:174-175). Even so, first generation Chinese

parents wished for their children to have a bond with the motherland (and possibly to

avoid full acculturation), so many children were sent to Chinese school six days a week

after completing their regular school day (Takaki 1989:257-258). The influence of

American culture was too strong, particularly once American-born Chinese began

adopting white ways of dress, hairstyles, and more importantly, customs.

Many second-generation Chinese changed their given names to more American

sounding names and sought ways to modify their appearance to “look more American”

(Takaki 1989:258-259). This idea was born from the feelings of being trapped between

two different cultures. For one, American-born Chinese were American and being

influenced by those customs, yet had the appearance of Asians who were highly

discriminated against in the larger society in which they lived (Takaki 1989:260).

Gender roles were also a major source of conflict between first and second generation

Chinese. Daughters in Chinese households were subjected to burdensome household duties and barred from venturing outside alone. Men, however, were allowed to work

outside of the home, but were also subject to contribute to the household income, even during school days (Chang 2003:181). Young Chinese American women recognized the discrepancy between their strict Chinese upbringing and that of their American counterparts. It created a shift in thought for the second generation Chinese as they moved further and further away from their parents’ homeland and cultural values and more in line with American ones. Chinese American women, for the most part, rejected the idea of arranged marriages and sought to marry men based on personal preference.

This feminist perspective also manifested itself in academic pursuits as many Chinese

American women opted to go to college, even if it meant funding their own way without

any parental support (Nee and Nee 1973:152-153).

Unfortunately, graduating from highly-rated American universities did not help

second generation Chinese move up in status from their immigrant parents. Despite

having equal qualifications, many professional positions were closed to Chinese. If they

were hired in white firms, they were employed in the lowliest of positions with little to no

chance of promotion (Chang 2003:186). This common problem among American-born

Chinese caused the San Francisco Chinese newspaper, Chung Sai Yat Po, to tell their college-educated audience to return to China where their western education was needed to improve the nation (Takaki 1989:267). Some did return, but many did not. Even though American-born Chinese were treated as foreigners in their own country, they were also foreigners in China. They were forced to accept this conflicting feeling into their identities.

The Chinese American identity that was created in the second generation Chinese was undoubtedly a part of the lives of individuals living in Woodland’s Chinatown. As anti-Chinese legislation was redacted and, sadly, other ethnic minorities took over the role of scapegoat, the first generation Chinese and their children who stayed in places such as Woodland, California, would slowly become more accepted members of the overall community.

The growth of Yolo County and the City of Woodland follows a similar pattern to other communities in the Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta and the Central Valley of

California overall. Its value as a profitable agricultural region was noted in the mid-19th century, yet needed a large, hardworking labor force to transform it. After emigrating from China to Gold Mountain in hopes to gain enough savings to return home to live a comfortable life, many Chinese were pushed out of mining claims and forced to take other professions not wanted by whites. Some worked through horrible conditions through the Rocky Mountains and the Sierra Nevada Mountains year-round to help build the transcontinental railroad, while others moved to urban areas and established laundries or worked as cooks in restaurants. Woodland was no different. While it never had a

64 large population of Chinese residents, their contribution to the community was immeasurable. Many worked as cooks on farms on the outskirts of town, while others worked in hotels and restaurants within city limits. Despite the small Chinese community living in the 400-block of Dead Cat Alley, they probably all came from nearby districts in

Guangdong Province, all with the same goal to achieve a better position in life than they would have had if they had stayed in China. This commonality and sense of solidarity probably helped the Chinese of Woodland persevere even during the harshest instances of discrimination.

In the following chapter, I will discuss the previous research that has been conducted on Overseas Chinese studies in archaeology. By discussing how historical archaeology has patterned its theoretical frameworks in Overseas Chinese studies from the academic discipline of history, we can understand how certain concepts have evolved since the late 1960s when ethnic studies in archaeology became a focal point in the profession. This background will help establish the goals and research design of the analysis that was conducted on the Dead Cat Alley assemblage based on theoretical frameworks that have been developed by other researchers. In addition, by examining other examples of Overseas Chinese archaeological research, it will give a generalized picture of how the collection found on Dead Cat Alley fits into the literature overall.

Chapter 4: Overseas Chinese Research in Archaeology

This chapter will provide an overview of the previous research that has been

conducted on Overseas Chinese archaeological sites. In order to see how the Dead Cat

Alley assemblage fits into the overall picture, it must be put into the context of other

similar sites. Interest in the study of Overseas Chinese sites originated in the field of

history after the 1960s pushed the idea of social equality into the public consciousness in

the United States. How the field has matured over the last 40 years is important to

current research as it allows for newer generations to develop more ideas on how to

interpret similar sites and to develop a richness in this aspect of human history.

Defining the Overseas Chinese

The use of the term “Overseas Chinese” in the scholarly literature is based in part

on the phrase Hua Kiu which translates from Cantonese as “Overseas Chinese” (Yu

2008:159). Historian Connie Young Yu agrees with the use of this phrase in discussion of the Chinese immigrants who came to the United States in the mid-19th and early 20th centuries. She believes that it is an appropriate term as the people referred to themselves as such (Yu 2008:159). The Chinese government believed in a concept of jus sanguinis, or that any child born of a Chinese father was a Chinese citizen regardless of location of his birth (Poston and Yu 1990:482). This was different than other countries which followed the idea of jus soli, or citizenship is granted to any child born within its borders regardless of parents’ home country (Poston and Yu 1990:482). The concept of jus sanguinis was passed into Chinese law through the first Nationality Law in 1909 (Poston and Yu 1990:482). The notion that anyone who was fathered by a Chinese national was a

Chinese citizen by default is how the concept of Overseas Chinese became the dominant

term to describe any person of Chinese descent living outside of China.

Sociologists Dudley L. Poston, Jr. and Mei-Yu Yu dislike the use of “Overseas

Chinese” as they claim that it has “both legal and symbolic meaning of representing permanently a foreign presence by virtue of race” and that no other immigrant group is defined as “overseas,” except for the Chinese (Poston and Yu 1990:480). Despite this weighted designation, this term will be used in this thesis merely for the sake of continuity with the scholarly literature.

The Early History of Overseas Chinese Archaeology

The study of the Chinese diaspora in American historical archaeology has only

been considered a viable subject matter within the last 40 years. It is rooted in the recent history of the discipline as a whole, coming into the consciousness of American archaeologists after the 1960s. This consciousness was grown out of the Civil Rights

Movement which was reflected in multiple academic disciplines of the time, including history and women’s studies. History, in particular, was affected by a paradigm shift in the development of the New Social History.

According to historian Edward Muir, northern Italian historians began discussing the concept of microhistory in their literature around the late 1960s (Muir 1991:vii).

Microhistory, or the New Social History, attempts to “create an ethnographic history of everyday life by devoting itself to extremely circumscribed phenomena such as a single community, a family, or an individual” (Muir 1991:ix). This definition of microhistory identifies the common objective of historical archaeologists whose data are usually

67 represented on a much smaller, more individualized, scale. It is not surprising that this movement in the academic discipline of history would be absorbed by archaeologists.

Charles E. Orser, Jr. describes Charles H. Fairbanks’ work in the late 1960s as the main catalyst for the “archaeology of the silent men and women of the modern past”

(Orser 1996:160). Prior to Fairbanks’ excavations in Florida, historical archaeologists had been concerned with the “homes, properties, and documents of the elites” (Orser

1996:161). This paralleled the move in scholarship overall to study what Davidson and

Lytle call the “study of bottom-rail people” (Orser 1996:160-161). Additionally, archaeological theorist, Ian Hodder, wanted to move away from purely quantitative analysis championed by Lewis Binford. He believed “it was necessary to refer to people’s attitudes and beliefs” in order to understand how they manifested themselves in patterns in the ground (Johnson 1999:99). Hodder felt that “material culture was actively manipulated by people,” which led to a focus in archaeological theory toward the idea of agency of the individual (Johnson 1999:99). The concept of agency was also key in the incorporation of second-wave feminist ideals into the anthropological literature of the

1970s. Second-wave feminism was born from the demand for women’s rights and featured an element of radicalism (Siegal 2006:136). This focus on one singular issue, coupled with other human rights issues during the 1960s and 1970s eventually led to third-wave feminism. This concept attempted to look at all elements of identity, such as class and race. It was a movement to celebrate diversity and multiculturalism and how these variables affect self-identity (Siegal 2006:138) While third-wave feminism took a little longer to appear in archaeological literature, its influence in Western culture had an impact on social norms and academia overall. Academics in women’s studies wanted to

raise awareness about the male domination in Western society during the second-wave of

feminism, but realized that it is impossible to view only one concept of identity and study it in isolation. Other elements such as race and social class greatly impact a person’s experience in the world, not just gender roles (Siegal 2006:138). This coupled with the burgeoning examination of minority studies in the social sciences and humanities meant that not only would African American studies be thoroughly examined within archaeology, it would lead archaeologists in the western United States to examine the material culture of Chinese immigrants.

According to Barbara Voss and Rebecca Allen (2008), four major events transpired that influenced west coast archaeologists to begin studying the Chinese diaspora: (1) the 1964 passage of the Civil Rights Act; (2) the founding of the Chinese

Historical Society of America in 1963; (3) the study of the New Social History (or microhistory) paradigm; and (4) the introduction of Asian Studies programs in American universities (Voss and Allen 2008:15). It could also be argued that the shift in archaeology away from positivist approaches of the 1960s and 1970s, and a new focus on the idea of the individual being an active participant in how he acts as an agent in manipulating his social environment, also influenced historical archaeologists to focus on smaller scale histories, such as those of ethnic minorities in the archaeological record

(Johnson 1999:100-104).

Early Overseas Chinese Archaeological Studies

Roberta S. Greenwood (1980) is known for being one of the first cultural resource

management practitioners to investigate the Chinese diaspora in her archaeological

excavation of the Mission San Buenaventura in Ventura, California. Her initial purpose

for the excavation was for environmental compliance of the adjacent properties to the

mission and she focused on the history of the mission itself. During the era of

Greenwood’s excavations, archaeologists in California tended to focus on mission-era

history. Upon excavation, however, crews started to find Chinese artifacts, such as utilitarian ceramics, medicine vials, and opium pipe bowls, along Main Street near

Figueroa Street (Greenwood 1980:114). Greenwood initially had no idea that there was a

Chinese presence in her study area, which was why she originally neglected to include

Chinese history in her research design (Greenwood 1980:115). Once it was clear that

there was a definite Chinese component to her project, she turned her focus on

establishing typologies of the artifacts associated with the Chinese. In the 1970s and

early-1980s, archaeologists excavating sites were hoping to establish ethnic marker

typologies in order to differentiate households of whites and other races or ethnic groups.

It was believed that sites related to non-whites would have distinctive artifacts and that

white households of the same neighborhood would not use these ethnic markers (Orser

2004a:252). Orser states that ethnic markers are not necessarily indicators of ethnic

identity as “one’s affiliation can depend upon a personal willingness to join a group…

[and this] attitude… can change over time” (Orser 2007:8). In other words, any ethnic

group could be using a Chinese porcelain bowl and deposit it into a privy. If an artifact

that is designated as an ethnic marker for historical archaeologists is found, it does not

definitively identify cultural affiliation within the deposit.

In addition to the excavations in Ventura, California, a pivotal report on Overseas

Chinese archaeology came from Lovelock, Nevada (Hattori et al. 1979). The importance

of this project was due to the fact that up until this point, the vast majority of information

70 about the Overseas Chinese in the western United States focused on California. The ultimate goal of the Lovelock excavations was to contribute more knowledge about the lives of the Chinese in other segments of the country and, as Greenwood’s excavations in

Ventura, was also a part of environmental compliance requirement (Hattori et al. 1979:2-

3). They were able to trace a selection of artifacts unearthed to a specific person or persons and associate the names with the objects. This level of specificity in ownership of personal effects found in archaeological contexts, particularly of Overseas Chinese is rare, and the amount of Chinese-occupation artifacts found at Lovelock – 22,000 specimens, with the majority associated with Chinese settlers – is astonishing (Hattori et al. 1979:138). Due to the date of excavation and the trend in ethnicity studies in archaeology, many of the artifacts were interpreted under an acculturation model. Adrian and Mary Praetzellis analyzed the ceramics of Lovelock and concluded that “the predominance and types of Chinese ceramics in the collection supports the concept of a conservative and unassimilated overseas Chinese community isolated by, and isolating itself from, mainstream American culture” (Praetzellis and Praetzellis 1979:184). Also, there were the remains of historic-era structures that were inhabited by Chinese in

Lovelock up until the 1930s. These structures and the area around them were highly modified by the inhabitants. They modified the original cottages, dug wells and trash pits, planted gardens, and planted trees. They also built retaining walls, spread gravel, and dug drainage ditches (Rusco 1979:638). All of these modifications show evidence of the Overseas Chinese modifying their landscape. Unfortunately, the time constraints and era of the time of excavation, the authors of the Lovelock report neglected to include a true analysis of the Chinese use of this landscape.

The following year, a major monograph on ethnicity was published.

Archaeological Perspectives on Ethnicity in America (1980) was one of the first

publications to discuss Chinese immigrant archaeology, but due to the time period of

analysis, many of the articles followed the same historic path of analysis which included

a strong basis in assimilation or simply, developing taxonomic identification of Chinese

artifacts to be used as ethnic markers.

The editor of this volume, Robert L. Schuyler, opened the monograph with a

series of questions on how to approach the study of ethnicity in archaeology, thus

showing that in 1980, the inclusion of ethnicity as an important tool of analysis was still

in its infancy (Schuyler 1980:viii). He further discusses how “Chinese Americans were much more successful at preserving their Old World cultural patterns and resisting acculturation to American society” (Schuyler 1980:87). This sentiment reverberates throughout Chinese diasporic studies in archaeology during this time period. William S.

Evans, Jr. (1980) discusses food preparation and serving artifacts as well as gaming and opium artifacts. He uses Chinese store inventory records to discuss how to categorize

Chinese artifacts for future research. He does not attempt to analyze or interpret these inventory records. He states in his description laying out his objective in this article:

“The surviving material content of Chinese culture in the archaeological context is summarized here. Only those artifacts which are of Chinese origin or manufacture are considered, although archaeological sites often include Euro-American elements as well”

(Evans 1980:89). While Evans’ object is simply to discuss the material culture of

Chinese diasporic archaeology, his methods utilize an inherently assimilationist perspective. By not incorporating the Euro-American artifacts found alongside Chinese

artifacts within these store inventories, the cultural exchanges between Chinese and Euro-

American individuals in mining and railroad camps in the American west was left ignored.

Patricia A. Etter (1980) continues the theme of developing taxonomic categories for future researchers in the monograph by discussing the characteristics of opium pipe bowls. Paul E. Langenwalter II (1980) is the first in this series of articles to analyze his findings. In his contribution to Archaeological Perspectives on Ethnicity in America,

Langenwalter discusses the excavation of the Lower China Store in Madera County,

California, which was part of the Hidden Reservoir Archaeological Project (Lagenwalter

1980:102). He states that “Two stores were established in Hidden Valley along the

Fresno River to supply the Chinese miners. Both were ultimately under the ownership of

Ah Sun, a Chinese merchant… Both of these stores served the entire community

including the Chinese, local Indians… and the more recent Anglo settlers” (Langenwalter

1980:102). This indicated that the Chinese were involved in the daily workings of the

community, engaging in mutual exchange between the minority populations and the

overarching white community in Madera County. Langenwalter, however, did not

incorporate this into his analysis and continues to use an assimilationist perspective

throughout his interpretation. Langenwalter states that “it may be hypothesized that the

subsistence pattern [of Chinese immigrants in Madera County] would have undergone

minimal acculturation…[additionally,] non-Chinese cultural traits [that] may have been locally derived and a result of the functions of intercultural contact and isolation”

(Langenwalter 1980:104). Langenwalter focuses his discussion on the fact that the

Chinese were fighting acculturation by maintaining “traditional” foodways, only

substituting foodstuffs when their isolated location demanded that they do so. Charles

Orser, when discussing a similar study in Tucson, Arizona, states that a “basically

assimilationist interpretation [of faunal remains associated with Chinese immigrant

communities but that show evidence of Euro-American butchering techniques] initially

appears logically sound, but at some point in the analysis we must ask ourselves whether

it really mattered to the Chinese ethnic identity whether their pork was cut with a cleaver or with a hand saw” (Orser 2004b:88). Multiple studies have analyzed the butcher marks and meat types of Chinese immigrant deposits (see Gust 1984, 1993; Longenecker and

Stapp 1993; Simons 1984; Staski 1993). The interest in analyzing butcher marks and meat cuts for Chinese archaeological sites was an attempt to develop ethnic markers for

Chinese foodways. Additionally, it was believed that “cultures tend to be conservative in their eating habits [and] food usage can help to preserve group identity” (Orser

2004b:86).

Transition into Interpretative Overseas Chinese Studies

The decade after the publication of Archaeological Perspectives on Ethnicity in

America was a period of transition in Overseas Chinese archaeological studies. In 1984,

the California Department of Parks and Recreation (DPR) published a report on the

Woodland Opera House located a few blocks away from the Dead Cat Alley excavation

(Felton et al. 1984). The Opera House was excavated under similar constraints, as it was

time and resource limited and much of the excavation was done by “working closely with

the contractor” who was excavating portions of the property for the DPR’s Woodland

Opera House Restoration Project (Felton et al. 1984:4). The Opera House project’s interpretation was influenced by the same theoretical frameworks of the time as the

projects discussed in the 1980 Archaeological Perspectives on Ethnicity in America,

Felton et al., however, saw the value in examining the Overseas Chinese assemblages for

more than just merely establishing typological ethnic markers. They state that

“[Overseas Chinese] Research soon revealed… that the bulk of the Chinese artifacts being recovered were actually of a limited and highly predictable variety” (Felton et al.

1984:80). They attempted to use the ceramics, in conjunction with previous research done in the examination of Chinese store inventory documents, to do a cost-analysis of the ceramics found within the assemblages associated with the Chinese laundry that was housed on the original opera house grounds. This approach was influenced by the work of George L. Miller whose research on using historical documents, such as store inventories, to establish price index values of ceramic forms for comparative analyses

(Barker and Majewski 2006:207-208). By examining the general cost of the ceramics found, Felton et al. could examine the socioeconomic status of the individuals who lived in the laundry. This provided insight on personal values and beliefs, without introducing a Marxist power-struggle approach or undermining Woodland’s Overseas Chinese power of agency. The analysis of ceramic costs compared to site-specific artifact assemblages allows a researcher to examine how much personal choice is in use when purchasing household items. Marxist interpretations would attempt to show that an individual’s use of household items was dictated by external forces, such as social and economic conflict within the society understudy (Trigger 2006:332). By incorporating agency theory into their interpretation, Felton et al. was showing the conscious personal decision of ceramic selection based on income. This approach was also tackled by the Anthropological

Studies Center (ASC) in a study of Sacramento’s Chinatown (Praetzellis et al. 1997).

Continuing on the theme of consumption theory which is described by Charles Orser as

“the idea that people consume what is meaningful to them within the universe of what

they can afford” (Orser 2007:13). The ASC used historical documents in conjunction

with the material culture excavated in parcels associated with Chinese merchants. The artifacts uncovered were of both Chinese and Euroamerican origin. If the ASC had used the theoretical framework common of the time of excavation, this would have been evidence of the Chinese merchants acculturating into the overarching white American culture of Sacramento. Instead they used this as evidence of the Chinese merchants establishing their position as an intermediary between the Chinese of Sacramento and the white community at large (Praetzellis et al. 1997:25).

In 1993, Priscilla Wegars followed Robert L. Schuyler’s footsteps and contributed a new monograph, Hidden Heritage: Historical Archaeology of the Overseas Chinese,

this time focusing solely on the Overseas Chinese (Wegars 1993). Despite the later date

of publication, the articles contained within run the gamut of approaches, some of which

are merely establishing typologies, but a few attempting to push Overseas Chinese

studies into new directions for the future. David A. Sisson attempted to look at the

vernacular architecture of historic-era mining sites in Idaho, but unfortunately, his

attempt to find cultural preferences in this landscape was to no avail (Sisson 1993:36,58).

He does, however, infuse a new research tool in studying landscape in a Chinese immigrant context. The Praetzellises discuss this in their Sacramento work as well – the notion of geomancy, or feng-shui (Praetzellis et al. 1997:14; Sisson 1993:38). Sisson was hoping to see evidence of geomancy in the way Chinese miners set up their temporary dwellings, but given the circumstances, the Chinese miners simply used the resources

available to them and not actively seeking to adhere to Chinese cultural beliefs on

housing structures. In the same volume, Jeffrey M. Fee discusses the created landscape

of terraced gardens built by the Chinese in the mountains of Idaho. He discusses how

Chinese immigrants in this part of the western United States built extremely labor

intensive gardens. Fee lays out the reasoning for building terraced gardens in the

mountains – that is, the land they utilized was not wanted by the whites of the area and

the Chinese used their agricultural skills developed in their homeland to create gardens

that would produce vegetables that were necessary for their dietary beliefs. Eating vegetables was pivotal for psychological and physical well-being in Chinese culture and the Chinese of the mountain regions of Idaho had to manipulate their environment in order to adhere to these cultural values (Fee 1993:77).

Wegars’ Hidden Heritage is definitely a monograph depicting the transition in

Overseas Chinese when assimilationist perspectives was still in the forefront of research.

Edward Staski’s contribution to this book is very much focused on assimilation as the framework for his research in El Paso, Texas. Hoping to create a more “systematic

archaeological approach to ethnicity and assimilation,” Staski defines assimilation and

acculturation, two terms that tend to be used interchangeably in the research of this era

(1993:127-128). He defines assimilation as “a series of processes which, if completed,

totally eliminate the need for and operation of the two most significant ethnic group functions” (Staski 1993:128). These functions are to “provid[e] individuals with an ascriptive and exclusive group with which to identify” and “[allow] individuals to confine primary relationships to others within that group” (Staski 1993:128). He defines acculturation as a process that “eliminates particular behavioral patterns which serve to

77 identify” individuals in an ethnic population (Staski 1993:128). Furthermore, Staski states that “At the present time it appears difficult, if not impossible, to measure archaeologically the precise degrees and types of assimilation experienced by any minority group” (Staski 1993:137). He used two Euroamerican bottles found in his excavations that were relabeled with Chinese paper labels. He states that “they are a part of a body of evidence suggesting that a certain amount of assimilation – more specifically, acculturation – might have been occurring among El Paso’s Chinese residents” (Staski 1993:137). Charles Orser rejects this logic, stating that researchers must step back and ask whether or not these details really mattered to the Chinese who were using the items (Orser 2004b:88). While it is true that Euroamerican material culture is found throughout Overseas Chinese artifact assemblages, assimilationist perspectives focus on these details as evidence that despite all their best efforts at maintaining their traditional lifeways, the white American culture infiltrated their lives.

This idea of a power-struggle between two opposing cultural forces is at the heart of the assimilationist perspective that has dominated in the archaeological research of the 1980s and 1990s in the United States.

Recent Research in Overseas Chinese Archaeology

The most recent monograph published on Overseas Chinese archaeology is the

Historical Archaeology issue edited by Barbara L. Voss and Bryn Williams (2008).

Barbara Voss opens the issue with a chronological layout of the major past research projects completed on Chinese diasporic archaeology. The vast majority, if not all, were conducted under time constraints within the context of environmental compliance – both on the state and federal levels. This is still the case, as Voss’ main contribution to this

78 recent monograph came to fruition through a different type of emergency effort. The

Market Street Chinatown project in San Jose, California had a “checkered history of [site] management due in part to inconsistent assessments of the research potential” (Voss

200:41). It was not until local archaeologists and the Chinese community formally protested the destruction of the subsurface archaeological features by backhoes (Voss

2008:41).

The Market Street Chinatown project has a number of qualities that make it a valuable source of research, including the use of what Voss calls a “mesoscalular approach” to analysis (Voss 2008:47). She argues that the traditional approach of

Overseas Chinese archaeological assemblages is to study individual households; however, she feels that this is inadequate for Overseas Chinese assemblages, as the concept of “household” in and of itself is inherently biased toward “normative, middle- class European American practices related to the family unit” (Voss 2008:37). She also states that “sites associated with historic Overseas Chinese communities typically lack features or deposits that can be associated with individual households” and therefore,

Barbara Voss dislikes the common assumption that studying a household equates to the study of a nuclear family (Voss 2008:37). This issue is further complicated by the fact that many domiciles in Chinatowns are composed of non-familial, male-occupied boardinghouses and not single family residences. The Chinese residents of the Market

Street Chinatown built their community from the ground up, including using care in urban planning. To protect themselves from outside discrimination, the conglomerate of

Chinese merchants who purchased the parcels of land that would become the Chinatown planned the fronts of buildings to face inward, away from the non-Chinese community,

grouped buildings and structures of similar use together, and had communal refuse pits

dug in common areas (Voss 2008:41-42). Both these attributes of this community featured the use of agency and the modification of landscape in order to create a portion of San Jose that was culturally significant to those who inhabited it.

Bryn Williams (2008) discusses the concept of multiple masculinities when examining the material culture of Overseas Chinese assemblages. He discusses the difference between his purpose of identifying masculinity in the artifacts versus the early feminist perspective of attempting to “find the women” in the archaeological record

(Williams 2008:53). He examines the American view of the Chinese male – a view that emasculates and feminizes them – and the Chinese perspective of masculinity – wen and

wu – two ideas of masculinity that can be achieved at the same time (Williams 2008:60-

61). He uses the consumption of alcohol with tiny cups found at the Market Street

Chinatown in San Jose, California to illustrate his point of material culture depicting

multiple concepts of gender and that these concepts can be seen in the archaeological

record, particularly in cases of Overseas Chinese assemblages (Williams 2008:62).

Thad M. Van Bueren (2008) discusses a data recovery project in Amador County,

California of a farmstead where Chinese immigrants lived and worked on the property

during the mid-19th century. The most important portion of Van Bueren’s article is the

ledger found on the property and donated to the California State Library in Sacramento

(Van Bueren 2008:88). This ledger was used to keep record of food-related transactions

by the farm chef who provided meals and services to the Chinese workers in 1857 (Van

Bueren 2008:88). This valuable tool could be used, as Van Bueren suggests, to be

compared to other studies of Overseas Chinese diet. He also finds that too much energy

80 has been focused on studying Chinese immigrants in urban environments or places where a large number of Chinese resided at a given point in time. He uses this example in

Amador County to illustrate the value of using contexts where a small number of immigrants worked and lived or where only a single worker lived – such as cases of live- in cooks or servants in white households (Van Bueren 2008:94). Van Bueren discusses that studies similar to this might work toward a more solid and well-rounded acculturation model.

Utilizing a completely different theoretical model, Rose Estep Fosha and

Christopher Leatherman (2008) discuss the life of the Chinese in Deadwood, South

Dakota. This article is an important contribution to the Overseas Chinese archaeological literature as many studies have focused in California. The experience of the Chinese in

Deadwood, while still faced with prejudice, was more balanced and well-received by the dominant population than other Chinatowns found in the west. Chinatown itself was composed of not only Chinese, but also African Americans and white immigrants (Fosha and Leatherman 2008:98). Fosha and Leatherman use archaeological evidence and historical documents to establish a reciprocal cultural exchange between the Chinese and non-Chinese communities. Fosha and Leatherman examine the evidence of the lifeways of this community through a similar framework used by Praetzellis et al. (1997) in their work in Sacramento, California, which seeks to determine the mutual exchange of cultural phenomena and less on the acculturation of the Chinese.

Another theme in Fosha and Leatherman’s work in Deadwood is the examination of Chinese immigrant mortuary practices. While finding archaeological or documentary evidence of such practices is rare, there have been a few instances, including in

Deadwood, South Dakota, where the local Chinese immigrant population has left

indications that they were participating in traditional funerary rites. In the Deadwood

excavation, there was a feature which showed evidence of the practice of shao yi, or the

burning of the clothes. This ritual was conducted in order to burn the clothing,

foodstuffs, and other items essential for a comfortable passage into the afterlife (Fosha

and Leatherman 2008:105-106). The study of Overseas Chinese funerary rites was also

conducted in Portland, Oregon at the Lone Fir Cemetery in the eastern section of the city

(Smits 2008).

Historically, the Lone Fir Cemetery had a segment devoted to Chinese graves.

Smits states that Portland’s Chinese who were buried at the cemetery were usually disinterred two to 10 years after the initial burial. Their bones would be shipped back to

China to be reburied in their hometown where relatives could be caretakers for their burial plots (Smits 2008:115). This followed traditional Chinese values that individuals should be returned to their place of birth for burial. Initially, the Overseas Chinese living in Portland followed the traditional funerary practices, but as the original generation grew

older and as their children were brought up to live a culturally hybrid lifestyle, many

European-American elements were incorporated into the funeral rites (Smits 2008:115).

This coupled with the machine removal of human remains prior to the development of the property for an office building in 1948, caused the context of the artifacts indicating funerary practices to be skewed. Researchers were unable to associate these artifacts with specific burials, so they deemed quantitative analyses impractical (Smits 2008:118).

What they were able to observe through the archaeological data, however, was the concept of transnationalism.

Smits describes transnationalism as the process of migrants maintaining “social,

economic, and political networks across geographic, cultural, and political borders”

(Smits 2008:111). This theme coincides with the belief system of the Chinese and those

that chose to move away from China to seek a new life, yet viewing themselves as

sojourners who would return to the homeland. By migrating to the United States, but

maintaining ties and a political affiliation with their home country, they developed a

hybrid identity of both the country of their birth and the dominant culture in which they

lived.

A commonality among most Overseas Chinese archaeology projects is that they

were not sought out by academic researchers, but were the result of environmental

compliance projects. Archaeology has been shifting away from predominately academic

pursuits and now it is CRM archaeology that has the upper hand in advancing

archaeological research. The problem with this, however, can be that many of the

documents created in response to CRM projects are not published for accessibility to

other researchers or the public. Some practitioners are trying to change this. Fosha and

Leatherman’s work in Deadwood, South Dakota used avocational archaeologists, university students, and volunteers who “shared a common goal of gaining knowledge and preserving a significant part of Deadwood’s past” (Fosha and Leatherman 2008:102).

They also invited members of the local Asian-American community and descendants of

the residents of Deadwood’s Chinatown to help identify artifacts and contribute stories

and knowledge to help bolster the archaeological evidence recovered (Fosha and

Leatherman 2008:102).

The ASC has attempted to include public engagement in their large-scale

archaeological projects when funding is available. The Cypress Archaeological Project, which started in 1992, did not originally include public input into the research design due

to time constraints. The ASC did, however, include neighborhood residents in the data

collection and interpretation and focused on oral histories in order to “connect

archaeology with place, people, and the present…”(Praetzellis and Praetzellis 2010:8).

The success of this endeavor, led the ASC to be the perfect candidate for a similar project

over a decade later in San Jose, California.

The San Jose Redevelopment Agency sought CRM firms to satisfy the

environmental compliance necessary for development of the former City Corporation

Yard which had closed down. Prior to the 5-acre parcel’s use as the City Corporation

Yard, it had been the site of one of the three Chinatowns located in San Jose (Praetzellis

and Praetzellis 2010:10,12). Despite the lack of standing structures associated with

Heinlenville and Nihonmachi, as the parcel was called before its use as the Corporation

Yard, the local community still had strong emotional ties to the land as it once was. The

San Jose Redevelopment Agency knew this going into the project, so it was planned into

the budget that there would be public outreach with the local community (Praetzellis and

Praetzellis 2010:12). Unfortunately, funding was pulled from the project, and the

publication of a final report has been postponed until the San Jose Redevelopment

Agency secures more funding.

This is the final issue of archaeology as it stands now. Mary and Adrian

Praetzellis wish for CRM practitioners to include an “inclusive, multi-vocal” perspective

on archaeological research (Praetzellis and Praetzellis 2010:3). In order to conduct such

research, larger budgets are necessary. Many times, reviewers of CRM reports or those

providing funds to a project do not believe – or simply, cannot believe due to budgeting constraints – that archaeological research should be accessible to a wide demographic through public participation.

Barbara Voss and her associates at Stanford University have taken this sentiment to heart and recovered the archaeological materials that were excavated in the 1980s from the Market Street Chinatown in San Jose, California. They have published their findings on the internet to open the availability of archaeological knowledge not just to the professionals, but also to the general public (Market Street Archaeological Project 2011).

This chapter discussed the growth of Chinese diasporic studies in archaeology from the 1970s to present. The study of Chinese-American archaeology grew out of the social consciousness of the 1960s and early 1970s and was based on the history paradigm of the New Social History and its concept of microhistory (Muir 1991:vii-ix). This idea stepped away from the focus of studying large scale history – or in many cases, the history of white, elite males – and examined histories on a more individualized level.

This helped to shed light on the contributions of minority populations – such as women, the working class, and ethnic groups – to history. At the same time that the discipline of history was embracing the New Social History, the feminist movement was in its second- wave with women in the United States demanding equal rights to men (Siegal 2006:136-

138). The incorporation of more feminist thought into the social sciences eventually pushed this movement into its third-wave where practitioners realized that identity cannot live in a vacuum. A woman’s identity is more than merely her biological sex. In order to understand a person’s identity, one must analyze all variables that compose that identity.

This train of thought pushed the social sciences to reexamine theoretical frameworks and

in a way, give the individuals more power in the analysis of their lifeways.

Overseas Chinese archaeological studies grew from these ideas. Initially,

researchers were drawn to study Chinese-American sites simply because the objects they found were vastly different than what was found on sites associated with Euro-

Americans. This led to archaeologists to develop ethnic markers in order to define a site’s cultural affiliation. This idea of ethnic markers would evolve into the establishment of the assimilationist perspective in Overseas Chinese studies. By quantifying the number of ethnic markers found in a Chinese-American site, one can define how assimilated the individuals were into the overall white community (Orser 2004a:252,

2007:8). While this framework is still used in the present day, its devotees have waned and more archaeologists are using Chinese sites in the United States to define the concepts of identity and agency. This overview of research in the field shows that while many sites have been excavated and many analyses conducted, there is still room for improvement in regards to Overseas Chinese sites. The Dead Cat Alley assemblage is a small contribution, but by including it in the overall literature, it can help develop a larger picture about the immigrants that lived in the United States.

In the next chapter, I will discuss the research design, research themes, and research questions that were devised in order to analyze the Dead Cat Alley data. The methods used were based on the laboratory procedures developed by the ASC.

Chapter 5: Research Design and Methods

In the previous chapters, I have discussed the background histories of the

Overseas Chinese, the community of Woodland, and archaeological studies on this topic.

This chapter aims to lay out the research design, research themes and questions, and the methods used throughout the project in the field, laboratory, and during the artifact analysis. This information should provide the reader with details about the logistics of the project and its development and how this led to the interpretations discussed in

Chapters 6 and 7.

Research Design

The goal of this thesis project is to understand the lifeways of the Chinese in

Woodland and how it compares to other Overseas Chinese archaeological deposits in

California. In order to do this, I have chosen to use a contextual approach to my analysis.

A contextual approach attempts to “[combine] the results of independent studies of multiple data sets relating to a single archaeological site or culture to determine… the behavioral or cultural significance of archaeological data” (Trigger 2006:513). In other

words, artifacts from an assemblage are compared with items from other disciplines, such

as history, so that the “interpretative process [can] proceed with as rich an information

base as possible” (Renfrew 2001:124). Understanding human behavior and cultural

attributes cannot be surmised through artifacts alone. Artifacts must be supplemented

with historical documents, bioarchaeological research, and other tools in order to turn

them into archaeological data. Only then, can one fully understand the full context of

meaning of an archaeological site.

Many theoretical concepts fall under the umbrella of this overarching approach to archaeology. Some of these ideas were discussed in Chapter 3, such as acculturation.

The goal of this project is to tackle the ideas of consumer behavior and strategies,

identity, and the interpretative potential of the Dead Cat Alley assemblage.

Research Themes

In order to turn a collection of artifacts into usable data for analysis, a research design must be created. I created the research questions based on three themes that I hoped would bolster the knowledge and history of the Chinese of Woodland and

Woodland’s development overall. These themes are as follows: Consumer Behaviors and

Strategies; Ethnicity and Subcultures; and Interpretive Potential. To answer the questions within these themes, artifact analysis of the 514 Dead Cat Alley assemblage is required, plus an analysis of documentary evidence, and finally, a comparative analysis to other

Overseas Chinese archaeological sites that have been published previously.

Theme I: Consumer Behavior/Strategies

Collections acquired from refuse deposits, such as privies or filled cellar holes, are valuable sources of information regarding the consumer behavior and strategies of the inhabitants of a site. By examining the types of items discarded in such pits, concepts such as food procurement, food consumption and dietary needs, socio-economic status, contribution to the economy of the local community, and agency can be inferred based on

the evidence provided. Archaeologists Lauren J. Cook, Rebecca Yamin, and John P.

McCarthy discuss the “active role of the consumer” and how material cultural can

indicate the active participation or agency of the individuals who purchased, consumed,

and eventually discarded the items found in refuse deposits (Cook et al. 1996:50).

In order to address the theme of consumer behavior and strategies of the residents of 514 Dead Cat Alley, I developed the following research questions:

How are the Chinese of Woodland obtaining their goods? Were they purchasing from only Chinese shop owners or are they using white retailers for goods and services?

What did this mean in terms of the role of Chinatown in the city’s overall economy?

How did the consumer behavior of Woodland’s Chinese compare to other Chinatowns in the Sacramento River Valley? Were Chinese-imported goods easier to come by in other communities than in Woodland? Did the Dead Cat Alley assemblage show evidence that

Woodland’s Chinese were attempting to assimilate? Were they trying to remain insular or were they simply using goods that were available to them and did not see the use of

American-manufactured goods as an infringement of their ethnic identity?

Theme II: Ethnicity/Urban Subcultures

Feature 1 is located in the historic section of Woodland’s Chinatown. The contents of the feature show that it was probably deposited by the Chinese residents of the boardinghouse located at this site between 1895 and 1906 (Sanborn Fire Insurance

Map 1895, 1906). Early research in the study of Overseas Chinese archaeological sites focused on establishing ethnic markers – such as the presence of CBGS vessels – to determine that a feature is associated with a Chinese individual or individuals. More recent studies have tried to steer away from this due to its inherent faults (see Chapter 4) and use archaeological data to answer questions about ethnicity, identity, and how individuals used agency in order to maneuver themselves in an unwelcoming dominant culture. Jennifer L. Dornan defines agency as “the basic agreement that people are not uniform automatons, merely reacting to changes in the external world” (Dorman

2002:304). This concept shifted the study of Chinese material culture from identifying

ethnic markers or using them within a spectrum of assimilation, but that the individuals selecting the goods they used and discarded were active participants in the process.

Questions developed to address this theme are as follows:

What was life like in Woodland’s Chinatown? Was it an insular community?

How did the Chinatown fit into the overall community? To what degree did racial

discrimination force the Chinese to live solely inside Chinatown? Was there a mutual

exchange of cultural elements between the Chinese and the white members of

Woodland’s society? What types of cultural exchange occurred between them?

Theme III: Interpretative Potential

Archaeological data are useful to supplement the historic documentary evidence of a community or population, but its usefulness is negated if this information is only housed in reports for professionals. In order for archaeology to maintain its relevance to the public – and as a result gain funding for future projects – the interpretative potential of archaeological data must be examined and presented to the public to educate and provide an impetus for public discourse about the history and development of their community. Archaeologist Ywone Edwards-Ingram states that

Public education provides opportunities for the creative sharing of cultural and historical information, especially when topics that relate to a group’s origin, identity, and development are addressed and interpretations of the past are presented with a high level of responsibility and “accuracy” (Edwards-Ingram 1997:27)

Continuing on the theme of public education and archaeological interpretation,

archaeologists Mary Ann Levine, Kelly M. Britt, and James A. Delle state that heritage is

a “cultural commodity” and that the “historical sense of place is embedded in the concept

90 of heritage” (Levine et al. 2005:401). They continue by stating that “historic sites and trends in the interpretation of history do not merely exist for nostalgia’s sake, but have a distinct relationship to the creation of present social realities” (Levine et al. 2005:401).

These sentiments can be addressed using archaeological data, such as the Dead

Cat Alley assemblage, in order to create a richer history of a community and show how histories of underrepresented members of society contributed to the lifeways of a community in the present. These ideas led to questions to discuss the interpretative potential of the assemblage:

Does the Dead Cat Alley assemblage have the potential for public interpretation?

How might this resource provide more insight into Woodland’s history for modern residents?

Historical Research Methods

Background research was conducted to find out about the development of

Woodland’s Chinatown and its inhabitants. In order to give context for archaeological data, particularly in urban environments, it is important to conduct archival research.

According to archaeologists Donald Hardesty and Barbara Little (2009:84), “The archaeological significance of historical sites often must be evaluated within the context of the richness of available information, written records, or other documentary materials.”

Many times, historical documents, such as newspaper articles, census records, and oral histories reflect biases of both the people providing the information and the people recording the information. Archaeology attempts to work in tandem with these documents to provide a “richness” to the history of a given area (Hardesty and Little

2009:84-86). This richness can also include those not fully represented by the historic

record, such as the poor or disenfranchised (Hardesty and Little 2009:82, 84-85).

In order to supplement the archaeological data, I conducted research at the Yolo

County Archives in Woodland, California. Additionally, I consulted the US census records for information about the residents of Dead Cat Alley and the immediate area within Woodland. The task, however, quickly became problematic for a number of reasons. Due to ethnic discrimination, language barriers, or a fear of the government, US census data did not list Chinese residents with the same criteria as white inhabitants of

Woodland.

Under normal circumstances, a census enumerator would walk door-to-door and

document the house number and street on his tally sheet. Each household was asked a series of questions and the responses were recorded by the census worker. Questions

such as the number of occupants of a household, their relation to the head of the

household, names, ages, occupations, languages spoken, birth place, maternal and

paternal birthplaces, and literacy skills, were asked and documented accordingly. These survey questions were based on the answers of whomever answered the door at the time and it was up to them whether or not they wanted to answer the questions honestly. The methods used for obtaining this information, therefore, are inherently biased.

The problem with using the census information for Woodland in order to gain more insight into the residents of Chinatown was due to the fact that the census workers did not document the same information as they did with white citizens. Where a white resident would have his house number and street address written into the form, those

living on Dead Cat Alley were lumped together regardless of which side of the street or

which house number they lived. It is uncertain if care was taken to make sure all

inhabitants of the alley were accounted for and accuracy of Chinese names appears to

have been deemed irrelevant to the census taker. In many instances of Chinatowns, not

all residents lived in the city year round. Depending on when a census was conducted in

a Chinatown, some Chinese residents may be living outside of town working on farms.

On the same token, a census might be conducted during the off-season, when individuals

leave farms and flock to the Chinatown to live until the next crop is ready to be

harvested.

Census records were examined for the following years: 1880, 1900, and 1920. No

census data is available for 1890 due to the records being destroyed in a fire in the 1920s.

The 1910 population schedule for Woodland was also unavailable, however, general

information about county and state population totals can be gleaned from the 1920 census

data.

All Tax Assessor maps available at the archive facility were consulted (Yolo

County Tax Assessor Map 1903, 1906, 1907, 1908, 1912, 1919, 1921). These maps outline legal property boundaries in order to calculate property value and calculate property tax to be paid by a property owner. They are valuable sources of information as

they will outline the legal boundary of a parcel and list the owner of that parcel. By

comparing different years of Tax Assessor maps of a particular area, one can observe

changes in property ownership and the splitting and merging of property boundaries.

This allows a parcel or series of parcels be associated with a property owner and in turn,

this information can be used to search in other sources.

One problem with gleaning information from Tax Assessor maps is that these

maps only indicate the owner of the land, not necessarily the person or people living or working in the buildings on the land. If a private residence is located on the property, the individuals living in the house might only be renting. In ideal situations, the property owner of the parcel that is listed on the Tax Assessor map is the same individual who is living on the property. If a Tax Assessor map lists an owner during the deposition date of a household feature on said property, that allows historical archaeologists to infer that the individual or family listed as property owner is associated with that feature.

Of course, this situation could not be possible for the Chinese living in California at the time of the deposition of the Dead Cat Alley assemblage. Due to the Alien Land

Act of 1913 and other discriminatory legislation, most Chinese did not own property.

Occasionally, a Chinese businessman would find a sympathetic white person to own a piece of property in name, while the Chinese individual paid for and ran the business or farm. Tracing property ownership in Chinese districts proves incredibly difficult for this reason. Woodland’s Chinatown was no different.

The Yolo County Archives has a number of historical documents used to conduct the historical background research on this part of Woodland. A limited number of Tax

Assessors maps are available for Woodland and all were consulted (Tax Assessor Map

1903, 1906, 1907, 1908, 1912, 1919, 1921). I examined these maps which established a list of names associated with parcel ownership along the 400/500 block of Dead Cat

Alley. These names were cross-referenced with the Yolo County deed index, which directed research toward specific deed books to find information on deeds relevant to the area under study. Deed books contain valuable information about property transactions

94 in a community. Items such as mortgage indentures and the purchasing and selling of property are all documented in these books. Once a name is found via a Tax Assessor map, the name can be used to trace all property transactions through the deed index.

Another resource for historic research are city directories. These documents are the precursor to telephone directories before telephones became a staple in American households. City directories list the names of individuals and their spouses by house address. They also have a section called the reverse directory which allows a researcher to search by address to find the name of the residents in the household. This is a valuable tool as it lists the people who live on the property. This includes renters and business proprietors.

The city directories for Woodland were examined at the Yolo County Archives; however, these provided very little information about Chinese living in the city. In fact, the 1939 city directory was the only volume that provided a listing of Chinese names

(Polk’s City Directory 1939). All other years blatantly omitted any Chinese name. If one were to base their historic research solely on the city directories of Woodland, then it would appear that the only time a single Chinese person was living within the city limits was 1939.

Fire Insurance Books are available for Woodland, California. These books were created by the Board of Underwriters of the Pacific for the purpose of listing buildings and their functions for fire insurance companies. In these books, buildings are listed by year, location, house number, and the use of the building at the time the recorder visited the site. The Yolo County Archives have three books available for the following years:

1898, 1908, and 1914. The addresses for Dead Cat Alley are listed either as

“unoccupied” or “Chinese occupation” (Board of Underwriters of the Pacific 1898, 1908,

1914).

Sanborn Fire Insurance maps were also consulted. These maps were created by

Sanborn, a mapmaker company, that documented buildings throughout the US. These

maps were “created as a product to help fire insurance companies assess the potential

risks involved in underwriting policies” (Sanborn 2011). These maps lay out building

and structure details, such as roof and shingle material, in major cities across the US.

These maps provide information about city planning and development over a series of

years.

Many other sources were used to gather information about the daily lives of the

Chinese in Woodland. The California Digital Newspaper Collection was utilized to

search for any historical newspaper articles discussing the Chinese or Dead Cat Alley in

the Sacramento Daily Union and the Sacramento Transcript. Yolo County has two major

local histories that were published around the turn of the 20th century: De Pue and

Company’s The Illustrated History of Yolo County from 1825-1880, published in 1879,

and Tom Gregory’s History of Yolo County, California, which was published in 1912.

These books provide information on the founding of Yolo County and Woodland, list

biographies about major players in the region’s history, while also relaying more subtle

information about the cultural values of the county at the time of publication. By this, I

mean that these histories were written closer to the time of Yolo County’s founding and

the authors were writing with a bias that shows the values of the time.

Finally, the Chinese in America Collection of the Bancroft Library at the

University of California, Berkeley was consulted. This collection is now available online

96 through the Library of Congress and contains a plethora of cartoons and photographs depicting the Chinese in California between 1850 and 1920. While nothing in this collection applied directly to the Chinese of Woodland, it did provide snapshots into the lifeways and discrimination common during the era.

The information included in historic documents, such as newspapers, contain an inherent bias, which is why they cannot be relied on for understanding the era under study. Journalists of the time period, census enumerators, and others who were in positions to document the everyday lives of individuals, did so with a personal bias, whether it was conscious or not. By studying these documents and comparing them to archaeological data, a more well-rounded, less biased understanding can be achieved about the lifeways of the individuals under study.

Archaeological Field Methods

Normally, a field method plan would have been developed prior to data recovery of a site. Given the circumstances of the excavation near 416 Dead Cat Alley, no pre- field plans were created before excavation took place. A trench had been dug by a contractor attempting to repair a faulty sewer pipe. Unbeknownst to him, this damaged sewer pipe lay beneath an Overseas Chinese artifact deposit. Robert Orlins, a professional archaeologist, happened to be running errands in the area. Familiar with the location of Woodland’s original Chinatown, as he had worked on the Woodland Opera

House project a few years prior (Felton et al. 1984), Orlins knew that the area was highly sensitive for Overseas Chinese cultural resources. When observing the back dirt pile of the backhoe trench, Orlins noticed an extremely large proportion of Chinese artifacts and asked the contractor to halt repair on the sewer pipe. He collected as many artifacts from

the back dirt pile as he could and requested the plumbing company halt further

excavation, so that he could recover as much of the intact pit feature as possible. Orlins took the artifacts to the Yolo County Historical Museum and sought the help of Gerda

Faye, Mary Aulman, and Louella Derr who volunteered their services. The excavation took place over the course of a day and a half with the goal to recover as many of the objects from the feature as possible (Daily Democrat 1986:1; Orlins 2011:personal communication).

Feature 1 was excavated by Orlins and his crew from 18 November until 20

November 1986. The feature was located adjacent to the western elevation of 416 Dead

Cat Alley, a corrugated metal building which appeared by 1912 and was removed in the early 1990s (Sanborn Fire Insurance Map 1926; Anonymous 1991). Both Features 1 and

2 were impacted by the backhoe excavation, but portions were still observed in the western wall of the trench. Feature 1 measured 7-1/2 feet at its widest and 1-1/2 feet in depth. The soil matrix surrounding both Features 1 and 2 was composed of a compact silty loam. Feature 2 was composed of brick and mortar demolition debris with an ash deposit located at its base. Two feet of loose gravel mixed with soil were deposited over

Feature 2 in order to raise the ground surface to accommodate automobile parking after the demolition of 514 Dead Cat Alley (see Feature 16).

Since the contractor had already excavated a 13 foot long trench to a depth of 5 feet, traditional stratigraphic excavation was not conducted. The field crew merely collected any artifacts found in back dirt piles and only excavated the feature deposit that was observable in the trench wall. A profile sketch was drawn of the western wall of the trench and photographs documenting the excavation and visitors to the site were taken.

Figure 16: East trench wall profile

Field notes that were drafted at the time of the excavation only list the names of the

individuals who were present for the project. A carbon dating sample was taken from the

trench and large artifacts removed and collected. Soil was screened using shaker screens

with ¼-inch mesh. There was a second feature containing demolition debris above the

main artifact deposit. The artifacts were promptly deposited with the Yolo County

Historical Museum (Orlins 2011:personal communication).

Laboratory Methods

I based my laboratory methods on those used by the ASC for late-19th and early-

20th century urban deposits. These methods were originally developed on the same methods used by the ASC for the San Francisco-Oakland Bay Bridge West Approach

Project (Praetzellis et al. 2007). Following similar laboratory procedures allowed for continuity and ease for the comparative analysis with collections that followed similar

laboratory methods. Due to the nature of the Dead Cat Alley project, the artifacts were

excavated from a single refuse pit deposit and some steps to the normal process were

omitted. The methods used are discussed in further detail in the sections below.

The artifacts and associated field notes were originally the property of the Yolo

County Historical Museum in Woodland, California. The museum donated the collection

to the Archaeological Collections Facility at Sonoma State University, Rohnert Park,

California, where it will be stored in perpetuity along with all the relevant documentation

for future research.

Processing Procedures

Before artifacts can be cataloged, artifacts must be given a lot number for

identification purposes. These numbers are decided on artifact lots, for example, Chinese

brown-glazed liquor bottles with no distinct decoration were combined into one lot and provided with a single identification number. Any Chinese brown-glazed liquor bottle with a distinguishing maker’s mark or other characteristic would be given its own lot number. The reason for combining multiples of similar vessels is merely for simplifying the cataloging process. These numbers allow for an easy means to find an artifact, or series of artifacts, once they have been put into storage. In circumstances where an excavation had multiple stratigraphic layers or multiple features, artifacts would have also been given a context number. This number would indicate from what stratigraphic layer an artifact or lot of similar artifacts had been removed. This was unnecessary for the Dead Cat Alley assemblage as all artifacts were removed from a single feature with no discernable stratigraphy.

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Artifacts were laid out on laboratory tables and separated by material class (e.g., ceramic, glass, metal, and other). Within each material class, artifact fragments were

cross-mended in order to establish minimum number of items (MNI). The purpose of

this step is to determine how many potentially intact, or mostly intact, objects were found

within the collection to aid in analysis.

Ceramics were grouped by paste, decoration and then form or function. Ceramic

fragments with European or American makers marks or diagnostic decorative patterns or

manufacturing techniques were researched in order to identify country of origin and date

range of artifact manufacture.

Glass fragments were initially separated by color and within each color, by form.

Glass forms included tableware/serving/drinking use, bottles, lamp-related items, windowpane, or opium-related paraphernalia. Bottles were cataloged by color and function, where bottle shape, finish type or embossment was used to identify the original use and manufacturer. Glass bottle manufacturing techniques, such as mold-type, was used to establish date range, when it was observable. Windowpane glass fragments were counted, weighed and discarded.

Metal items were identified by material and function. Complete nails were counted and measured, while fragments were sorted, nail heads counted, and the lot was

measured before being discarded. Amorphous metal objects were identified when

possible, but when heavy corrosion interfered with identification, the objects were counted, weighed and discarded. Other artifacts, such as clothing fasteners, opium- related paraphernalia, and game pieces, were identified by material and function.

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Clothing fasteners, such as buttons, were identified by type and measured using the

appropriate measuring system.

Once artifacts were identified and given lots numbers, this information was

entered into the Sonoma Historic Artifact Research Database (SHARD). This database

was created by the Anthropological Studies Center using Microsoft Access. The fields

within this database were developed based on Stanley South’s classification system

(1977). Since all historic-era collections housed by the ASC have been inputted using this database, it provides a simple and efficient way to conduct comparative analysis for

archaeological data sets. Once data has been inputted into SHARD, analytical tables

were created to perform statistical and comparative analysis.

Functional Categories

As stated above, I used a classification system based on categories established by

Stanley South (1977). These categories have been modified by the ASC for use in mid-

19th and early-20th century sites in California. The artifacts are separated into the

overarching Group category, which is then further split into Class and Subclass divisions.

By using a well-established classification system, like the one used by the ASC,

archaeological collections undergoing analysis can easily be compared to other sites of

similar setting.

Minimum Number of Items (MNI)

MNIs are the minimum number of individual items represented in a collection,

not the number of fragments. Typically, vessels are found in a fragmentary state. When

returned to the lab they are reassembled in order to establish the number of whole vessels found within an assemblage. By doing this, one can gain a clearer understanding of the

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number of objects deposited into a feature. For example, if an artifact deposit contains

500 sherds of Chinese brown-glaze stoneware, these sherds may represent 10 different

items of differing vessel types. A lot of 500 ceramic fragments does not provide adequate information about the daily lives of the people who deposited those items; 10

vessels, however, does. This is due to the fact that objects were used whole and therefore, fragments must be reassembled in order to properly identify the original

vessels and understand their function. By calculating an MNI, a clearer understanding of

the number of objects that was deposited into a feature provides more valuable

information than simply sheer number of fragments found.

After ceramic and glass fragments were crossmended and temporarily

reassembled, each object was given an MNI of 1. Items that were recovered completely intact without missing fragments were also given an MNI of 1. If a ceramic or glass

fragment had a distinctive decorative pattern not found on any other fragment or vessel,

this too was given an MNI of 1. Any fragments that were unmarked, not distinctive, or

nondiagnostic were not given an MNI. Artifact fragments that showed a unique form,

color, material or function were assigned an MNI of 1.

Any objects that were generally used together, such as a tea pot and its matching

lid, were given an MNI of 1. Items that may have been considered a part of a set, but not

necessarily used together, such as a tea cup and saucer, were given separate MNIs (e.g.,

saucer and tea cup would be an MNI of 2). Individual buttons were given separate MNIs

as it is impossible to determine how many of the buttons recovered were from a single or

multiple garments. Amorphous metal or unidentifiable objects were not given MNIs as

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their usage was not evident during analysis and therefore it would not be possible to

distinguish how many individual items they may have represented.

Dating Methods

Artifacts were examined to see if they could be dated. There are many options

available to date historic-era artifacts, particularly ceramic makers’ marks. In the case of

ceramics, those with makers’ marks were researched in order to determine the

manufacturer’s dates of operation, origin of manufacture, and date range that that

particular style of makers’ mark was in use. Decorative elements that were popular during particular eras were also researched to determine their period of popularity. The

McKinley Tariff Act in 1891 required that all foreign-made items, including ceramics,

bear the country of origin on the object (Costello et al. 1999:25). Makers’ marks on

Chinese stoneware were either written in Chinese characters or they were an arbitrary design. These designs may have been traceable in China during its date of manufacture, but currently there is no method to trace the origin of the vessel based on these creative marks.

A standard archaeological term, TPQ stands for terminus post quem, which is defined as “the date after which the object must have found its way into the ground”

(Noël Hume 1969:11). The TPQ of an artifact is determined by dating diagnostic artifacts and comparing the dates of manufacture of these objects. The object or objects with the latest start-date of manufacture is designated as the TPQ. This means that the

“newest” artifact, an object whose manufacture start-date is the most recent in comparison to the other items found in the same context, determines the earliest possible date that those items could have been deposited.

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Artifact Tables

Artifacts from Feature 1 are described in several tables in Chapter 6 that focus on

different descriptive attributes, such as function, decoration, and dating information.

Artifact types such as building materials, window glass, and amorphous items, are not

included in the artifact group summary tables, although they are mentioned in the MNI section. While these items might add information about the circumstances surrounding the deposition of the collection, they can skew the percentages of the assemblage. This

would interfere with comparisons with Overseas Chinese assemblages from other sites.

Food-Refuse Analysis: Faunal Remains

ASC Faunal Specialist, Michael Stoyka, conducted the faunal analysis of the

Dead Cat Alley assemblage. He used methods currently in use by the ASC which are

based on the Bone and Butchering Analysis System (BABAS) developed by Sherri Gust

(2001).

Faunal specimens were washed, labeled, and sorted by context. Items that could

not be labeled due to small size or poor condition were placed in archival-quality plastic

bags labeled with provenience information. In the first step of the analysis process, all

labeled faunal material was removed from its packaging and spread out on a table.

Materials were initially sorted by grouping general animal categories (such as avian

elements, small and very small mammal, medium and large mammal, fish and shellfish).

The medium to large dietary animals (cow, sheep, pig, etc.) were further developed by

element during the first sort. Fish remains were separated from the collection and rough

sorted for later analysis.

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Information on provenience, taxon (cow, sheep, etc.), element (humerus, femur,

rib, etc.), portion (part of element), side, epiphyseal-fusion status (degree of bone-suture

closure, to determine age at death), butchering cuts, tool marks (saw, knife, ax, etc.),

taphonomic factors (burning, weathering, gnawing) were recorded for each specimen using a computerized data-entry system.

The purpose of this chapter was to lay the foundation for the methods and

research design of the Dead Cat Alley project. In the next chapter, I will discuss the

findings of the artifact analysis and how this analysis compares to the documentary

evidence associated with the features. Additionally, I will compare the collection to the

Woodland Opera House collection, which was located only a few blocks from the 514

Dead Cat Alley boardinghouse, but whose dates of occupation were twenty years earlier.

Two other artifact assemblages from Stockton, California and Los Angeles, California

that were associated with Chinese immigrants will also be discussed in the comparative

analysis.

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Chapter 6: Findings and Interpretation

In this chapter I discuss the circumstances that created the need for the data recovery of the 514 Dead Cat Alley assemblage, the site structure, and the characteristics of the artifacts collected. I continue with a description and breakdown of this collection and compare it to other Overseas Chinese archaeological collections that have been analyzed by other researchers in California. The purpose of conducting a comparative analysis provides a fuller and more holistic history of the Chinese who lived and worked in the western United States around the turn of the 20th century. The similarity and differences between multiple collections can shed light on the lifeways of the Chinese in

California and if geographic location affected these lifeways or affected their self- identity.

Archaeological Excavation: Site Structure and Content

Feature 1 was determined to be a cellar hole that was excavated during the period that 514 Dead Cat Alley was a functioning boarding house. This was determined by examining the profile drawing and field photographs and analyzing the stratigraphy of the soils in the western profile wall. The size, outline, and location of Feature 1 above the sewer pipe and the TPQ of the diagnostic artifacts correlate with the 1895 Sanborn Fire

Insurance Map placing a Chinese boarding house at 514 Dead Cat Alley (Sanborn Fire

Insurance Map 1895). This map depicts 514 Dead Cat Alley as a wood-framed, single- story, wood-shingle roofed Chinese dwelling. This building was demolished by 1912, when the correlating Sanborn Fire Insurance map shows an empty space where the

107 building once stood. This demolition would also account for the demolition debris found in Feature 2.

514 Dead Cat Alley Artifact Assemblage

A total of 2866 artifacts with a total MNI count of 703 items were uncovered and collected by Robert Orlins and his crew. The largest artifact group is Personal (see Table

1). The Personal group is 42.8 percent of the entire assemblage MNI. The second highest group is Domestic (29.7%) and the third group is Indefinite Use (19.8%). The latter group consists of items whose original use could not be determined, even if the object itself is identifiable (such as a glass container, for example).

Total Count MNI Percentage of MNI Activities 38 19 2.7% Domestic 494 208 29.7% Faunal 18 5 0.7% Indefinite Use 886 139 19.8% Personal 1171 302 42.8% Structural 259 30 4.3% Total 2866 703 100% Table 1: Summary of Artifacts by Group for Dead Cat Alley

The Dead Cat Alley collection has eight categories of artifacts within the Personal designation, the category with the largest percentage of total MNI is Social Drugs –

Alcohol. This comprises 77.5 percent of the total MNI of the Personal designation or

33.3 percent of the total overall MNI (see Table 2). Within the Social Drug – Alcohol category, 51.5 percent is CBGS liquor vessels which held a potent liquor called Ng Ky

Py. 47.2 percent is comprised of Euro-American manufactured alcoholic beverages with a small percentage (1.3 percent) of Japanese origin (see Table 3).

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MNI Percentage of MNI Accoutrements 4 1.3% Clothing 15 5% Footwear 2 0.7% Grooming/Health 30 9.9% Misc. Containers 8 2.6% Social Drugs – Alcohol 234 77.5% Social Drugs – Opium 6 2% Toys 3 1% Total 302 100% Table 2: Summary of Artifacts by Personal Group for Dead Cat Alley

MNI Percentage of MNI Chinese 121 51.5% Japanese 3 1.3% Euro-American 111 47.2% Total 235 100% Table 3: Breakdown of Social Drug - Alcohol Category by Origin

One category that is typically found on Overseas Chinese sites and is observed in

the Dead Cat Alley assemblage is opium paraphernalia. Social Drugs – Opium has an

MNI of 6, which is composed of stoneware pipe bowls (MNI of 2), colorless glass lamp

base fragments (MNI of 2), colorless opium lamp font (MNI of 1), and copper-alloy

opium tin fragments (MNI of 1).

The second largest category in the Dead Cat Alley assemblage is the Food

Preparation and Consumption category. This equates to 20.1 percent of the total MNI of the collection. Within this Category, the ceramics are composed of 59.5 percent Euro-

American, 21.4 percent Japanese, 18.3 percent Chinese, and finally, 0.8 percent of

indeterminate Asian manufacture (see Table 4).

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MNI Percentage of MNI Chinese 23 18.3% Japanese 27 21.4% Asian 1 0.8% Euro-American 75 59.5% Total 126 100% Table 4: Summary of Ceramic Food Preparation and Consumption for Dead Cat Alley

A small number of faunal remains were collected from Feature 1. A total of 295 items were analyzed. Of this, the predominant species is pork with 161 items. This is followed by 40 items identified as bovine. The MNIs represented comprise a total of eight pigs and six cows. Sheep is also represented with two fragments and an MNI of one.

Uncommon dietary meat sources are also represented in the faunal assemblage.

One mature, robust domestic cat is represented. Butcher marks are seen on three separate elements and include a transverse cut mark on the dorsal humerus and ax marks on the ulna and mandible. Avian elements account for 17 percent of the total Number of

Identified Specimens (NISP). Chicken dominates the count and meat weight with an

MNI of seven. A single, large indeterminate duck and one turkey are also represented.

All of the elements are mature except for three chicken elements suggesting that someone may have been raising chickens in the alley. Butcher marks are found only on the elements belonging to chickens. All of the food birds combined comprise 19 percent of the total meat weight which contributes to nearly one-third of the total animals from the assemblage.

Almost 30 percent of the faunal remains exhibit signs of heat effects (either burned or calcinated). Profile drawings of the trench stratigraphy indicate a small concentration of ash and charcoal. This evidence, combined with the faunal remains

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showing signs of heat effects, supports the likelihood that there was an effort to burn the

dietary bone in another location prior to its deposition in Feature 1. Burning the refuse

would indicate an attempt to maintain hygienic conditions and pest control. In addition, faunal remains identified as a single specimen of Norway rat is noted in the assemblage.

A relatively low rate of rodent gnawing is seen on the faunal remains (5.6 percent). A higher percentage of rodent gnawing or unbutchered rodent remains would indicate that the refuse pit was kept open allowing rodents to scavenge. This, coupled with the

evidence of refusing burning, would further support the notion that Feature 1 was covered

soon after the refuse was deposited.

The butchering marks observed did not provide evidence to support home

butchery nor are there cuts that are non-standard. Ax or cleaver marks are the

predominant butchering technique for pork with 41 percent of the total butchering marks

observed. The second most common butchering marks noted is hand saw at 28 percent.

Most butchering marks on cow bones show evidence of handsaw marks (66 percent).

The second most significant tool mark on cow bone is machine saw at 19 percent. The cow bones analyzed are types of cuts that were used predominantly for soups or stews.

Overall, the faunal assemblage shows that pork was the preferred meat source, plus further supplemented with rabbit, fish, chicken, duck, and occasionally, domestic cat. All of these items are common among a traditional South Chinese diet (Gust 1984:183)

Comparing the Dead Cat Alley Assemblage

Woodland Opera House

The Woodland Opera House archaeological project was conducted in 1980 by the

California Department of Parks and Recreation (CA-DPR) as part of the Woodland Opera

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House restoration project. This project was the first subsurface excavation conducted

within Woodland’s city limits. The analytical results were published by CA-DPR in

September 1984 with a focus on the Chinese occupation of the site before the original

opera house was built in 1884 (Felton et al. 1984).

Historical Context of the Woodland Opera House Site

The current building located on the block surrounded by Main, Court, First, and

Second streets is the second incarnation of the Woodland Opera House. The original was

built between 1884 and 1885, but was destroyed when a massive fire broke out in the city

in 1894, leaving much of Woodland’s business district in ruins (Felton et al. 1984:1).

Little was known about the block that housed the Woodland Opera House until excavations were conducted in 1980 in conjunction with a restoration project funded by

CA-DPR.

Prior to the building of the original opera house, Lot 5 of Block 2 located between

Main, Court, First, and Second streets was broken into four parcels. Parcel 1, which was located on the northern third of Lot 5 was occupied by a Chinese laundry. Unfortunately, no solid historical evidence shows the start date of occupation, but according to Felton et al. the laundry may have been in operation as early as the 1860s. Felton et al. cite a newspaper article describing a “dilapidated” Chinese washhouse located on the site at the time of publication in 1880 and further discuss a reference to approximately a half-dozen

Chinese laundries located within Woodland’s city limits in 1870 (Felton et al. 1984:9;

Sprague and Atwell 1870:294). By 1880, the laundry had been torn down and the lot remained vacant until opera house construction started in 1884 (Felton et al. 1984:10).

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Archaeological Excavations and Interpretations at the Opera House Site

While a Chinese laundry was identified on Parcel 1 of Lot 5, excavations located

in the area of Parcel 4, which housed Louis Deitz’s Harness Shop before the building of the opera house, produced artifacts typically associated with Chinese occupation (Felton

et al. 1984:24, 27). Items such as Chinese porcelain and stoneware dishes and faunal

remains that were “not commonly found on Euro-American sites in California,” such as

turtle shell were observed at this site (Felton et al. 1984:27). The archaeologists

examining this feature suggest multiple explanations for finding artifacts associated with

Chinese occupation: 1) Chinese workers were employed by Deitz at his harness shop; 2)

Chinese individuals rented a building on the parcel at some point in time prior to 1884; and 3) fill material was used from an area of Chinese occupation to fill a cellar hole located underneath the structure (Felton et al. 1984:27).

Two archaeological features were determined to be associated with the Chinese laundry located on Parcel 1 of Lot 5. Feature 8 was believed to be a cesspool and Feature

9 was a “smaller, deeper intrusion” possibly a part of the same cesspool as Feature 8

(Felton et al. 1984:36). Feature 8 contained a fill deposit that was full of Chinese ceramics; bird, fish, mammal, and turtle remains; bricks; and other materials associated with Chinese occupation (Felton et al. 1984:30). Feature 9 contained similar items as

Feature 8, but was a much smaller feature (Felton et al. 1984:31).

Both Features 8 and 9 were associated with the Chinese laundry by Felton et al. as it was common practice to dump wastewater into cesspools outside of wash houses before the installation of city sewer systems (Felton et al. 1984:14). Using an 1871 bird’s-eye view lithograph of Woodland, Felton et al. hypothesized that the Chinese

113 laundry located on Parcel 1 was approximately 30 feet long and was located directly above Feature 8 (Felton et al. 1984:31). The presence of ceramics and domestic household artifacts of Chinese origin indicates that the laundry workers were consuming meals within the business, as laundries required long work days, but based on census data, the workers were probably residing in boarding houses located elsewhere (Felton et al. 1984:14-15).

Artifact Analysis of Features 8 and 9 from Woodland Opera House Site

Artifacts associated with Chinese occupation were found in Features 6 and 10, but these features were not clearly identified as associated with the Chinese laundry. For the purposes of this thesis, artifact breakdowns for the Woodland Opera House were chosen only for Features 8 and 9 which Felton et al. associated with the Chinese laundry due to more substantiated historical evidence than the other features, which may have been contaminated with fill obtained elsewhere (Felton et al. 1984:24).

Features 8 and 9 contained an MNI of 31 Chinese tableware with the predominant design motif being that of Four Flowers (MNI of 16 or 52% of the total Chinese tableware) (Felton et al. 1984:39). The Four Flowers style is composed of a porcelain paste with a polychrome overglaze decoration depicting prunus, lotus, tree peony, and chrysanthemum flowers (Felton et al. 1984:40). The second most common design motif of the Chinese tableware is winter green or celadon (Felton et al. 1984:39). This is composed of a light green colored glaze and commonly found throughout Overseas

Chinese archaeological sites. The celadon tableware found in Features 8 and 9 comprised

29% of the total MNI of Chinese tableware found on the Woodland Opera House site

(see Table 5). Tableware forms found in these features were mostly medium-sized, or

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rice, bowls (140 mm in diameter). The predominance of medium bowls of Chinese or

Japanese origin is consistent with a traditional Chinese food culture and this shows that

the laundry workers on Parcel 1 of the Opera House site were taking traditional meals

during their long work days. Such traditional foodstuffs as soups and stews necessitate

the use of bowls rather than plates, thus on typical Overseas Chinese archaeological sites,

there are fewer plates observed and generally, they are of Euro-American manufacture.

Double Four Winter Bamboo Total Happiness Flowers Green/Celadon Medium bowls 3 3 3 2 11 Large bowls 2 2 Small cups 3 2 5 Medium cups 1 1 Large cups 4 4 Small plates 2 2 Medium plates 3 3 Large plates 1 1 Soup spoons 2 2 Total 3 3 16 9 31 Table 5: Chinese Ceramic Tableware and Drinking Vessel Minimum Number of Items (MNI) for Features 8 and 9 of the Woodland Opera House Site (from Felton et al. 1984:39)

Chinese brown-glaze stoneware (CBGS) items are typically used for food storage

or Ng Ky Py liquor bottles. Features 8 and 9 show that there were a limited number of

CBGS food storage or CBGS liquor bottle MNIs observed during excavations (see Table

6). Due to the limited number of these items, one could assume that they were being used for the original purpose of food storage. Double spouted jars, for example, typically held soy sauce, vinegar, molasses, or peanut oil (Felton et al. 1984:47; Yang and Hellman

1998:61). As stated before, the laundry workers were preparing mid-morning and late- evening meals within the facility and the usage of condiments or other foodstuffs to accompanied prepared meals would not be abnormal. However, as noted with Analytical

Unit B from the Chinatown in Stockton, California (see below), Chinese laundry workers

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did reuse bottles for laundering purposes. The CBGS food storage vessels documented in

Features 8 and 9 of the Opera House site may have originated as vessels used to store

condiments for meals, but they may have also been reused to hold bluing or other items

used in commercial laundry facilities of the time. Felton et al. do not mention the

possibility of these items being used for anything other than food storage.

Globular jar 5 Barrel jar 1 Small jar 3 Double spouted jar 4 Liquor bottle 1 Grinding bowl 2 Total 15 Table 6: Chinese Ceramic Food Storage Vessel MNI for Features 8 and 9 of the Woodland Opera House Site (from Felton et al. 1984:44)

A small number of Euro-American ceramic items were documented in Features 8

and 9. There was only a MNI total of six Euro-American manufactured ceramic items,

only two of which were tableware (see Table 7). An earthenware patch box, possibly

used for the storage of fabric swatches or sewing materials, was found, an earthenware

bedpan, and one fragment of an unidentifiable yellowware vessel (Felton et al. 1984:49).

The limited number of ceramic items of Euro-American manufacture shows that there

was a preference for tableware and food storage vessels of Chinese origin, but items that

were necessary for the everyday function of the laundry tended to be items that were easier to acquire in town.

A few non-Chinese items that originally functioned as alcohol containers were seen within the artifact assemblages of Features 8 and 9 (see Table 8).

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Earthenware Yellowware Stoneware Total Plates (all sizes) 1 1 Large bowl 1 1 Bedpan 1 1 Patch box 1 1 Unidentified 1 1 Jug 1 1 Total 4 1 1 6 Table 7: Euro-American Ceramic MNI for Features 8 and 9 of the Woodland Opera House Site (from Felton et al. 1984:50)

The limited number, however, could show that liquor was not being consumed on site

during work hours and that the bottles may have been reused for laundry purposes.

Again, bottle or vessel reuse was not suggested by archaeologists studying the Opera

House collection.

Wine 1 Champagne 4 Black glass 1 Bitters 4 Soda water 2 Toiletries 1 Table 8: Glass and Euro-American Stoneware Bottle MNI of Features 8 and 9 of the Woodland Opera House Site (from Felton et al. 1984:54)

Opium paraphernalia is a common item found on Chinese-occupied sites and both

opium pipe bowl fragments (MNI of 10) and opium tin fragments (MNI of 13) were

found in Features 8 and 9 (see Table 9) (Etter 1980:97; Felton et al. 1984:64-70). Opium

pipe fragments were also found in Features 6 and 10, the latter of which yielded mostly

American glass. Neither Feature 6 nor 10 was associated with the Chinese-occupied

laundry on Parcel 1 (Felton et al. 1984:64).

Opium tin fragments were found throughout the Woodland Opera House site.

Opium for smoking purposes was sold in thin-walled brass containers, usually with

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Chinese characters embossed on the lid representing the brand name (Felton et al.

1984:67). Felton et al. discuss that there was evidence on the Opera House site that

opium tins were reused by bending the sides of the tins to form a “fun dish” which held a small amounts of opium (Felton et al. 1984:69).

Pipe Bowls Opium Tin Total Feature 8 7 10 17 Feature 9 1 3 4 Feature 8/9 2 2 Total 10 13 23 Table 9: Opium-Related Paraphernalia (MNI) in Features 8 and 9 of the Woodland Opera House Site (from Felton et al. 1984:66, 69)

This analysis indicates that the artifacts unearthed at the Woodland Opera House

site are typical of the era of deposition. The ceramic tableware found has a high

proportion of bowls of Chinese-origin which coincides with the preparation and

consumption of traditional Chinese meals for the laundry employees. One element that

was not mentioned by Felton et al. was the lack of use of Japanese tableware in addition

to the use of Chinese-manufactured ceramics. Japanese cuisine followed similar forms

where the use of medium-sized bowls was commonplace and therefore, Chinese living in

the United States would utilize Japanese-manufactured tableware when Chinese-

produced ceramics were unavailable. The lack of Japanese tableware is an interesting

aspect of the ceramic collection from Features 8 and 9 of the Opera House site.

The remainder of artifacts uncovered from Features 8 and 9 show evidence of

everyday life of the Chinese living in Woodland; however, since the assemblage is from a

laundry where it appears that the workers were living off-site, the items deposited do not

given a full picture of everyday life. Meals were served and consumed on site, which is

evidenced by the ceramic and butchered faunal remains that were discarded in the

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laundry’s cesspools. Periodically, opium may have been consumed on site during

working hours. The very small proportion of Euro-American manufactured goods shows

that Woodland’s Chinese population had access to a number of Chinese-produced

products and showed a preference for these items.

Stockton, California

The ASC conducted an excavation in Stockton, California in the summer of 2000.

The city block bounded by Channel, El Dorado, and Hunter streets and Miner Avenue as

part of the redevelopment of the Stockton downtown area directed by the City of

Stockton (Waghorn and Meyer 2004:1). Historically, the Chinese residents of Stockton

were spread between three distinct neighborhoods, including the area under study. As

Stockton progressed into the 20th century, the larger area along East Washington Street

between Hunter and El Dorado streets became the main cultural center of the city.

Historical Context of 117-123 Channel Street, Stockton, California

The city of Stockton is located in San Joaquin County within the Central Valley

of California. This region of the state is known for its highly productive agricultural

lands. Due to its location, Stockton became a well-established transportation hub because

of its position along the Stockton Channel. This position was further increased once the

Central Pacific and Southern Pacific railroads laid tracks through the city in 1869

(Waghorn and Meyer 2004:7-10).

Like many cities in California where the transcontinental railroad placed stops

within its limits, Stockton started to see an influx of Chinese immigrants once the railway

had been completed. In fact, the Chinese were one of the earliest groups to establish

ethnic neighborhoods within the community (Waghorn and Meyer 2004:10). Stockton

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would eventually have multiple Chinese-dominated neighborhoods, but the area on

Channel Street between El Dorado and Hunter streets was the oldest as it was established

during the Gold Rush (Waghorn and Meyer 2004:10).

Within this neighborhood, the Sing Lee Laundry was established about 1894 at

117-123 Channel Street. This laundry was in operation for approximately 40 years and

whose workers throughout this time were predominantly Chinese immigrants (Waghorn

and Meyer 2004:1). The 1883/94 Sanborn Fire Insurance map indicates that a one-story,

frame dwelling existed at this location and was marked as a Chinese wash house

(Waghorn and Meyer 2004:49). This information was corroborated with the 1900 US

Census that indicate that a 40-year old single man named Lee Sing and four other single,

male Chinese immigrants were residing within the building at the time that the census

was conducted (Waghorn and Meyer 2004:49-50).

Excavations and Interpretations of Analytical Unit B

The Stockton project data sets were broken into two analytical units. Analytical

Unit B was associated with the Sing Lee Laundry, which operated at 117-123 Channel

Street, Stockton, between ca. 1894 to ca. 1937 (Waghorn and Meyer 2004:1-4). The

TPQ for the Sing Lee Laundry deposit was 1936 and the assemblage had a mean ceramic date of 1890.2. The estimated date of deposition was ca. 1894 to ca. 1937, which was based on the known occupation of the laundry (Waghorn and Meyer 2004:78). The collection contained over 5,000 artifacts which resulted in a total number of over 2,000 individual items and it is believed that the deposit was accumulated in multiple episodes over the entire period of occupation (Waghorn and Meyer 2004:78).

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Drinking Vessel Tableware Serving Total Asian 1 1 0 2 Chinese 12 60 13 85 Japanese 0 3 1 4 Euro-American 5 6 13 24 Total 18 70 27 115 Table 10: Ceramic Food Preparation and Consumption Category (MNI) Breakdown by Origin (from Waghorn and Meyer 2004:88-90)

The Stockton laundry deposit contained an MNI of 29 bowls, all of these were of

Asian origin. Of these, an MNI of 16 medium bowls were of Chinese-manufacture (see

Table 10). Common Chinese design motifs, such as Four Flowers, Longevity, Bamboo,

and Winter Green were observed on both tableware and serving vessels such as teapots.

In addition, there were a total of four vessels in the Food Preparation and Consumption

category of Japanese manufacture, and an MNI of 7 items which were of Asian origin,

but exact location of manufacture is unknown.

MNI Percentage of Total MNI Asian 2 1.7% Chinese 81 70.4% Japanese 4 3.5% Euro-American 28 24.3% Total 115 99.9% Table 11: Ceramic Food Preparation and Consumption by Origin (from Waghorn and Meyer 2004:88-90)

The ceramic Food Preparation and Consumption category consists of 70.4 percent

Chinese porcelain, followed by Euro-American manufactured items at 24.3 percent (see

Table 11). The most interesting aspect of the Stockton laundry deposit is the large

number of beer, wine, and liquor bottles and miscellaneous containers. The Social Drug

– Alcohol category contains 17.4 percent of the total MNI of the collection (see Table

12).

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MNI Percentage of Total MNI Clothing 554 27.1% Clothing Maintenance 487 23.8% Social Drugs – Alcohol 356 17.4% Food Preparation/Consumption 133 6.5% Miscellaneous Containers 120 5.9% Table 12: Highest Artifact MNI Percentage Categories for Analytical Unit B (from Waghorn and Meyer 2004:100)

Of these 356 individuals within the Social Drug – Alcohol category, 64 percent are Euro-

American with the remaining 36 percent CBGS wine bottles. The Miscellaneous

Container category contains an MNI of 126 items and ranks at 5.9 percent of the entire

deposit. Many of the bottles and containers showed evidence of liquid bluing dye which

was added to white linens in order to make them appear whiter. This indicates that the

workers were not necessarily drinking heavily and depositing their empty liquor bottles

after consumption, but that they were reusing bottles for laundry use. The Stockton

laundry deposit’s largest categories were in clothing and clothing maintenance (27.1

percent and 23.8 percent respectively) which coincides with its association with laundry

operations.

Los Angeles, California

In 1998, archaeologists from Foothill Resources, Ltd., Applied Earthworks, Inc., and the ASC, conducted a mitigation monitoring program on behalf of the Metropolitan

Water District of Southern California (Costello et al. 1998:iii). The project area was located next to Union Station in downtown Los Angeles, bounded by Alameda Street, El

Monte Busway, and the Hollywood/Santa Ana Freeway (Costello et al. 1998:iii).

Trenching by a contracted construction company was monitored by trained archaeologists

for archaeological finds and data recovery measures were implemented as needed.

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Nearly 7,500 items were collected and brought to laboratory facilities for analysis

(Costello et al. 1998:iii).

Historical Context of Pit 622

The project area was located in an area of downtown Los Angeles that was known

to contain archaeological remains (Costello et al. 1998:5-6). The project area contained

Lot 1 of this neighborhood whose earliest history involves that of Francisco Avila and his

vineyards and orchards (Costello et al. 1998:95). Upon Avila’s death in 1833, the vast tracts of land were divided and Lot 1 was purchased by Matthew Keller who built a home and winery on the parcel with his first wife, Mary (Costello et al. 1998:49-50). When

Mary died, Matthew remarried in 1857 to Eliza Agnes Christy. Eliza would give birth to

11 children while living on Lot 1 with Matthew, but only three children would live into

adulthood (Costello et al. 1998:49-50). Two of these children, Caroline and Alice, would

inherit the family home and associated property on Alameda Street upon their father’s death in 1881 (Costello et al. 1999:51-53). This also included portions of Los Angeles’

Chinatown.

Caroline and Alice attended a boarding school in San Jose where they met their future husbands, George and Frank Shafer, also siblings (Costello et al. 1999:53). The

Shafers – George, Caroline, Frank, and Alice – tore down structures on the center portion of their property and leased this area to Chinese vegetable sellers (Costello et al.

1999:127). Prior to this date, the Chinese had been dominating the vegetable trade in Los

Angeles for a few decades (Costello et al. 1999:127). Unfortunately, as Los Angeles spread out, the gardens tended by the Chinese vegetable peddlers were forced to move

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further out from the city limits. This necessitated the building of vegetable warehouses,

one of which was built on the leased portion of Lot 1.

A wood-framed building for use by Chinese vegetable peddlers was on a portion

of Lot 1 by 1899 and the 1900 US Census shows 24 Chinese males living and working in

the building (Costello et al. 1999:127). Six years later, the wood-frame building was

replaced by a brick vegetable warehouse and was in operation until 1918 (Costello et al.

1999:127).

Pit 622 of Lot 1F

Although there is documentary evidence indicating that the vegetable warehouse

on Lot 1 was in operation in 1918, Lot 1 had been engulfed into the Hanchett Tract in

1915 (Costello et al. 1999:127). This land was set aside in order to accommodate the

construction of Union Station. By 1920, the vegetable warehouse was in use by the

American Railway Express Co. and two privies and a pit associated with the vegetable sellers had been filled the year before with domestic refuse (Costello et al. 1999:127).

Lot 1F contained two privies and a rectangular refuse pit feature (Pit 622). This

feature contained artifacts that were associated with the Chinese vegetable sellers who lived and worked in the brick warehouse originally located on the site. This refuse pit was dug and filled during a single episode, most likely as a means to quickly discard

refuse from the living quarters upon building abandonment (Costello et al. 1999:162).

The associated collection is dominated by domestic items related to food preparation,

consumption, and serving.

Pit 622 contains an MNI of 73 ceramic items in the Food Preparation and

Consumption category (see Table 13). Of these 73 items, 48 or 65.7 percent, were of

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Chinese manufacture. The second largest place of origin is Japan, but this is only

comprised of 6.8 percent (see Table 14).

Drinking vessel Tableware Serving Total Asian 1 2 0 3 Chinese 6 28 14 48 Japanese 1 4 0 5 Euro-American 2 8 7 17 Total 10 42 21 73 Table 13: Ceramic Food Preparation and Consumption Category (MNI) Breakdown by Origin (from Costello et al. 1999:164-165)

MNI Percentage of MNI Asian 3 4.1% Chinese 48 65.7% Japanese 5 6.8% Euro-American 17 23.2% Total 73 99.8% Table 14: Ceramic Food Preparation and Consumption by Origin (from Costello et al. 1999:164-165)

The artifact categories of Pit 622 that represent the highest percentage of MNIs

are noted in Table 15. Food Preparation and Consumption contains the highest

percentage of MNIs of the entire collection. This clearly indicates that the refuse

deposited into the pit prior to the abandonment of the brick warehouse was predominately

domestic items from the living quarters. Clothing and Footwear contains the second

highest percentage of MNIs, but only 14.8 percent. The TPQ for this feature is 1892 and

this is based on an item manufactured by Schrader and Son in New York (Costello et al.

1999:173). This indicates that the feature was created prior to the tract of land being

absorbed into the Hanchett Tract in 1915.

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MNI Percentage of MNI Food preparation/consumption 79 41.8% Clothing/footwear 28 14.8% Food/food storage 22 11.6% Indefinite use 12 6.3% Miscellaneous bottles, jars, or cans 11 5.8% Table 15: Highest Artifact MNI Percentage Categories for Pit 622 (from Costello et al. 1999:169) Dead Cat Alley, Woodland, California

Features 8 and 9 of the Woodland Opera House site, Analytical Unit B of the

Stockton site, and Pit 622 of the Los Angeles site all show a preference for Chinese-

manufactured ceramics (see Table 16). The Dead Cat Alley assemblage, however, shows

only 18.8 percent of Chinese ceramic tableware. The origin of the highest percentage of

tableware is, in fact, Euro-American, with 28.2 percent of Japanese manufacture. The

ceramic tableware breakdown for Dead Cat Alley is vastly different from the other sites

discussed above. This probably has to do with the time period of deposition.

Opera House Stockton Los Angeles Dead Cat Alley Chinese 91.1% 70.4% 65.7% 18.8% Japanese 0% 3.5% 6.8% 28.2% Asian 0% 1.7% 4.1% 1.2% Euro-American 8.8% 24.3% 23.2% 51.8% Table 16: Percentage of Total MNI for Ceramic Tableware of All Sites

The Woodland Opera House site was deposited prior to completion of the original

Opera House in 1885. The Dead Cat Alley assemblage, however, has a TPQ of 1902, which correlates with the Sanborn Fire Insurance maps that indicate the boarding house

associated with the cellar hole feature had been torn down sometime before 1906. After

the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, the number of Chinese immigrants and access to

Chinese-imported goods was diminished. This, however, did not limit the influx of Asian immigrants altogether. With the ban on Chinese laborers entering the United States,

Japanese immigrant numbers started to increase. This is reflected in the 1920 US Census

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for Woodland which shows a significant increase in Japanese residents in comparison to

Chinese (US Census 1920). Japanese ceramics, particularly rice bowls, were an easy

substitute for Chinese individuals with limited access to Chinese-imported tableware.

According to archaeologist Roberta S. Greenwood, the table setting of traditional

Southern Chinese consisted of “one or more serving bowls or high-footed flat servers; a

rice bowl for each individual; tea bowls; wine bowls; condiment dishes; chopsticks and

porcelain spoons; a tea pot; and, often, a spouted pot for wine, oil, or soy sauce…”

(Greenwood 1996:69). This table setting pattern was similar to Japanese and therefore, their tableware could be used interchangeably more so than Euro-American tableware.

This, of course, does not account for the high percentage of Euro-American ceramic tableware that was observed in the Dead Cat Alley assemblage. Again, with the limitation on Chinese-imported goods after 1882, the individuals residing at 514 Dead

Cat Alley probably used items that were easily accessible. Since a large portion of the individuals living in Chinatown in the late-19th and early-20th centuries were working in

hotels and restaurants in the city that catered to white clientele. Poverty and limited

resources may have forced the Chinese of Woodland to repurpose unwanted tableware

from their work places instead of purchasing Chinese or Japanese manufactured goods.

The faunal analysis of the Dead Cat Alley assemblage shows that the individuals living at

514 were consuming cuts of meats common for Overseas Chinese meals and that they

were not preparing and eating fully Americanized meals.

The limited number of Asian wares – both Chinese and Japanese ceramics and

Chinese liquor – in Woodland might be attributable to its location. Los Angeles is a large

city whose Chinese population in 1910 was recorded as 1,954 individuals. Woodland, in

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comparison, was only comprised of 45 individuals. Stockton’s Chinese population at this

time falls in between the two at 698 (US Census 1920). Los Angeles size and location

along the coast of California meant that there was a larger demand for Chinese-imported

goods. Stockton is located along the San Joaquin River and, coupled with Sacramento, viewed as an inland port city. This strategic location allowed for easy access to imported

goods from China by way of San Francisco to cater to the demands of the local

immigrant population. Woodland, however, does not have an easily accessible location

for the importation of goods into the city. After the transcontinental railroad reached

California in 1869, the California-Pacific Railroad was built between Vallejo in Solano

County northward toward Sacramento. The railroad eventually built an off-shoot of this

line to Yuba City via Woodland and Knights Landing in Yolo County (Walters 2007:27).

The location along a major railway line contributed to the growth of Woodland and did

allow for more goods to be brought from larger cities, such as Sacramento and San

Francisco, but its distance from these cities also meant that resources were limited for the

Chinese immigrants who wished to use goods from their homeland. Instead, they

procured items from shops and reused damaged goods from their work places that catered

to the white community. Consequently, the archaeology would show a significantly

higher percentage of Euro-American goods than Chinese or Japanese.

Another distinctive characteristic of the Dead Cat Alley assemblage is the large

collection of liquor bottles. A total MNI of 226 alcohol bottles were observed in the

assemblage. Of these 226 items, 53 percent were CBGS vessels used for holding Ng Ky

Py and the remaining 47 percent were of Euro-American manufacture. The Social Drugs

– Alcohol category comprises the largest percentage of artifacts in the entire Dead Cat

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Alley assemblage with 33 percent of the total MNIs being devoted to it. The Stockton

laundry facility had a high percentage of MNIs within this category, but 85 percent of its

alcohol-related bottles were of Euro-American origin. This high percentage of alcoholic

containers does not indicate that the laundry workers were imbibing abnormally large

quantities of liquor, but the large number of bottles being reused were predominately

Euro-American due to the laundry’s proximity to local breweries, such as H. Rohrbacher,

D.W. McCarthy, and El Dorado Brewing Co., all of which were located in Stockton

(Waghorn and Meyer 2004:81). Dead Cat Alley, on the other hand, does not have similar proximity to local breweries, but is located behind restaurants and hotels where many of the residents of Chinatown worked (Felton et al. 1984:11). This could suggest that

Chinese hotel and restaurant workers had greater access to alcohol from their employers and the even split between Chinese and Euro-American alcohol shows that the Chinese immigrants living at 514 Dead Cat Alley did not have a preference for Chinese liquors.

By comparing the Dead Cat Alley assemblage to the Woodland Opera House site, a more complete history of Woodland can be achieved. The Woodland Opera House project provides input into the everyday lives of the Chinese living in this community prior to the harsh exclusion laws that affected them after 1882. This law must have greatly impacted the lives of those living at the 514 Dead Cat Alley boarding house as they lived there after the federal exclusion law had fully taken root. Woodland, however, was and still is a small agricultural city and the everyday lives of its residents – Chinese or otherwise – is influenced by its location, economy, and size. Stockton is a much larger community with more resources to imported goods and the individuals living in the city at the time of the Lee Sing Laundry would have had different life experiences than those

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living in a smaller community like Woodland. Los Angeles, of course, held the second-

most populated Chinatown and its size and location also affect the access to resources, the job opportunities, and the wealth of those living in its ethnic neighborhoods.

Comparing similar archaeological assemblages, such as ones associated with Overseas

Chinese, helps provide more thorough insight into the creation of these archaeological

sites and contributes personal histories to members of society that might have otherwise been forgotten.

In the following chapter, I will discuss how the findings of the artifact analysis answer the questions that were addressed in Chapter 5. This will attempt to show the information that the 514 Dead Cat Alley collection can provide to shed light on how members of this community lived and how this is reflected in the archaeological record.

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Chapter 7: Addressing the Research Questions

This chapter will attempt to discuss what the findings and interpretation of the

Dead Cat Alley artifact analysis contribute to the research questions asked in Chapter 5.

Three themes were established that aimed to show how the artifacts contained within the

collection contribute to our understanding of the history of Woodland at the turn of the

20th century. It will do this by laying out a discussion under each theme using

information stated in Chapter 6 to contribute to the research questions stated previously.

Theme I: Consumer Behaviors/Strategies

The artifact analysis of the 514 Dead Cat Alley assemblage shows a higher

portion of Euro-American manufactured tableware compared to the Woodland Opera

House site, which has an earlier occupation, and the Stockton and Los Angeles

collections. As stated previously, a possible reason for a higher percentage of Euro-

American tableware is limited resources to procure Chinese-imported goods which may

have been preferred by the occupants of the boardinghouse. According to Roxann

Prazniak, Woodland’s population of Chinese immigrants had steadily grown from 1870

to 1880 and continued to do so, but always remained a relatively small populace

(Prazniak 1984:123-124). The nearest Chinatown to Woodland would be the Chinese neighborhoods of Sacramento. Sacramento began establishing its Chinese neighborhoods in the 1850s on I Street, which ran parallel to J Street. The latter acted as a major thoroughfare for miners to purchase goods and supplies on their way to the goldfields in the Sierra Nevada. I Street played a remarkably similar role for Chinese miners. These streets were lined with grocery stores, supply stores, and restaurants catering to their

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respective clienteles (Praetzellis and Praetzellis 1982:11). Sacramento’s Chinatown

continued to grow even after Chinese miners were expelled from the mines. The

population grew and a relatively large merchant class was in operation. According to the

Praetzellises, by 1872, assessment records indicate that there were 21 Chinese merchants

in operation in Sacramento (Praetzellis and Praetzellis 1982:27). This information does

not disclose that these merchants were solely catering to a Chinese clientele, but only a

decade later, when the 1882 Exclusion Act was enacted, the white customer base

probably decreased to non-existent. The fact that Sacramento had such a large merchant

population, probably means that they were also helping supply Woodland merchants with

Chinese-manufactured products. It would have been easier for Woodland’s Chinese to

acquire goods via San Francisco by way of Sacramento than directly from San Francisco.

The Exclusion Act probably accounts for why there was a marked change between the

Woodland Opera House assemblage whose occupation was before 1884 and the Dead Cat

Alley assemblage whose occupation was about 20 years later. The trait of the Dead Cat

Alley assemblage, the large quantities of both Euro-American and Chinese liquor bottles, is a distinctive quality that does not appear to share similarities to any other Chinese archaeological assemblage analyzed in this thesis. Stockton’s exceptional number of beverage bottles is the only similarity to the large number of liquor bottles found in the

Dead Cat Alley collection; however, there shows no evidence that the Dead Cat Alley bottles were being reused for commercial purposes.

Theme II: Ethnicity/Urban Subcultures

Comparing both the Opera House and Dead Cat Alley sites does show a glimpse

of the everyday lives of the Chinese of Woodland from their initial settlement in the city

132 to the date of deposition of the boardinghouse cellar hole feature. The census records and other documentations discussed show that the Chinese were actively working within the community as laborers, restaurant and personal cooks, and laundrymen. The Exclusion

Acts limited their interaction and they must have felt discrimination. The lack of Chinese citizens or businesses in most of Woodland’s city directories attests to this fact. This discrimination probably forced the members of the boardinghouse to stay within Dead

Cat Alley and practice their traditional lifeways amongst their compatriots. Their poverty or inaccessibility to goods prevented them from obtaining solely Chinese-manufactured goods, but they still managed to use items, such as Ng Ky Py and opium, that were deeply rooted in their culture. This does not measure the level of assimilation that the residents of Dead Cat Alley at the turn of the 20th century had obtained, but merely that they were using objects that they had access to in order to maintain some semblance of their cultural identities.

Theme III: Interpretative Potential

Since 1988, members of Woodland’s community sponsor an annual event called

Stroll Through History. Its mission is to put Woodland’s history on display through historic-era costume, walking and biking tours, and open house tours in the historic areas of the city. Funds collected from the latter help contribute to future events and to “fund local historic restoration and community cultural resources” (Stroll Through History

Committee 2011). The popularity of the event shows the community’s strong interest in the history and development of their city. The insights gained through the analysis and interpretation of the 514 Dead Cat Alley assemblage will help bolster what is known

133 about this portion of Woodland and create a fuller and richer historical narrative of the city’s development.

One of the main tenets of historical archaeology is to represent the underrepresented, such as California’s Chinese immigrants, in the historical record. The

Chinese of Woodland were active participants in the development of Woodland from its earliest settlement until racism and exclusionary laws infringed on their civil liberties.

The Dead Cat Alley assemblage sheds light on the members of this portion of the community at the turn of the 20th century. Historical documents provide limited information about the everyday lives of the Chinese living on Dead Cat Alley. This thesis and the findings reported on the Woodland Opera House site provide more input into this aspect of Woodland’s history.

In this thesis, I have attempted to introduce the reader to the regulatory circumstances that trigger cultural resource management efforts and how this branch of archaeology developed in the United States from the early-19th century to the state and federal regulations that were enacted in the late-1960s and early-1970s. These regulations catapulted the field of archaeology away from an academic-focused discipline to a practical, contract-oriented business. This increased the employability of archaeologists in government agencies and private companies, but neglected to budget or plan for the artifacts that would be uncovered during CRM data recovery projects. The idea that curation facilities have endless shelf space and that these items do not need to be budgeted for once they are removed from the ground is a problem that new generations of archaeologists must face. One solution is to limit excavation projects and use collections

134 already stored in facilities for graduate theses in order to extract valuable data from assemblages that are left to deteriorate due to limited resources.

In addition to the background history of CRM as a discipline and the current plight of many archaeological collections, the background history of Yolo County and the city of Woodland was discussed. This allows the reader to understand the community’s growth, economic development, and its location and why Chinese immigrants leaving the

California goldfields in the Sierra Nevada would eventually settle into this little agricultural town. In order to understand what drove Chinese immigrants to Woodland, it must be put in the context of the turmoil and strife that was afflicting their home country at the time of the mass emigration from Guangdong Province in the 1850s. How this small portion of China came to produce the vast majority of Chinese immigrants in the western United States is important to understanding the cultural development of the

Chinese American identity once these immigrants were able to have families and create a generation of American-born Chinese.

This historical background helps to establish why and how the individuals living at 514 Dead Cat Alley came to be and why and how their objects came to be deposited into a cellar hole in Woodland around 1902. This information is useful, but must be viewed against a larger body of literature of other Overseas Chinese archaeological studies in order to fully understand how this population is similar or different to other

Chinese living in other parts of California. The Dead Cat Alley collection is only a small reflection of a much larger movement in history and it can only be understood when compared with other Overseas Chinese archaeological data.

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This comparison was also necessary to use data sets from different Overseas

Chinese collections recovered from sites in order to further understand the lives of the

residents of the boarding house on Dead Cat Alley. While the assemblages from

Stockton and Los Angeles did not provide more insight into why the boardinghouse in

Woodland had such an extensive collection of liquor bottles, it did show that the objects

used by the tenants were fairly common for Chinese immigrants at the turn-of-the-20th- century.

Finally, the main objective of this project was to recover a neglected archaeological collection and save it from being lost. The items in this collection have now been cataloged and prepared for proper curation and while the scope of this thesis is limited, the collection is now preserved and documented in a way that future researchers can use the data and contribute even more information to the historical record of the

Chinese living in California at the turn-of-the-20th century.

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148

Appendix

ARTIFACT CATALOG

Catalog No Group Category Type Material Description Wh Frg MNI Comments

1PersonalSocial Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 19 0 19 Stoneware 2PersonalSocial Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle04224 Stoneware 3PersonalSocial Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 1 0 1 Photo: 100‐3649 Stoneware 5PersonalSocial Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Bottle is missing park of its neck. Photo: 100‐ Stoneware 3654 and 100‐3656 6PersonalSocial Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Bottle is missing neck. Photo: 100‐3659 and 100‐ Stoneware 3660 7PersonalSocial Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 1 0 1 Photo: 100‐3661 Stoneware 8PersonalSocial Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Bottle has hole in the center of body and is Stoneware missing part of its lip. Photo: 100‐3663 9PersonalSocial Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 1 0 1 Photo: 100‐3664 Stoneware 10 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 1 0 1 Photo: 100‐3667 and 100‐3669 Stoneware 11 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 1 0 1 Photo: 100‐3670 Stoneware 12 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Bottle is missing its lip. Photo: 100‐3671 and Stoneware 100‐3674 13 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinesen Brow Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 1 0 1 Photo: 100‐3675 Stoneware 14 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 1 0 1 Stoneware 15 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 1 0 1 Original cork inside vessel Stoneware 16 Domestic Food Storage Container Chinese Brown Glazed Jar 1 0 1 Spouted jar. Vessel is complete except for a Stoneware large hole in the base 17 Domestic Food Storage Container Chinese Brown Glazed Jar 0 5 1 Spouted jar Stoneware 18 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Chinese Brown Glazed Jar 0 1 1 Straight‐sided jar. Dimensions: 2‐1/8ʺ diam. By Stoneware 1‐9/16ʺ h. Photo: 100‐3678 19 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle0191 Stoneware 20 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle0221 Stoneware 21 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle0141 Stoneware 22 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 7 1 Stoneware 23 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle0221 Stoneware 24 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle0121 Stoneware 25 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 6 1 Stoneware 26 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 5 1 Stoneware 27 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinesen Brow Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 3 1 Stoneware 28 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Base has C‐shaped mark; see photo 100‐3715 Stoneware and 100‐3716 29 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 3 1 Stoneware 30 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 8 1 Possible mark on base Stoneware 31 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 9 1 Stoneware 32 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 4 1 Photos: 100‐3719 and 100‐3722 Stoneware 33 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 5 1 See photo: 100‐3726 8/31/2009 15:10 (change Stoneware photo accession number) 34 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 5 1 Stoneware 35 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 206 0 Body. Some mends. Stoneware 37 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 5 1 Base and body. No mends Stoneware 38 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Base/body Stoneware 39 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 7 1 Base and body. Two of the body fragments Stoneware mend together. 40 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Base Stoneware 41 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Base and body. Both fragments mend together. Stoneware 42 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 5 1 Base, body, shoulder and finish. Three Stoneware fragments ‐ base and body ‐ mend together. 43 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Base and finish. No mends. Stoneware 44 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Finish and base. No mends Stoneware 45 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 4 1 Base and shoulder. Three base fragments mend Stoneware together, shoulder fragment does not mend. 46 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 4 1 Base, body, and shoulder. Two base fragments Stoneware mend with each other. Two body fragments mend with each other. Neither set mend together. 47 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 6 1 Finish, body,. and base One body fragment Stoneware mends with shoulder/finish. 48 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 14 1 Body, base, and finish. Two sets of mends ‐‐ Stoneware both body fragments with two fragments per mend. 49 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 5 1 Base, body, and finish. No mends. Stoneware 50 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Finish and base. No mends. Stoneware 51 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 5 1 Body and base. Two base fragments mend with Stoneware each other. No other mends. 52 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 9 1 Base and body. No mends. Stoneware 53 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Base and finish. No mends. Stoneware 54 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Base and finish. No mends. Stoneware 55 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Base and finish. No mends. Stoneware 56 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 3 1 Base and finish. No mends. Stoneware 58 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Base and finish. No mends. Stoneware 59 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Base and finish. No mends. Stoneware 60 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Base. Fragments mend with one another Stoneware 61 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Base and shoulder. No mends. Stoneware 62 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Base. Stoneware 63 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Base Stoneware 64 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Base. Stoneware 65 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Base. Stoneware 66 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Base. Stoneware 67 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Base. Stoneware 68 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinesen Brow Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Base. Stoneware 69 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Base. Stoneware 70 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Base. Stoneware 71 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Base. Stoneware 72 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Base and finish. No mends. Stoneware 73 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Base. Stoneware 74 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle0130 Finish and shoulder. No mends. Stoneware 75 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 7 0 Base. No mends Stoneware 76 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Chinese Brown Glazed Jar 0 1 1 Straight‐sided jar. Body, lip and base. 2‐1/2ʺ Stoneware diameter base, 1‐1/2ʺ height. 77 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Chinese Brown Glazed Jar 0 1 1 Straight‐sided jar. Body and finish. Stoneware Dimensions unknown as fragment does not provide enough information. Approx. 2‐1/2ʺ diam., >1‐1/4ʺ height. 78 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Chinese Brown Glazed Jar 0 1 1 Straight‐sided jar. Body and finish. 2.5ʺ Stoneware diameter, height is >1.5ʺ. 79 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Chinese Brown Glazed Jar Lid 0 1 1 Straight‐sided jar lid. 1.5ʺ diameter. Stoneware 80 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 4 1 Base. All four fragments mend together. Stoneware Photo: 100‐3790. 81 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 3 1 Finish and base. Finish still contains nearly Stoneware whole cork. Two base fragments mend together. Photo: 100‐3792 82 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 No mends. Photo: 100‐3793 and 100‐3794 Stoneware 83 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Base and finish. No mends. Photo: 100‐3795. Stoneware 84 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Base and finish. No mends. Photo: 100‐3796 Stoneware 85 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Base and finish. Photo: 100‐3797 Stoneware 86 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Finish and base. No mends. Photo: 100‐3798 Stoneware 87 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Base and finish. No mends. Photo: 100‐3799 Stoneware 88 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 3 1 Base, body, finish. Photo: 100‐3800 Stoneware 89 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Base and finish. Four base fragments mend Stoneware together. Photo: 100‐3801 and 100‐3802 90 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 6 1 Base, body, and finish. Two base fragments Stoneware mend together with body fragment. Photo: 100‐ 3803 91 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 4 1 Base and finish. Three base fragments mend Stoneware together. Photo: 100‐3804. 92 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 0 Body. Photo: 100‐3805 Stoneware 93 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 0 Body Stoneware 94 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 0 Body. Photo: 100‐3807 Stoneware 95 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Chinese Brown Glazed Jar 0 2 1 Straight‐sided jar and lid. Green patinated Stoneware exterior glaze, unglazed interior. 1‐1/4ʺ height, 1‐7/8ʺ diam.with lid 96 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Chinese Brown Glazed Jar 0 1 1 Straight‐sided jar without lid. Dimensions: 2‐ Stoneware 3/16ʺ diameter by 1.5ʺ height. Photo: 100‐3810 97 Indefinite Use Misc. Closures Closure Chinese Brown Glazed Lid 0 1 1 Unglazed, concave. Possibly used with CBGS Stoneware shouldered jar. 98 Indefinite Use Misc. Closures Closure Chinese Brown Glazed Lid 0 1 1 Unglazed, concave. Stoneware 99 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Chinese Brown Glazed Jar 0 2 1 Globular jar base and finish/shoulder. 5ʺ Stoneware diameter base, 4.5ʺ diameter finish. 100 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 1 0 1 Photo: 100‐3652 Stoneware 101 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Chinese Brown Glazed Jar 0 1 1 Globular jar base. Base measures 4ʺ diameter. Stoneware 102 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Chinese Brown Glazed Jar 0 5 1 Globular jar, finish and body. Finish has a 4ʺ Stoneware diameter 103 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Chinese Brown Glazed Jar 0 37 0 Globular jar body Stoneware 104 Domestic Food Storage Container Chinese Brown Glazed Jar 0 2 1 Shouldered jar. Fragments mend. 4ʺ finish Stoneware diam. 105 Domestic Food Storage Container Chinese Brown Glazed Jar 0 3 1 Shouldered jar. Rim fragments with no mends. Stoneware 106 Domestic Food Storage Container Chinese Brown Glazed Jar 0 1 1 Shouldered jar finish. 4ʺ finish diam. Stoneware 107 Domestic Food Storage Container Chinese Brown Glazed Jar 0 3 0 Shoulder jar. No mends. Body and finish. Stoneware 108 Domestic Food Storage Container Chinese Brown Glazed Jar 0 13 0 Spouted and/or shouldered jar body. No mends Stoneware 109 Structural Materials ‐ Ceramic Sewer Pipe 0 2 0 Brown glazed interior and exterior 110 Domestic Food Storage Container Chinese Brown Glazed Jar 0 3 1 Barrel jar. No mends, two finish and one base Stoneware fragments. 111 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Kitchen Chinese Brown Glazed Food Processing Bowl 0 2 1 Bowl has glazed exterior with unglazed Stoneware interior. Interior has been etched with comb‐ like tool to create vertical striations into the internal bottom of vessel. Toolr used fo striations would be approximately 1‐1/2ʺ wide. >11ʺ rim diam., 6‐1/2ʺ base dia 112 Domestic Food Storage Container Chinese Brown Glazed Jar 0 22 4 Four sets of mends, all of which are base Stoneware fragments. Finish, spout, body, and base. 113 Structural Materials ‐ Ceramic Tile 0 2 1 Terra cotta roofing tile 114 Structural Materials ‐ Plaster Plaster 0 1 1 116 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Porcelaneous Stoneware Bowl 0 4 1 Three circles and dragonfly blue underglaze. Chinese. All four fragments mend together. 4‐ 1/2ʺ rim diam. 117 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Porcelaneous Stoneware Medium Bowl 0 2 1 Blue underglaze Chinese bamboo motif. Fragments mend. 5‐1/2ʺ rim diam. 118 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Porcelaneous Stoneware Medium Bowl 0 1 1 Blue underglaze Chinese Bamboo motif. 5‐1/2ʺ rim diam. 119 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Porcelaneous Stoneware Medium Bowl 0 1 1 Blue underglaze Chinese Bamboo motif. 5‐1/2ʺ rim diam. 120 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Porcelaneous Stoneware Bowl 0 1 1 Possible Chinese bamboo motif. Base. 121 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Porcelaneous Stoneware Bowl 0 7 0 Probably Chinese Bamboo motif, handpainted blue underglaze. No mends. Rim and body. 122 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware White Improved Earthenware Plate 0 6 1 Atlantic shape. Burnt. 10ʺ diam. 123 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware White Improved Earthenware Plate 0 1 1 Plain/round. 124 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware White Improved Earthenware Plate 0 2 1 Gothic mold design. 9‐1/2ʺ rim diam. Two fragments were glued together by YCHM. 125 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware White Improved Earthenware Plate 0 2 1 Plain round. 126 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware White Improved Earthenware Medium Bowl 0 1 1 Undecorated except for molded flared rim with slight scalloped‐edging. Bowl has evidence of burning. 5‐1/2ʺ rim diam. 127 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware White Improved Earthenware Saucer 0 1 1 Undecorated, flared rim. 128 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware White Improved Earthenware Plate 0 2 1 Blue floral transfer print decoration in center of plate well. Plate well. 129 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware White Improved Earthenware Plate 0 5 1 Plain round. Undecorated. 10ʺ rim diam. 130 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware White Improved Earthenware Saucer 0 2 1 Undecorated. 131 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Serving White Improved Earthenware Basin 0 7 1 Molded leaf decoration on exterior. 132 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware White Improved Earthenware Plate 0 6 1 Melbourne motif brown transfer print. Well, brim, rim. 133 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware White Improved Earthenware Plate 0 1 1 Plain round. 7ʺ rim diam. 134 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Drinking Vessel Opaque Porcelain Mug 1 0 1 Undecorated. 2ʺ foot diam., 3‐1/2ʺ rim diam., 3‐ 1/4ʺ height. 135 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Drinking Vessel Opaque Porcelain Mug 1 0 1 Straight sided, handleless, undecorated 3‐1/2ʺ rim diam., 2‐1/8 ʺ foot diam. 136 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Drinking Vessel Opaque Porcelain Cup 0 3 1 Straight sided. Undecorated. Unknown if originally had handle or was handleless. 2ʺ foot diam., 3‐1/2ʺ lip diam., 3‐3/8ʺ height. 137 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Opaque Porcelain Medium Bowl 0 1 1 Incised line along heel. 4‐1/2ʺ rim diam., 2‐1/2ʺ foot diam., 1‐3/4ʺ height. 138 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware White Improved Earthenware Plate 0 2 1 Plain round. Rim. Fragments mend together. 139 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Opaque Porcelain Plate 0 2 1 Blue floral transfer print, scalloped‐edge with molded scroll relief. Rim and body. 140 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware White Improved Earthenware Plate 0 1 1 Blue dogwood flower transfer print design in center of well and along the side. Body. 141 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Japanese Porcelain Spoon 0 1 1 Celadon spoon handle, handpainted green and brown floral stem decoration. 142 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Japanese Porcelain Medium Bowl 0 1 1 Undecorated celadon. 5‐m1/2ʺ ri diam., 2ʺ foot diam., 2‐1/2ʺ height. Ferrous metal object (possibly nail) corroded and fused to interior of vessel. 143 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Japanese Porcelain Hollow 0 15 0 Celadon. Body and rim. 144 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Drinking Vessel Japanese Porcelain Sake Cup 0 1 1 Celadon, undecorated. 1ʺ foot diam., 3ʺ rim diam., 1‐1/2ʺ height. Photo: 100‐3900. 145 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Japanese Porcelain Small Bowl 0 1 1 Undecorated celadon. 1‐1/2ʺ foot diam. Photo: 100‐3901. 146 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Japanese Porcelain Sauce Dish 0 3 1 Fragments mend. 1‐1/2ʺ foot diam., 3‐1/2ʺ rim diam. Photo: 100‐3902. 147 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Drinking Vessel Japanese Porcelain Tiny Cup 1 0 1 Celadon. 2ʺ rim diam., 1/2ʺ foot diam., 13/16ʺ height. Photo: 100‐3903 148 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Japanese Porcelain Small Bowl 0 1 1 Undecorated celadon. 3‐1/2ʺ rim diam., 2ʺ base diam., 1‐1/8ʺ height. Photo: 100‐3904. 149 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Drinking Vessel Japanese Porcelain Sake Cup 0 1 1 Undecorated celadon. 1ʺ foot diam. Photo: 100‐ 3905, 100‐3906. 150 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Japanese Porcelain Small Bowl 0 1 1 Undecorated celadon. 1ʺ foot diam., 3ʺ rim diam., 1‐9/16ʺ height. 151 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Japanese Porcelain Small Bowl 0 2 1 Undecorated celadon. 3ʺ rim diam., 1ʺ foot diam., 1‐1/2ʺ height. 152 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Asian Porcelain Small Bowl or Sake Cup 0 1 1 Celadon. 153 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Japanese Porcelain Small Bowl 0 2 1 Undecorated celadon. Fragments mend. Body. 3ʺ rim diam. 154 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Japanese Porcelain Small Bowl 0 1 1 Undecorated celadon, flared rim. 3ʺ rim diam., 1ʺ foot diam., 1‐9/16ʺ height. 155 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Japanese Porcelain Medium Bowl 0 2 1 Undecorated celadon. 2ʺ foot diam. Base/body. Photo: 100‐3932. 156 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Japanese Porcelain Medium Bowl 0 9 1 Undecorated celadon. Fragments mend. 5‐1/2ʺ rim diam., 2ʺ foot diam. Base, body, rim. Photo: 100‐3933 157 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Japanese Porcelain Spoon 0 3 1 Undecorated celadon. Fragments mend. Spoon bowl. 158 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Chinese Porcelain Bowl 0 5 0 Polychrome overglaze on some fragments. No mends. Body/rim. 159 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Chinese Porcelain Medium Plate 0 1 1 Four flowers polychrome overglaze. Peck mark on top above center. Photo: 100‐3934 (base/makerʹs mark), 100‐3935. 160 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Chinese Porcelain Small Dish 0 1 1 Four flowers polychrome overglaze. 3ʺ rim diam., 1‐1/2ʺ foot diam., 2ʺ height. Photoʺ 100‐ 3939. 161 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Chinese Porcelain Medium Plate 0 1 1 Four flowers polychrome overglaze. Peck mark on top above center. 4‐1/2ʺ rim diam., 2‐1/2ʺ foot diam., 3/4ʺ height. Photo: 100‐3937 (peck mark), 100‐3938 (base makerʹs mark) 162 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Chinese Porcelain Large Plate 0 1 1 Four flowers polychrome overglaze. Rim. 163 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Porcelain Plate 0 1 1 Undecorated. Plate well. 164 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Chinese Porcelain Bowl 0 18 0 Four flowers polychrome overglaze. Rim and body. 165 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Chinese Porcelain Large Bowl 0 1 1 Four flowers polychrome overglaze. Partial peck mark on bottom interior, above center. 7ʺ rim diam., 3ʺ foot diam., 2ʺ height. Photo: 100‐ 3939 and 100‐3940 166 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Chinese Porcelain Medium Bowl 0 2 1 Four flowers polychrome overglaze. Body and rim. Fragments mend. 4‐1/2 ʺ rim diam., 1‐1/2ʺ height. 167 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Chinese Porcelain Medium Bowl 0 1 1 Four flowers polychrome overglaze. Base/body. 3ʺ foot diam. 168 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Chinese Porcelain Medium Bowl 0 1 1 Four flowers polychrome overglaze. Base/body. 2ʺ foot diam. 169 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Chinese Porcelain Medium Bowl 0 3 1 Four flowers polychrome overglaze. Fragments mend. 4‐1/2ʺ rim diam., 2ʺ foot diam., 1‐3/4ʺ height. Photo: 100‐3941 170 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Chinese Porcelain Medium Bowl 0 2 1 Four flowers polychrome overglaze. Photo: 100‐ 3942 171 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Drinking Vessel Chinese Porcelain Cup 0 7 3 Longevity cups. Octangular shape. Alternating red and green overglazed Mystic Knot design. 1ʺ foot diam., 1‐5/16ʺ height. All fragments mend. 172 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Drinking Vessel Chinese Porcelain Tiny Cup 0 1 1 Four flowers polychrome overglaze. 2ʺ Rim diam., 1/2ʺ base foot diam., 1ʺ height. 175 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Japanese Porcelain Bowl 0 1 1 Blue and white underglaze, red and gold overglaze. Imari. Scalloped edge. Rim. 176 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Japanese Porcelain Medium Bowl 0 1 1 Blue underglazed dashed line floral decoration on exterior. Blue underglaze scrollwork motif around interior rim. 4‐1/2ʺ rim diam. 177 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Japanese Porcelain Large Bowl 0 1 1 Blue underglazed dashed line nature motif with man on exterior. Scalloped edge rim. 178 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Japanese Porcelain Medium Bowl 0 1 1 Blue and white dashed line decoration interior and exterior. Base/foot. 179 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Drinking Vessel Chinese Porcelain Tiny Cup 0 1 1 Red and green overglaze decoration (glaze has rubbed off). Body/base. 180 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Serving Porcelain Teapot 1 0 1 Teapot, lid, and copper composite handle (not attached). Spout broken. 4‐1/2ʺ base diam., 6ʺ height. 181 Indefinite Use Indefinite Indefinite White Improved Earthenware Indefinite 0 2 0 Body. Undecorated. 182 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware White Improved Earthenware Plate 0 1 1 Brown annular stripe along rim. edge Possibly copper lustre/tea leaf motif. Rim diameter 10ʺ. 183 Structural Electric ‐ Porcelain Insulator 0 1 1 Unglazed. Height 2‐3/16ʺ 184 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Japanese Porcelain Decanter 0 3 3 Blue and white transfer print. Rim/neck. 185 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Drinking Vessel Japanese Porcelain Cup 0 1 1 Blue and white bamboo and bird motif on exterior. 3ʺ rim diam. 186 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Japanese Porcelain Plate 0 1 1 Blue and white chrysanthemum and ying‐yang design. 7ʺ rim diam. 187 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Indefinite Japanese Porcelain Bowl or Cup 0 1 1 Bowl or straight‐sided cup. Blue underglaze with green transfer print underglaze. Rim. 188 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Drinking Vessel Japanese Porcelain Cup 0 1 1 Clear exterior and interior with seafoam‐green overglaze pattern around the circumference of rim. Flared rim. 189 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Chinese Porcelain Bowl 0 2 1 Red underglaze, green overglaze and goldfish motif on exterior body and red underglaze diamond and dot alternating floral pattern band around exterior rim. Red bat underglaze bottom interior. Peckk mar on bottom center. 5ʺ rim diam. 190 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Serving Porcelaneous Stoneware Teapot 0 3 1 Japanese. Gray boded, gray glazed exterior, applied floral slip decoration, brown glazed rim. Unglazed interior, maker tool marks in paste. Unglazed base. Body, base, and rim. 191 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Porcelain Dish 0 2 1 Hexagonal panel, brown glaze drip along rim, unglazed foot ring. 192 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Japanese Porcelain Bowl 0 1 1 Blue and white. Body. 193 Indefinite Use Indefinite Indefinite Japanese Porcelain Hollow 0 1 1 Blue and white underglazed transfer print. Print band design. Unglazed interior. 194 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Serving White Improved Earthenware Platter 0 1 1 Oval shaped. Plain round. Brim. 195 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware White Improved Earthenware Plate 0 1 1 Plain/round. 7‐1/2ʺ rim diam., 4‐1/2ʺ foot diam. 196 Domestic Indefinite Indefinite Chinese Brown Glazed Hollow 0 1 0 Base. Unglazed. Stoneware 197 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Porcelain Dish 0 3 1 Japanese blue and white. Fragments mend. Rim, body, base. 198 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Indefinite Porcelain Hollow 0 1 1 Japanese blue and whited ban design around heel and rim. Unglazed, molded horizontal striations interior. 199 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Porcelain Large Bowl 0 1 1 Japanese blue and white with alternating cherry blossom motif and blue band near heel on exterior. Blue band on interior bottom of bowl with indeciferable center design. 3ʺ foot diam. 200 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Porcelain Bowl 0 1 1 201 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Porcelain Bowl 0 1 1 Japanese blue and white motif on interior, blue bands on exterior. Unglazed base. Body/heel/base. 202 Domestic Indefinite Indefinite Porcelain Hollow 0 1 1 Japanese blue and white. Body w/ design on exterior, no design on interior. 203 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Chinese Brown Glazed Hollow 0 3 0 Unglazed interior. Body. Stoneware 204 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware White Improved Earthenware Plate 0 1 1 Scalloped edge and embossed motif that resembles a scroll pattern leading into a single bluebell‐shaped motif. 9‐1/2ʺ rim diam. 205 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware White Improved Earthenware Plate 0 1 1 Plain/round. Undecorated. Rim/brim. 72‐1/ ʺ diam. 206 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Opaque Porcelain Hollow 0 1 1 Rim. 207 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Opaque Porcelain Bowl 0 1 1 5‐1/2ʺ rim diam. Rim/body. 208 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Porcelain Bowl 0 1 1 Scalloped‐edged with molded relief. Molded relief has scroll work with dot and diaper. Pink and green floral overglazed decal. Approx. 7‐ 1/2ʺ rim diam. 209 Domestic Indefinite Indefinite Earthenware Hollow 0 1 1 Majolica. Maroon colored glazed exterior body with cream colored glazed floral relief. Cream body. White glazed interior. 210 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware White Improved Earthenware Bowl 0 1 1 Rim. Green and pink floral overglaze decoration. Gold gilding along rim. 7‐1/2ʺ rim diam. 211 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware White Improved Earthenware Bowl 0 1 1 Flared rim. Undecorated. 5‐1/2ʺ rim diam. 212 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware White Improved Earthenware Bowl 0 1 1 Base. 3‐1/2ʺ foot diam. 213 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware White Improved Earthenware Bowl 0 1 1 Straight‐sided. Undecorated. Rim/body/base. 214 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Porcelain Medium Bowl 0 2 1 Green and pink floral decal overglaze design in bottom center. Scalloped edge, gold gilding along rim. Rim/body. 3ʺ foot diam. 215 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Porcelain Medium Plate 0 2 1 Scalloped edge, green and pink overglazed floral design in bottom center. 216 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Drinking Vessel Japanese Porcelain Sake Cup 0 1 1 Molded. Rim with blue underglazed that fades as it moves towards the body. Blue glaze is on both the interior and exterior. 1ʺ foot diam. 2‐ 3/4ʺ rim diam. 217 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Porcelain Plate 0 1 1 Molded scroll relief along brim, scalloped‐ edged, pink sponge decoration along rim. 8ʺ rim diam. 218 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Porcelain Large Plate 0 4 1 Green and pink rose decal. Fragments mend. Base. 219 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Porcelain Saucer 0 1 1 Green leaf decal overglaze along the brim and gold gilding along recessed cup indentation. 4ʺ foot diam. 221 Structural Hardware Plumbing Opaque Porcelain Sink 0 1 1 Base of sink with drainage hole in center. White glazed interior and exterior. 222 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container White Improved Earthenware Jar 0 1 1 Interior and exterior glazed. Recessed lid foot. Rim measures 2.5ʺ diameter. >3ʺ height. 223 Activities Pets ‐ Opaque Porcelain Bird Feeder 0 1 1 Paneled molded cylindrical ring with manʹs face. Unglazed interior. 224 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Drinking Vessel Porcelain Cup 0 2 1 Molded heel. 3ʺ rim diam., 2‐ 1/2ʺ foot diam. 225 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Drinking Vessel Porcelain Cup 0 1 1 Tea cup w/ handle. Gold floral decal decoration going around the diameter of rim. 4ʺ rim diam. 226 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Drinking Vessel Porcelain Cup 0 1 1 Gold gilding around circumference of vessel near rim. Body/rim. 227 Indefinite Use Indefinite Indefinite Opaque Porcelain Handle 0 1 1 Domestic or personal pitcher. Molded. 228 Indefinite Use Indefinite Indefinite White Improved Earthenware Handle 0 1 1 Domestic or personal pitcher. Molded. 229 Indefinite Use Indefinite Indefinite White Improved Earthenware Handle 0 1 1 Possible handle to toiletry or beverage pitcher. Molded, undecorated. 230 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Drinking Vessel Porcelain Mug 0 4 1 Straight‐sided jar with flared base. 3ʺ foot diam. 231 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Drinking Vessel White Improved Earthenware Mug 0 4 1 Molded, flared rim. Handle missing. 4ʺ rim diam. 232 Indefinite Use Misc. Closures Closure White Improved Earthenware Lid 1 0 1 2‐1/4ʺ diameter base 233 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Porcelain Medium Plate 0 2 1 Floral decal overglaze along molded rim and center. 6‐1/2ʺ rim diam. Photo: 100‐3989 234 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Porcelain Plate 0 2 1 Pink and green floral decal overglaze along side/well. Unglazed base foot. Brim/side/well. 235 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Japanese Porcelain Bowl 0 1 1 Japanese blue and white. Base. 236 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Porcelain Plate 0 1 1 Scalloped edged, gold overglaze decal around circumference of rim/brim. 7ʺ rim diam. 237 Indefinite Use Indefinite Indefinite Chinese Brown Glazed Lid or Pan 0 1 1 Glazed interior and exterior. Exterior glaze is Stoneware not uniform. 238 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Drinking Vessel Porcelain Cup 0 1 1 Gold gilding along rim. Pink flower and green leaf decal motif along lip on interior and exterior. 239 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Opaque Porcelain Hollow 0 4 1 Body. All fragments mend. 240 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Drinking Vessel White Improved Earthenware Cup 0 1 1 Handle. Molded. Gold gilding along mold seam. 241 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Drinking Vessel White Improved Earthenware Cup 0 1 1 Molded. Undecorated. Rim/body. 242 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Drinking Vessel White Improved Earthenware Cup 0 1 1 Molded. Rim. 243 Indefinite Use Indefinite Indefinite White Improved Earthenware Hollow 0 1 1 Molded. Undecorated. Body. Possibly burnt. 244 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Drinking Vessel Porcelain Cup 0 2 1 Gold decal overglaze, molded body with broken handle. 245 Indefinite Use Indefinite Indefinite Opaque Porcelain Hollow 0 1 1 Curved panel molded. Base/body. Unglazed base foot. 246 Indefinite Use Indefinite Indefinite Porcelain Hollow 0 1 1 Molded. Undecorated. Body. 247 Indefinite Use Indefinite Indefinite Porcelain Hollow 0 1 1 Body 248 Indefinite Use Indefinite Indefinite White Improved Earthenware Hollow 0 1 1 Body. Undecorated. 249 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Drinking Vessel Porcelain Cup 0 1 1 Pink dogwood flower with green leaf and blue shadowing decal underglaze on ribbed molding. Body. 250 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Serving Opaque Porcelain Hollow 0 1 1 Lid. 6ʺ diam. 251 Indefinite Use Indefinite Indefinite Opaque Porcelain Indefinite 0 1 1 Base. Unglazed foot. Could be servingware platter or toiletry basin. 252 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Serving White Improved Earthenware Hollow 0 1 1 Oval serving dish, possibly part of a three‐part buffet serving set. Bead molding along handle rim, unglazed recessed lid seat. 253 Personal Grooming/Health Toiletry White Improved Earthenware Basin 0 1 1 Molded. Rim. Undecorated. 254 Indefinite Use Indefinite Indefinite Japanese Porcelain Hollow 0 4 1 Blue and white body fragments and conical‐ shaped fragment. Possible handle to tea pot. 255 Personal Grooming/Health Toiletry White Improved Earthenware Basin 0 2 1 Rim. Scalloped edge. 256 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Opium ‐ Stoneware Pipe Bowl 0 2 1 Reddish brown paste. Glazed exterior, unglazed interior. Specimen was glued together by YCHM. Bowl measures >2.5ʺ diameter. 257 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Opium ‐ Stoneware Pipe Bowl 0 1 1 Gray bodied, etched bands along side wall exterior and along top brim. Center shows evidence of etching of possible Chinese characters, but illegible due to fracture. Burnt. 258 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Drinking Vessel White Improved Earthenware Mug 0 1 1 Base/body. 259 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Serving White Improved Earthenware Bowl 0 1 1 Molded exterior. Body/base/foot. Evidence of makerʹs mark. 260 Indefinite Use Indefinite Indefinite Opaque Porcelain Hollow 0 1 1 Molded. Possible pitcher. 261 Indefinite Use Indefinite Indefinite Opaque Porcelain Hollow 0 1 0 Base. 262 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware White Improved Earthenware Plate 0 1 1 Rim/brim. Plain/round. 7‐1/2ʺ diam. 264 Personal Grooming/Health Toiletry Opaque Porcelain Pitcher 0 2 1 Base/body. Molded body. 265 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container White Improved Earthenware Hollow 0 2 1 Base/body. Mends together. 266 Domestic Food Storage Container Stoneware Jar 0 1 1 Unglazed redware. Rim and body 267 Indefinite Use Indefinite Indefinite Opaque Porcelain Hollow 0 1 1 Base/foot. 268 Indefinite Use Indefinite Indefinite Opaque Porcelain Hollow 0 1 1 Rim. 269 Personal Toys Tableware Porcelain Cup 0 1 1 Straight‐sided overglazedk pin and green handpainted floral design. Missing handled. 2‐ 3/4ʺ height and 1‐3/4ʺ rim diameter. 270 Personal Toys Teaset Porcelain Gravy Boat 0 1 1 Gravy boat with attached basin. Handle missing. Molded with overglazed purple flowers on molding on body with gold gilding on rim. 1‐3/4ʺ height, 2‐3/4ʺ length. 271 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware White Improved Earthenware Plate 0 5 0 Body, base, rim. No mends. 272 Indefinite Use Indefinite Indefinite White Improved Earthenware Body 0 5 0 Hollow/plate. 273 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Opaque Porcelain Plate 0 1 1 Base. Burnt. 274 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware White Improved Earthenware Saucer 0 1 1 Undecorated. Rim. 275 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Drinking Vessel White Improved Earthenware Cup 0 1 1 Undecorated. Rim. 276 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Drinking Vessel White Improved Earthenware Cup 0 1 1 Molded. Rim. 277 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Opaque Porcelain Plate or Saucer 0 1 1 Rim. 278 Domestic Food Storage Container Stoneware Jar 1 0 1 Clear interior and exterior glaze. 2‐1/2ʺ height, 1‐14/15ʺ base diam., 1.5ʺ rim diam. 279 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Opaque Porcelain Saucer 0 1 1 Rim/brim. 280 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Opaque Porcelain Saucer 0 1 1 Base/body. 281 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Opaque Porcelain Saucer 0 1 1 Rim. 282 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Opaque Porcelain Saucer 0 1 1 Base/body. 283 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 80 0 Body, rim, and base. Stoneware 284 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware White Improved Earthenware Small Bowl or Saucer 0 1 1 Pink floral with green leaf handpainted motif overglaze with green transfer print. Flared lip. Rim. 285 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Serving White Improved Earthenware Hollow 0 1 1 Possibly oval shaped. Molded, handpainted rose motif and transfer‐print leaves. Gold gilding on scalloped edge. 286 Domestic Food Storage Container Stoneware Crock 0 5 1 Black interior glaze, brown exterior glaze. Burnt. Base 5‐1/2ʺ diameter. Possibly Euro‐ American stoneware. 287 Domestic Food Storage Container Stoneware Crock 0 1 1 Gray bodied, gray salt‐glazed with handpainted cobalt leaf design exterior. Brown interior glaze. Body. 288 Structural Materials ‐ Ceramic Sewer Pipe 0 3 0 Brown‐glazed, red bodied. 289 Domestic Food Storage Container Stoneware Crock 0 1 1 Albany slip interior, Bristol slip exterior, buff paste, base. 290 Domestic Food Storage Container Chinese Brown Glazed Crock 0 1 1 Gray body, unglazed exterior with brown Stoneware glazed interior. Body. 291 Domestic Food Storage Container Stoneware Crock 0 1 1 Albany slip interior, salt‐glazed Bristol slip exterior. Buff body. Body. 292 Structural Materials ‐ Brick Brick 0 1 0 293 Domestic Food Storage Container Chinese Brown Glazed Jar 0 8 1 Shouldered jar. 8ʺ height, 4ʺ base diam. Stoneware 295 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Cobalt Glass Bottle 0 8 1 Cylindrical, wide mouth tooled patent finish. Two fragments mend together. Neck/finish, shoulder, body. Outer lip diameter measures 1‐ 3/4ʺ 296 Activities Writing Container Aqua Glass Ink Bottle 1 0 1 Cylindrical, stepped shoulder, tooled double bead finish, recessed body for label application, flared heel, cup‐bottom mold. 2‐2/3ʺ height, 2‐ 1/2ʺ base diam. 297 Domestic Furnishings ‐ Common‐pottery Flowerpot 0 1 1 Body. Buff paste, terra cotta, unglazed. 298 Personal Grooming/Health Container Colorless Glass Medicine Bottle 1 0 1 Paneled, straight sided body, french square base, tooled prescription finish. 4ʺ height, 1‐ 3/4ʺ base width. 299 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 1 0 1 Cylindrical, rounded shoulder, small push‐up. Laid on finish. 9.5ʺ height, 2.5ʺ base diam. 300 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 1 0 1 Cylindrical, rounded shoulder, deep kick‐up with large mamalon, applied laid‐on finish. 10ʺ height, 2.5ʺ base diam. 301 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 1 0 1 Cylindrical, sloped shoulder, tooled double ring finish. 11.5ʺ height, 3ʺ base diam. 302 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 1 0 1 Cylindrical, sloped shoulder, tooled ring finish, turn molded. 9.5ʺ height, 2.5ʺ base diam. 303 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 1 0 1 Cylindrical, rounded shoulder, tooled double ring finish, small conical push‐up. 10ʺ height, 2.5ʺ base diam. 304 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 1 0 1 Cylindrical, sloped shoulder, tooled ring finish, shallow concave base, 2‐piece mold with separate base. 10ʺ height, 2.5ʺ base diam. 305 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 1 0 1 Cylindrical, sloped shoulder, 2‐piece mold with separate base, tooled ring finish, shallow concave base. 9‐3/4ʺ height, 2.5ʺ base diam. 306 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 1 0 1 Cylindrical, sloped shoulder, flat indented base, turn molded, tooled glob finish. 9.5ʺ height, 2.5ʺ base diam. 307 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 1 0 1 Cylindrical, sloped shoulder, tooled double ring finish, flat indentation 4base.ʺ 9‐3/ height, 2.5ʺ base diam. 308 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 1 0 1 Cylindrical, rounded shoulder, applied double ring finish. Flat indentation base. 11.5ʺ height, 2‐1/8ʺ base diameter. Body slightly melted. 309 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 5 1 Cylindrical, rounded shoulders, applied double ring finish, rounded conical push‐up. Dip molded. 9‐3/4ʺ height,4 2ʺ ‐1/ base diam. 310 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 1 0 1 Cylindrical, rounded shoulder, tooled ring finish, dome push‐up, turn molded. 11ʺ height, 3ʺ base diam. 311 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 1 0 1 Cylindrical, rounded shoulder, cup‐bottom mold, tooled ring finish. 9.5ʺ height, 2.5ʺ base diam. 312 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 5 1 Cylindrical, rounded shoulder, applied double ring finish, dip molded, small bell‐shaped push‐ up. 9.5ʺ height, 2.5ʺ base diam. 313 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Cylindrical, sloped shoulder, applied double ring finish, dip mold, push‐up mising. 11.5ʺ height, approx. 3ʺ base diameter (mostly missing). 314 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Cylindrical, rounded shoulders, dome push‐up, turn molded. Broken 5neck.ʺ >8. height, 2.5ʺ base diam. 315 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Cylindrical, rounded shoulder, 2‐piece cup‐ bottom mold, shallow, concave kick‐up. Possibly tooled finish. 316 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 3 1 Cylindrical, push up evident. Body. Burned. 317 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 3 1 Cylindrical, base with push up. Base, shoulder, body. No mends. 318 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Cylindrical, rounded shoulder. Lip and body/shoulder. No mends. 319 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 6 1 Cylindrical, applied blob finish, dome push up, base, body, finish. 2.5ʺ base diameter. 320 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Cylindrical, double ring finish, flat indentation push up. Base. No mends. 2.5ʺ base diameter. 321 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Cylindrical, applied double bead finish, conical push‐up, no side seams, possibly turn molded. Base and finish. 322 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Cylindrical, applied blob finish, flat, indented base, turn molded. 323 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Cylindrical, applied double bead finish, dome base. 3ʺ base diameter. 324 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic ‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Tooled ring finish. 325 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 5 1 Cylindrical, sloped down shoulder, tooled ring finish, dome push up with four scars from mold, dip molded. 3ʺ base diameter. 326 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Cylindrical, rounded shoulder, tooled ring finish, dip molded. Neck. 327 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 3 1 Cylindrical, dome push up, turn molded. Base. 328 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Cylindrical, applied double bead or double ring, dome push up. Base. 2.5ʺ base diameter. 329 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Cylindrical, sloped down shoulder, dome push up, turn molded. Shoulder/body. 330 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 3 1 Cylindrical, rounded shoulder. Body and shoulder. 331 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Cylindrical, sloped shoulder, tooled double ring finish. Neck. 332 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Cylindrical, applied double ring finish, turn molded, large mamalon kick‐up. 3ʺ base diameter. 333 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Cylindrical, rounded shoulder, flat indentation push up, dip and turn molded. No mends. 334 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Cylindrical, rounded shoulder, turn molded. Body and finish. No mends. 335 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Cylindrical, dome push‐up. Base. Fragments mend. 3ʺ base diameter. 336 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 3 1 Cylindrical, turn molded. Body. 337 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Cylindrical, tooled double ring finish, turn molded, dome push‐up. Base/body. 338 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Cylindrical, shallowe concav push up, turn molded. Base. 3‐1/4ʺ base diameter. 340 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Cylindrical, applied ring finish, small mamalon kick‐up, turn molded. Base. 341 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Cylindrical, dome push‐up. Base. 3ʺ base diameter. 342 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Cylindrical, cup‐bottom mold. Base. 2.5ʺ base diameter. 343 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Cylindrica, evidence of push up, but type unknown, heel. 344 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Cylindrical, turn molded, push up evident, but type unknown. Heel. 2.5ʺ base diameter. 345 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Cylindrical, heel. Fragments mend. 346 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Cylindrical, large mamalon push up. Heel/base. 347 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Cylindrical, body. 348 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Cylindrical, evidence of push up, heel. 349 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Cylindrical, dome push up, turn molded. Base. 2.5ʺ base diameter. 351 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Blob finish (possibly tooled). 352 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Ring finish, dip mold. Shoulder and lip. No mends. 353 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Cylindrical, tooled double ring finishdome push‐up. Finish and heel. Approx. 3.5ʺ base diameter. 354 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Cylindrical, turn molded, push‐up evident, but unknown type. Base. 355 Personal Misc. Containers Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage or 0 2 1 Cylindrical, possibly turn molded. Neck. Bitters Bottle 356 Personal Misc. Containers Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage or 0 1 1 Cylindrical. Body. Bitters Bottle 357 Personal Misc. Containers Container Green Glass Alcoholic‐beverage or 0 1 1 Cylindrical, sloped shoulder, turn molded. Bitters Bottle Shoulder. 358 Personal Misc. Containers Container Olive Glass Alcoholic beverage or 0 105 0 Body and base. No mends. bitters bottle 360 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 The ʺ15ʺ marked on base may indicate year of manufacture, which would correspond with Toulouse reference (1915). Cylindrical, rounded shoulder, tooled tfinish, bu finish has been broken off, post‐bottom mold. Base measures 2.5ʺ diameter, >8.5ʺ height. 361 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 3 1 Cylindrical, sloped shoulders, tooled double ring finish, push up evident, but base melted. >9ʺ height. 362 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 1 0 1 Cylindrical, sloped down shoulder, tooled double ring finish, dome push‐up,n tur molded. 9‐3/4ʺ height, 2.5ʺ base diameter. 363 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Cylindrical, dome push‐up, post‐bottom mold, sloped down shoulder. Neck broken. Height measures >8.5ʺ 364 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 3 1 Cylindrical, sloped shoulder, tooled double ring finish, turn molded. Finish, body, shoulder. Some fragments mend together. 365 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Brown Glass Bottle 1 0 1 Straight sided, horizontal shoulder, wide mouth, tooled patent finish. Square with rounded corners base. Post‐bottom mold. Bore 1‐3/4ʺ base diam., 5‐1/4ʺ height, 2ʺ base width. 366 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Tooled brandy finish, horizontal shoulder, cup‐ bottom mold flask. Base measures 3ʺ x 1ʺ; height measures 6.5ʺ. 367 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 7 1 Cylindrical, sloped down shoulder, applied double ring finish, dome push‐up, turn molded. All fragments mend. Height 12ʺ, base diameter 3ʺ. 368 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Cylindrical, sloped shoulder, cup‐bottom mold, turn molded, rounded cone kick‐up. Height measures >10.5ʺ. Neck/finish broken/missing. 369 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 7 1 Cylindrical, sloped shoulder, bottom cup molded, embossed line around start of shoulder. >8ʺ height, 2.5ʺ base diam. The ʺ20ʺ in the base mark indicates that the bottle was manufactures in the Oakland, Calif. Plant. The bottle probably dates ca. 1940. 370 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 4 1 Oval, 3 flat side, 2 chamfered corner base, straight body, sloped shoulder. Body, base. Height measures >4ʺ, base measures 2‐1/4ʺ x 1‐ 1/4ʺ. 371 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic ‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Carroll Rye Whiskey flask. Vertical ribbed molding along heel; oval, 3‐sided, 2 chamfered corners base. 372 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 3 1 Ribbed molding along heel resembles the design of Carroll Rye Whiskey. French square base. Base dimension measures >2.5ʺ. No mends. Heel/body. 373 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 4 1 Tooled brandy finish, straight body, horizontal shoulder. Finish/shoulder, body. No mends. 374 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 4 1 Flask, flat‐sided oval base. <3.5ʺ height. 375 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 5 1 Straight sided, horizontal shoulder, tooled brandy finish. Probably an oval, 3‐sided, 2 chamfered corner base. 376 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Ribbed vertical molding along heel. Straight sided; oval, 3‐sided, 2 chamfered corner base. Carroll Rye Whiskey flask. 377 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle0151 Cylindrical, cone push‐up. Base and body. Two base fragments mend together. Base measures <3ʺ diameter. 378 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 1 0 1 Continuous threaded finish. Rounded shoulder. Probably oval base. Flask. Melted. 379 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle0151 Cylindrical, sloped shoulder, tooled double ring finish, turn molded; push‐up evident, but broken. 7 fragments mend together (body and finish). Body, finish, base. Base measures >2.5ʺ 380 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle0171 Cylindrical. Body, base and neck. Melted, mold type unknown. 381 Personal Grooming/Health Container Brown Glass Bitters Bottle 0 3 1 French square base. 2‐piece post mold. Height measures <6ʺ, 2.5ʺ base width. 382 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 4 1 Possible alcohol flask. One fragment has unidentified embossment near shoulder. Body. No mends. 383 Personal Grooming/Health Container Brown Glass Bitters Bottle 0 3 1 Square with rounded corners. Body. No mends. 384 Personal Grooming/Health Container Brown Glass Bitters Bottle 0 1 1 Side body fragment with undulating rims that meet to beading along the corner seam. This molding design resembles the Drakeʹs Plantation Bitters bottle design. Square or rectangular body shape. Body. 385 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 4 1 Cylindrical, post‐bottom mold. Base and body. Base diameter measures 2.5ʺ. No mends. 386 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Cylindrical, has side seams, but mold type unknown. Body and shoulder. No mends. 387 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Cylindrical, bottom cup mold, tooled double ring finish with metal cap in bore. Body/heel and neck. 388 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 3 1 Cylindrical, mold type unknown. Body. Two fragments mend together 389 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 3 1 Cylindrical, base is flat with protruding ring surrounding a small mamalon. 390 Personal Misc. Containers Container Brown Glass Bottle 0 9 0 Flat, paneled body. No mends. Possible bitters or alcohol bottle. 391 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 7 1 Cylindrical, turn molded, applied double ring finish, dome push‐up with molded ʺdesignʺ in center. This is probably less a makerʹs mark and more evident of the design of the mold. 392 Personal Misc. Containers Container Brown Glass Bottle 0 3 1 Square rounded corner base, bead finish with 1.5ʺ diameter bore. Base is <2.5ʺ wide. Probably medicinal. 393 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Brown Glass Bottle 0 69 0 Body, base and fragments. No mends. 394 Indefinite Use Misc. Fasteners Fastener Brown Glass Club‐sauce Stopper 3 0 3 One specimen still has cork liner attached. 395 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 4 1 Applied double ring finish. Turn molded. Finish and one body fragment mend together. Finish and body. 396 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 3 1 Cylindrical. Has side seams, but mold type unknown. Body. >4.5ʺ height. 397 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Amber Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 6 1 Post‐bottom mold. Body, shoulder, and heel. No mends. 398 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Brown Glass Bottle 0 2 1 Straight‐sided body, sloped down shoulder, patent finish. Finish and base. 399 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Side seams, but mold type unknown. Body. >4ʺ height. 400 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Brown Glass Bottle 0 1 1 Cylindrical. Body. 401 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Amber Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 0 Body. 402 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 6 1 Turn molded. Body. 404 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Modern dimpling on top of fragment. Body. 405 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 0 Body. 406 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Base. 407 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Body. 408 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Flask 0 1 0 Cup‐bottom mold. Base/heel. 409 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Amber Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Lawton Rye Whiskey. Shoulder/body. 410 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Brown Glass Jug 0 1 1 Possibly square body. Post‐bottom mold, base. >5ʺ base diam. 411 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 4 1 Cylindrical, conical push‐up, turn molded. >6ʺ height, 3ʺ base diameter. 412 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Cylindrical, sloped down shoulders, tooled brandy finish, fluted neck. Base and finish. No mends. 413 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Cylindrical, double ring finish, post‐bottom mold, seam continues through finish. Base and finish. 3ʺ base diameter. 414 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 2 1 Cylindrical, turn molded, flat indentationh pus ‐ up. Base/heel. <2.5ʺ height, 2.5ʺ base diameter. 415 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Conical push‐up, turn molded. Base/heel/body. 3ʺ base diameter. >4ʺ height. 416 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Bottle 0 1 1 Sloped down shoulder, tooled brandy finish. >4.5ʺ height. 417 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Cylindrical, conical push‐up, turn molded. >3ʺ base diameter. 418 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Cylindrical, flat indentation push‐up, turn molded. Base. >1.5ʺ height, 2.5ʺ base diameter. 419 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Brown Glass Bottle 0 1 1 Bottom‐cup mold. Base/heel. 420 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Kick‐up evident, but unidentifiable. Turn molded. Base/heel. 421 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Brown Glass Bottle 0 1 1 Cylindrical, bottom‐cup molded. Evidence of letter embossing along heel, but illegible. Dimpling along bottom‐cup mold seam. Base. 422 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Brown Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Turn molded, conical kick‐up, base. 2.5ʺ base diameter. 423 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Brown Glass Bottle 0 1 1 Modern dimpling on base (modern). Base. >2‐ 1/4ʺ base diam. 424 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Brown Glass Bottle 0 1 1 Cup‐bottom mold, base. 425 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Brown Glass Bottle 0 1 1 Tooled crown cap finish. >2‐1/2ʺ height. 426 Indefinite Use Misc. Fasteners Fastener Copper‐alloy Cap 0 1 0 Threaded base with removalable lid with rilling along the edges. 1‐1/8ʺ base diameter. 427 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Brown Glass Bottle 0 1 1 Possible push‐up. Base/heel. 428 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Closure Opaque Porcelain Lightning Stopper 0 2 1 Stopper and fragment of bail. 429 Personal Grooming/Health Container Aqua Glass Vial 2 4 4 Chinese medicine. Straight sided, sheared finish. One vial is missing bottom half, but appears to be the same measurement as others. Approximately 2.5ʺ height, approx. 0.5ʺ x 6/16ʺ base dimensions. 430 Personal Grooming/Health Container Colorless Glass Vial 4 1 5 Cylindrical, sloped down shoulders, tooled patent finish. 1‐3/4ʺ height 431 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Amethyst Glass Bottle 0 3 1 Tooled prescription finish cup mold, sloped down shoulders, rectangular rounded sides base. Height 7‐1/4ʺ; Base dimensions 2‐3/4ʺ x 1‐ 3/8ʺ 432 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Colorless Glass Bottle 0 1 1 Straight‐sided body, tooled patent finish with ball neck, sloped down shoulders, rectangular, chamfered corners, cup‐bottom mold, 4 recessed panels. 6ʺ height, 1‐3/4ʺ x 1‐15/16ʺ base dimensions. 433 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Colorless Glass Bottle 1 0 1 Straight‐sided body, tooled patent finish, sloped down shoulders, square with chamfered corners, cup‐bottom mold. 6.5ʺ height, 2ʺ x 2ʺ base dimensions. 434 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Colorless Glass Bottle 1 0 1 Cylindrical, tooled patent finish, horizontal shoulders. 6.5ʺ height, 1‐3/8ʺ base diameter. 435 Personal Misc. Containers Container Colorless Glass Bottle 0 1 1 Tooled prescription finish, Philadelphia oval, 2‐ piece mold. 4.5ʺ height, 1‐1/8ʺ x 2ʺ base dimensions. 436 Personal Misc. Containers Container Colorless Glass Bottle 1 0 1 Tooled prescription finish, Philadelphia oval base, rounded shoulders, tooled prescription finish, flat body panel for label adhesion. 8.5ʺ height, 3.5ʺ x 2ʺ base dimensions. 437 Personal Misc. Containers Container Colorless Glass Bottle 1 0 1 Straight‐sided body, Philadelphia oval, tooled prescription finish, one flat panel on body for label adhesion. 6.5ʺ height, 2‐5/8ʺ x5 1.ʺ base dimensions. 438 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Colorless Glass Bottle 1 0 1 Cylindrical, tooled prescription finish, sloped down shoulders, cup‐bottom mold. Cork still in neck. 4ʺ height, 1.5ʺ base diameter. 439 Domestic Food Storage Container Aqua Glass Jar 1 0 1 Cylindrical, applied bead finish with neck ring near shoulder, sloped down shoulders, 3‐part dip mold, flat indentation push‐up. 5‐1/2ʺ height, 3ʺ base diam., 1‐1/4ʺ outer lip diam. 440 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Colorless Glass Bottle 1 0 1 Tooled patent finish, flat‐sided oval base, sloped down shoulders, cup‐bottom mold. 5‐ 1/4ʺ height, base 1‐1/8ʺ x 2ʺ. 441 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Colorless Glass Bottle 1 0 1 Cylindrical, tooled patent finish, 3‐part dip mold. 6ʺ height, 2‐1/4ʺ base diameter, 1ʺ inner bore diameter 442 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Green Glass Bottle 0 4 1 Cylindrical. Body. 443 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Aqua Glass Bottle 0 5 1 Possibly Dr. S. Pitcherʹs Castoria bottle. Straight‐sided, rectangular, rounded corners, 4 recessed body panels, bottom‐cup molded. Base and body. >1‐3/4ʺ x 1ʺ base dimensions. 445 Personal Grooming/Health Container Green Glass Bottle 0 1 1 Square body. Body. 446 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Aqua Glass Bottle 0 2 1 Rectangular or ovoid body shape with side panels, sloped down shoulders. Mold seams extend up to tooled finish (finish type unknown). Shoulder and body. No mends. 447 Domestic Food Storage Container Aqua Glass Bottle 0 2 1 Straight‐sided, horizontal shoulder, square body, tooled brandy finish. Finish and body. 448 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Container Aqua Glass Bottle 0 1 1 Square body, straight sided, tooled brandy finish. Primrose Salad Oil bottle. >8ʺ height. 449 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Aqua Glass Bottle 0 2 1 Cylindrical, sloped down shoulder, tooled ring finish, cup‐bottom mold. Approx. 9ʺ height, 2‐ 1/4ʺ base diam. 450 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Green Glass Bottle 0 2 1 Large size. Body and heel. 451 Personal Grooming/Health Container Colorless Glass Vial 1 0 1 Chinese medicine. Straight‐sided, sloped down shoulder, sheared finish, rectangular, rounded corners. >2.5ʺ height, 3/4 x 7/8ʺ base dimensions. 452 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Green Glass Bottle 0 1 1 Cylindrical, bottom‐cup mold, flat indentation base. Probably soda‐pop bottle. Base/heel. >2ʺ base diameter. 453 Indefinite Use Health or Food Container Teal Glass Mineral‐water Bottle 0 3 1 Tooled blob‐top finish. Finish and body. No mends. 454 Personal Grooming/Health Container Aqua Glass Vial 1 0 1 Chinese medicine. Tapered body, sloped down shoulder, sheared finish, oval base. >2‐3/4ʺ height, 1ʺ x 3/4ʺ base dimensions. 455 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Aqua Glass Bottle 0 2 1 Cylindrical, rounded shoulder, tooled bead finish. Shoulder and finish. 456 Indefinite Use Indefinite Indefinite Aqua Glass Indefinite 0 2 0 Melted. 457 Personal Grooming/Health Container Green Glass Vial 0 2 2 Chinese medicine. Tapered body. >11ʺ height, >3/4ʺ x 1/4ʺ base dimensions. 458 Domestic Food Storage Container Opaque‐white Glass Jar 0 1 1 Cylindrical base. >1‐1/2ʺ height, 2‐1/8ʺ base diam. 459 Personal Grooming/Health Container Opaque‐white Glass Jar 1 0 1 Flared heel, recessed cap seat. 3/4ʺ height, 1‐ 3/4ʺ base diameter. 460 Personal Grooming/Health Container Opaque‐white Glass Jar 1 0 1 Threaded, bottom‐cup mold, flat indentation push‐up. 2ʺ height, 14‐3/ ʺ base diameter. 461 Personal Grooming/Health Container Opaque‐white Glass Jar 0 2 1 Single threaded, wide mouth finish, squat body, beveled cylindrical body. Could be Vaseline or Pondʹs Cold Cream. >1ʺ height, 2‐ 1/4ʺ base diameter. 462 Personal Misc. Containers Container Opaque‐white Glass Jar 1 0 1 Cylindrical, threaded finish, bottom‐cup mold, flat indentation push‐up. 2ʺ height, 1‐3/4ʺ base diameter. 463 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Opaque‐white Glass Jar 1 0 1 Cylindrical, threaded finish, recessed body center for label adhesion, base thicker than body center, flat indentation push‐up. 3ʺ height, 2.5ʺ base diameter. 464 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Opaque‐white Glass Jar 0 1 1 Cylindrical, recessed cap seat finish, recessed body center for label adhesion. >1.5ʺ height. 465 Indefinite Use Indefinite Indefinite Opaque‐powder blue Glass Indefinite 0 1 1 Molded body. 466 Domestic Misc. Closures Closure Opaque‐white Glass Lid 0 1 1 Scalloped edged, square/rectangular ‐shaped dish or decorative box. Top of lid has floral and beaded embossing. Corner. 467 Domestic Heating/Lighting Lamp Opaque‐white Glass Shade 0 2 1 Fused green and opaque‐white glass (green exterior, white interior). Molded. Base/rim. 468 Personal Grooming/Health Container Aqua Glass Vial 1 0 1 Chinese medicine. Melted. >1.5ʺ height, 1/2ʺ x 1/2ʺ base dimensions. 469 Personal Grooming/Health Container Aqua Glass Vial 0 1 1 Chinese medicine. Tapered body, sloped down shoulders, sheared finish. >2ʺ height, 14ʺ ʺ x 3/ base dimensions. 470 Domestic Food Storage Container Aqua Glass Canning Jar 0 2 1 Cylindrical, post‐bottom mold. >3ʺ base diam. 471 Domestic Food Storage Container Aqua Glass Canning Jar 0 3 1 Base and body. Two body fragments mend together. 472 Domestic Food Storage Container Aqua Glass Canning Jar 0 3 1 Threaded finish, possibly cup‐bottom mold, seems run through finish. No mends. Body. 473 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Aqua Glass Indefinite 0 34 0 Body. 474 Domestic Food Storage Container Aqua Glass Canning Jar 0 2 1 Heel and body. No mends. 475 Structural Materials ‐ Aqua Glass Window 0 121 0 477 Domestic Food Storage Container Aqua Glass Canning Jar 0 2 1 Wax seal finish and base. No mends. 3ʺ rim diam. 478 Domestic Heating/Lighting Electric Colorless Glass and Copper Light Bulb 0101 […](outside lightbulb illustration)N.P. 5036 Alloy Filament and lightbulb base. 479 Domestic Food Container Aqua Glass Soda‐pop Bottle 0 1 1 Cylindrical, bottom‐cup mold, base. 2‐1/2ʺ base diam. 480 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Aqua Glass Bottle 0 1 1 Large size, tooled ring finish, sloped down shoulders. Lip to shoulder height measures approx. 4‐1/4ʺ height. 481 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Aqua Glass Indefinite 0 1 1 Cylindrical, bottom post mold Concentric rings in center from mold. Base. 3ʺ base diam. 482 Domestic Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Aqua Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Rippling along base rest. Base. 2‐1/4ʺ base diam. 483 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Aqua Glass Bottle 0 1 1 Cylindrical, rounded shoulder, tooled patent finish. Finish/shoulder. 484 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Container Aqua Glass Worcestershire Bottle 0 1 1 Cylindrical, post‐bottom mold. Base. >2ʺ base diam. 485 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Aqua Glass Bottle 0 1 1 Tooled prescription finish. >1‐3/4ʺ height. 486 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Aqua Glass Bottle 0 3 1 Cylindrical, tooled packer finish, embossed line around circumference of shoulder. Finish and body. No mends. 487 Domestic Heating/Lighting Electric Colorless Glass Light Bulb 0 1 1 Filament. 488 Domestic Food Container Green Glass Soda‐pop Bottle 0 1 1 White line adhesive decal. Body. 489 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Container Aqua Glass Bottle 0 2 1 Crown cap finish. No mends. 490 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Aqua Glass Bottle 0 1 1 Cylindrical. Base. 491 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Aqua Glass Bottle 0 1 1 Possibly tooled finish. Lip missing. Finish. 492 Indefinite Use Indefinite Indefinite Aqua Glass Indefinite 0 1 0 Melted. 493 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Aqua Glass Indefinite 0 1 1 Body. 494 Domestic Food Container Aqua Glass Soda‐water Bottle 0 1 1 Cylindrical, turn molded, heel. 495 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Aqua Glass Indefinite 0 1 1 Base. >2ʺ base diameter. 496 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Aqua Glass Bottle 0 2 1 Straight sided, bead finish. Lip and body/corner. No mends. 497 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Aqua Glass Indefinite 0 2 1 Heel. No mends. 498 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Drinking Vessel Aqua Glass Stemware 0 1 1 Molded with horizontal embossed ribbing. Body. 499 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Aqua Glass Bottle 0 1 1 Straight‐sided, rounded shoulder, body/corner. 500 Personal Grooming/Health Container Colorless Glass Medicine Bottle 0 1 1 Straight sided. Body/corner. 501 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Colorless Glass Bottle 0 1 1 Sloped down shoulder, tooled prescription finish. 502 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Colorless Glass Bottle 0 1 1 Tooled prescription finish. 503 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Colorless Glass Bottle 0 1 1 Straight sided body, scooped shoulder, tooled prescription finish. Finish/shoulder. 504 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Colorless Glass Bottle 0 1 1 Flat‐sided oval base, straight sided, sloped down shoulder, tooled prescription finish. Finish/shoulder/body. >3ʺ height. 505 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Colorless Glass Bottle 0 1 1 Tooled prescription finish, flat‐sided oval body, horizontal shoulder. Finish/shoulder. 506 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Colorless Glass Bottle 0 2 1 Rectangle with rounded corners, cup‐bottom mold. Heel and body. No mends. 507 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Colorless Glass Bottle 0 1 1 Body. 508 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Colorless Glass Bottle 0 4 1 Rectangular, rounded corner body, tooled prescription finish, cup‐bottom mold. Base and finish. 509 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Colorless Glass Bottle 0 2 1 Cup‐bottom mold base and brandy finish. Shattered. 510 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Colorless Glass Bottle 0 2 1 Rectangular, rounded sides base, straight sided, cup‐bottom mold. Base and body. 511 Indefinite Use Misc. Fasteners Fastener Colorless Glass Bottle 1 2 2 Club sauce stopper. Fragmented specimen is melted, but mends. 512 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Colorless Glass Indefinite 0 105 0 Body. No mends. 514 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Serving Colorless Glass Bowl 0 1 1 Pressed. Oval body. Grand/New Grand design. Flared lip. 515 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Indefinite Colorless Glass Indefinite 0 1 1 Possible lid. Pressed. Grand/New Grand design. Flared lip. 516 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Colorless Glass Decanter 0 1 1 Pressed. Possibly Pennsylvania or Long Star. Base foot diameter measures 5‐1/4ʺ, >5ʺ height. 517 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Colorless Glass Decanter 0 1 1 Pressed. Possibly Heiseyʹs Colonial (peerless) design, ca. 1897. Heel. 518 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Serving Colorless Glass Compote Dish 0 1 1 Pressed (?). Hollowed base. Stand. 519 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Serving Colorless Glass Compote Dish 0 2 1 Pressed glass. Base/stand and bowl. No mends. 520 Structural Electric ‐ Colorless Glass Insulator 0 1 1 Beaded base/foot. 521 Indefinite Use Indefinite Indefinite Colorless Glass Indefinite 0 6 0 Amorphous, melted. 522 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Colorless Glass Bottle 0 2 1 Body/shoulder. No mends. 523 Domestic Heating/Lighting Indefinite Colorless Glass Chimney or light bulb 0410 Body. No mends. 524 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Colorless Glass Flask 0 9 0 Picnic flask. Body. No mends. 525 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Colorless Glass Flask 0 2 1 Picnic. Cup‐bottom mold, threaded finish. Finish/shoulder and body/base. No mends. 526 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Colorless Glass Flask 0 2 1 Picnic. Threaded finish with neck ring. Body/heel and finish. No mends. 527 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Colorless Glass Flask 0 1 1 Picnic. Cup‐bottom mold. Base/body. 528 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Colorless Glass Flask 0 2 1 Picnic. Tooled double bead finish. Cup‐bottom mold. Finish/shoulder and body. 529 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Colorless Glass Flask 0 2 1 Applied double bead finish, cup‐bottom mold. Base and shoulder/finish. 530 Domestic Heating/Lighting Lamp Colorless Glass Chimney 0 1 1 Scalloped edge upper rim. Rim measures >2ʺ diam. 531 Domestic Heating/Lighting Lamp Colorless Glass Chimney 0 2 1 Crimped upper rim. Fragments mend. Approx. 2‐3/4ʺ rim diam. 532 Domestic Heating/Lighting Lamp Colorless Glass Chimney 0 2 1 Scalloped edge, upper rim. Melted. 533 Domestic Heating/Lighting Lamp Colorless Glass Chimney 0 1 1 Crimped finish, upper rim. 2‐3/4ʺ diam. 534 Domestic Heating/Lighting Lamp Colorless Glass Chimney 0 1 1 Crimped upper rim. 2‐3/4ʺ rim diam. 535 Domestic Heating/Lighting Lamp Colorless Glass Chimney 0 1 1 Beaded upper rim. Rim >2‐1/2ʺ diam. 536 Domestic Heating/Lighting Lamp Colorless Glass Chimney 0 1 1 Beaded upper rim. 537 Domestic Heating/Lighting Lamp Colorless Glass Chimney 0 1 1 Lower rim/body. Slightly melted. Approx. 1‐ 1/2ʺ rim diam. 538 Domestic Heating/Lighting Lamp Colorless Glass Chimney 0 1 1 Upper rim and body. 3/4ʺ rim diam. 539 Domestic Heating/Lighting Lamp Opaque‐white Glass Shade 0142 One fragment has handpainted floral motif with green leaves and red flower. No mends. Body and base. 540 Domestic Heating/Lighting Lamp Colorless Glass Font 0 1 1 >4‐1/2ʺ height, 5‐1/2ʺ width. 541 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Colorless Glass Bottle 0 1 1 Body. 542 Personal Grooming/Health Container Colorless Glass Medicine Bottle 0 1 1 Straight sided body, recessed panels. Body. 543 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Serving Colorless Glass Caster 0 1 1 Mold blown with molded panels on shoulder. Paneled finish with threaded lip. >4ʺ height. 544 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Colorless Glass Bottle 0 1 1 Cylindrical, cup‐bottom mold.5 ʺ >5. height, 3‐ 1/8ʺ base diameter. 545 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Colorless Glass Bottle 0 4 1 Cylindrical, cup‐bottom mold. >4ʺ height, >2ʺ base diam. 546 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Container Colorless Glass Pepper sauce bottle 0 1 1 Molded body with horizontal ribbing. Corner/body. 547 Personal Grooming/Health Container Colorless Glass Vaseline jar 0 1 1 Shoulder. 548 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Colorless Glass Indefinite 0 1 1 Appled blue and green color floral decal. Body. 549 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Colorless Glass Bottle 0 2 1 Tooled brandy finish. >4ʺ height. 550 Indefinite Use Indefinite Indefinite Colorless Glass Indefinite 0 1 1 Vertical ribbing mold along one side. Melted. 551 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Colorless Glass Bottle 0 2 1 Union oval body, tooled prescription finish. Mends together. Finish/shoulder. 552 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Colorless Glass Bottle 0 3 1 Cylindrical, sloped down shoulder. Heel and body. 553 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Drinking Vessel Colorless Glass Stemware 0 1 1 Base. 554 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Drinking Vessel Colorless Glass Tumbler 0 3 1 Heel. 555 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Colorless Glass Bottle 0 1 1 Finish. Wide‐mouth patent finish with recessed lid seat. Outer lip measures 2‐1/8ʺ diameter. 556 Personal Accoutrements ‐ Colorless Glass Eyeglass lens 1 0 1 Melted. 557 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Colorless Glass Bottle 0 1 1 Finish. Flared lip with recessed lid seat. Outer lip diameter >2.5ʺ. 558 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Colorless Glass Bottle 0 2 1 Cylindrical, tooled patent finish, cup‐bottom mold. Base/heel, finish. 559 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Colorless Glass Bottle 0 2 1 Threaded finish. Finish and body. No mends. 560 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Amethyst Glass Bottle 0 2 1 Cylindrical, rounded shoulder. Shoulder/neck. 561 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Colorless Glass Bottle 0 1 1 Molded with sunburst design inside recessed panel on base. Straight sided vessel. Base. 562 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Colorless Glass Indefinite 0 7 0 Base and body. No mends. 563 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Opium Lamp Colorless Glass Base 1 0 1 3‐5/8ʺ diameter, 1ʺ depth at widest part. 564 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Opium Lamp Colorless Glass Base 0 1 1 566 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Opium Lamp Colorless Glass Font 0 2 1 Frosted, paneled body. Base of specimen has stem for insertion into glass opium base. No mends. 567 Activities Games ‐ Opaque‐white Glass Game Piece 5 0 5 Asian. 568 Activities Games ‐ Dark blue glass Game Piece 2 0 2 Asian. 569 Personal Clothing Fastener Bone Button 0 1 1 2‐eye pantywaist. Burned. 570 Personal Clothing Fastener Porcelain Button 4 0 4 4‐hole, smooth bevel rim. White. Measures 27 button lines. 571 Personal Clothing Fastener Porcelain Button 1 0 1 4‐hole, bevel rim. White. Measures 29 button lines. 572 Personal Clothing Fastener Porcelain Button 1 0 1 4‐hole bevel. rim Measures 28 button lines. 573 Personal Clothing Fastener Porcelain Button 2 0 2 4‐hole, bevel rim. White. Measures 25 button lines. 574 Personal Clothing Fastener Porcelain Button 1 0 1 4‐hole, bevel rim. White. Measures 24 button lines. 575 Personal Clothing Fastener Porcelain Button 2 0 2 4‐hole, bevel rim. Black. Measures 21 button lines. 577 Personal Clothing Fastener Pearl Button 1 0 1 4‐hole. Measures 17 button lines. 578 Personal Clothing Fastener Pearl Button 1 0 1 4‐hole. Measures 18 button lines. 579 Personal Clothing Fastener Porcelain Button 1 0 1 4‐hole bevel rim. White. Measures 17 button lines. 580 Domestic Heating/Lighting Lamp Graphite Arc ‐lamp Rod 0 12 12 Range in lengths: 4‐1/2ʺ‐5‐7/8ʺ. Diameters run in two sizes: 7/8ʺ or 1ʺ. 7 specimens are 1ʺ diameter thickness. 581 Domestic Heating/Lighting Lamp Graphite Arc‐lamp Rod 1 0 1 Whole/unused with recessed end with screw hole for mounting to lamp. 6‐1/4ʺ length, 7/8ʺ diameter. 582 Personal Accoutrements Closure Copper‐alloy Purse 0 2 1 Clasp/frame. >3ʺ wide. 583 Activities Transportation ‐ Ferrous Bicycle 0 16 1 Front fork, bike chain (n=4), headset components, pedal, hand grip, valve stem. 584 Indefinite Use Misc. Metal Items ‐ Ferrous Stove Burner 0 2 1 >6ʺ diameter. 585 Indefinite Use Misc. Metal Items ‐ Ferrous Stove Top 0 1 0 Has portion of opening with recessed burner seat. 586 Indefinite Use Misc. Metal Items ‐ Ferrous Stove 0 1 0 Possible stove/range cover. 588 Indefinite Use Misc. Closures Closure Ferrous Cap 4 0 4 Crown. 589 Domestic Misc. Metal Items Furniture Ferrous Spring 0 18 1 Ranging in diameter from 2ʺ to 5ʺ. 590 Indefinite Use Indefinite ‐ Zinc and Graphite Battery Rod 0 1 1 Special dry cell battery. 6ʺ length, 2‐1/2ʺ diameter. 591 Indefinite Use Indefinite Indefinite Graphite Battery Rod 1 0 1 5‐1/2ʺ length, 3/4ʺ diameter 592 Activities Tools ‐ Ferrous File 1 0 1 Bastard. >10‐1/2ʺ length. 593 Indefinite Use Hardware ‐ Brass Cock 1 0 1 Diverter with upper hose connection. 594 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Kitchen Ferrous Pot 0 1 1 Enamelware. Missing/no handle. Approx. 10ʺ rim diam. 595 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Kitchen Ferrous Pot 0 1 1 Enamelware. Handle missing. 7ʺ rim diam. 596 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Kitchen Ferrous Pot 0 9 1 Enamelware. 597 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Kitchen Ferrous Kettle 0 2 1 Enamelware. Lid and spout. Lid shows gray enamel, spout shows blue enamel. 598 Personal Footwear ‐ Leather Boot 0 9 1 Contains brass rivets. 599 Activities Sport ‐ Ferrous Roller Skates 0 2 1 Full pair, with one broken. Full specimen measures 10‐3/4ʺ length. 600 Activities Tools ‐ Ferrous Wrench 0 1 1 Stillson Pipe Wrench, missing wooden handle. Approx. 8‐1/2ʺ length. 601 Personal Grooming/Health ‐ Copper‐alloy Hernia truss 0 2 1 Walkerʹs Approved French Pad Double Elastic [Hernia] Truss for abdominal hernias. Patent date refers to a truss apparatus, not necessarily for hernia treatment specifically. 8ʺ length, 2.5ʺ width. 602 Domestic Heating/Lighting Lamp Copper‐alloy Light Bulb 0 2 2 Electric light bulb bases, one specimen has glass filament still attached, second specimen is broken with ceramic lamp socket fragment still attached to threaded light bulb base. 603 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Opium Container Copper‐alloy Can 0 12 1 Chinese characters embossed on lid. 604 Indefinite Use Misc. Metal Items Indefinite Ferrous Strap 0 29 0 605 Indefinite Use Misc. Metal Items Indefinite Ferrous Spring 0 8 0 Possible carriage seat or furniture cushion? 606 Indefinite Use Heating/Lighting Lamp Graphite Arc‐lamp Rod 0 2 1 607 Indefinite Use Indefinite Indefinite ‐ Battery 0 9 2 Graphite battery cores and associated zinc battery casing fragments, 0 mends. 608 Structural Hardware Fastener Ferrous Nail 22 93 22 Of whole specimens: wire (n=5), machine (n=8), unknown (n=9) 609 Activities Tools ‐ Ferrous Pointing Trowel Handle 0 1 1 4ʺ length 610 Indefinite Use Misc. Metal Items Indefinite Copper‐alloy Indefinite 0 1 1 Possible furniture caster or rubber end for walking cane. Item is a cyclindrical cap with threaded bolt on top, possibly contained rubber footing inside. Measures 1‐3/4ʺ in length, 3/4ʺ diameter 611 Personal Accoutrements ‐ Ferrous Coin Purse Clasp 0 3 1 612 Indefinite Use Misc. Metal Items ‐ Ferrous ‐ 0 328 0 613 Activities Transportation ‐ Ferrous Bicycle Frame 0 2 0 Head set and fork. Associated with catalog # 583. 614 Indefinite Use Indefinite Indefinite Cinder Waste 0 2 0 615 Indefinite Use Indefinite Indefinite Coal Fuel 0 1 0 Semi‐burned 616 Indefinite Use Indefinite Indefinite Coal Fuel 0 1 0 617 Structural Materials ‐ Concrete Concrete 0 2 0 618 Structural Materials ‐ Mortar Mortar 0 2 0 619 Structural Materials ‐ Brick Brick 0 4 0 620 Indefinite Use Misc. Fasteners Fastener Ferrous Bolt 1 1 2 Whole specimen is threaded at bottom and measures 5‐7/8ʺ in length; fragmented specimen measures 2.5ʺ in length 621 Indefinite Use Misc. Metal Items Indefinite Ferrous Shoe Lasting Stand 1 1 2 One specimen is only 50% complete and measures 5ʺ in length; whole (or nearly whole) specimen measures 11ʺ in length. 623 Indefinite Use Misc. Metal Items Indefinite Ferrous Padlock 0 3 1 Fragment of body with keyhole evident internally; spring mechanism fragment and shackle. 624 Indefinite Use Misc. Metal Items ‐ Ferrous Ring 1 0 1 3‐1/4ʺ outer diameter, approx. 1/2ʺ thickness. Use unknown. 625 Structural Hardware Indefinite Ferrous Bracket 1 0 1 Bent corner, with two screw holes and large hole, possibly used for attachment to crank or some sort of rotating shaft. 4‐1/4ʺ length, 1‐1/8ʺ thickness. 626 Indefinite Use Hardware Indefinite Ferrous Bracket 1 0 1 S‐shaped with flat upper end with hole for attachment with residual concrete; lower end is semi‐tubular with hole for mounting to pipe or tube item. Measures 7ʺ height, 3/4‐to‐1ʺ width 627 Indefinite Use Misc. Metal Items Indefinite Ferrous Indefinite 0 1 1 Strap metal with possible handle and holes for mounting. Possible drawer pull? >7ʺ length, 1ʺ width; ʺhandleʺ is 3ʺ in length (outer corner to corner) and 1ʺ depth (top of handle to attachment to strap) 628 Indefinite Use Misc. Metal Items Indefinite Ferrous Mesh 0 9 0 629 Indefinite Use Misc. Fasteners Fastener Ferrous Rivet 3 0 3 One rivet contains leather fragment, the other contains burlap fabric fragment 630 Personal Footwear Fastener Ferrous ‐ 101 631 Personal Toys Teaset Pewter Saucer 0 1 1 Floral embossed design throughout front of saucer. 2‐1/16ʺ diameter 632 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Ferrous Can 0 2 1 Side‐seamed, hinged‐lid, rectangular body shape. Measures >2.5ʺ h, 2.5ʺ w, 1‐3/8ʺ depth. 633 Indefinite Use Indefinite Indefinite Cellulose Plastic ‐ 051 Zig‐zag edges 634 Indefinite Use Indefinite Indefinite Ceramic Indefinite 1 0 1 Cylindrical tube. Measures 5/8ʺ wide, 7/16ʺ length, and 1/4ʺ bore diameter 635 Activities Transportation ‐ Ferrous Axle 0 1 1 Long Distance Short Bed [Wagon] Axle. 6‐1/4ʺ length x 1‐1/4ʺ to 2ʺ diam. width. 636 Structural Hardware Fastener Ferrous Staple 2 0 2 Wire staple for wire fencing. Specimen #1 measures 2ʺ length, 1.5ʺ width at widest; specimen #2 measures 1‐3/4ʺ length and 3/4ʺ width at widest 637 Domestic Food Storage Closure Zinc Canning Jar Lid 0 1 1 Threaded rim 638 Activities Transportation ‐ Ferrous Bicycle Bell 0 2 1 Bell/tire chime. 639 Indefinite Use Misc. Metal Items Indefinite Copper‐alloy Handle 0 3 2 Wire handle, possibly for paint can? 640 Indefinite Use Misc. Metal Items Indefinite Ferrous Battery Casing 0 3 1 Bottom and top, two frags mend 641 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Ferrous Can 0 1 1 Base, seam‐type unknown 642 Indefinite Use Misc. Metal Items Indefinite Ferrous Indefinite 0 2 0 Square‐shaped scrap metal. 643 Indefinite Use Misc. Metal Items Indefinite Ferrous Indefinite 0 1 1 Circular (almost can top‐like), two piece metal titem tha snaps together, with FE tab that attaches to rim by FE metal strap. >2‐1/2ʺ diameter 644 Indefinite Use Hardware Indefinite Ferrous Indefinite 0 3 0 Rectangular‐shaped, possible stove parts? 645 Indefinite Use Misc. Metal Items Indefinite Ferrous Indefinite 0 1 1 Thin scrap metal with rounded corners, still has evidence of wood attached on one side. Measures 5.75ʺ by 4.5ʺ 646 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Ferrous Can 0 2 1 Rectangular/flat‐sided with rounded corners. Possible sardine can. Measurements: 1ʺ depth, >3ʺ length, >1ʺ width. 647 Indefinite Use Misc. Metal Items Indefinite Ferrous ‐ 010 Square‐shaped wire with portion of wire showing evidence of coil or threaded surrounding the body. 7ʺ wide, 5.5ʺ length 648 Indefinite Use Misc. Metal Items Indefinite Ferrous Indefinite 0 1 0 Two FE tubes soldered together at approx. 90 degree angle. Possible stove part? 649 Indefinite Use Misc. Metal Items Indefinite Ferrous Indefinite 0 3 0 650 Domestic Heating/Lighting Lamp Ferrous Screw 1 0 1 Thumbscrew with gold plating evident on shaft 651 Personal Accoutrements Jewelry Copper‐alloy Bracelet 0 1 1 Clasp eyes on both ends, gold plating. Approximately 3ʺ diameter 652 Indefinite Use Misc. Metal Items Indefinite Copper‐alloy Indefinite 0 1 1 Squared shaft with slotted holes and wire threaded in center of body. 1‐11/16ʺ length. 653 Indefinite Use Misc. Metal Items Indefinite Copper‐alloy Spout 1 0 1 Possible removable spout for pouring liquid from some type of vessel. 654 Indefinite Use Misc. Metal Items Indefinite Ferrous Indefinite 0 1 0 Screw or nail, highly corroded. Measures > 15/16ʺ length; head diameter = 3/8ʺ 655 Indefinite Use Misc. Metal Items Indefinite Ferrous Indefinite 0 1 0 Ovoid‐shaped with recessed body, highly corroded. Measures 2ʺ length, 7/8ʺ width, 1/4ʺ depth 656 Faunal ‐‐‐‐ 000 See faunal database for entries. 657 Indefinite Use Indefinite Indefinite Colorless Glass Indefinite 0 1 1 Possible serving dish or lid or hollow‐based serving stand. 658 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware Japanese Porcelain Bowl 0 1 1 Celadon exterior glaze and handpainted overglaze floral motif on exterior body. Foot/base diameter 2ʺ 700 Indefinite Use Misc. Metal Items Indefinite Ferrous Strap 0 2 0 FE strap has consecutive screw holes along center with recessed underside. Measures 1ʺ w, >2ʺ l, 3/4ʺ thick 701 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Chinese Brown Glazed Jar 0 3 1 Globular jar base/body, finish, body. No Stoneware mends. 4‐1/2ʺ base diam., 4ʺ finish diam. 702 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Chinese Brown Glazed Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Base. Stoneware 703 Indefinite Use Indefinite Indefinite White Improved Earthenware Hollow 0 1 1 Rim. Beaded molding along rim. Appears to be oval shaped. 704 Indefinite Use Misc. Closures Closure Japanese Porcelain Lid 0 2 1 Japanese blue and white. Unglazed rim/foot. 3ʺ diameter. 705 Domestic Food Prep/Consumption Tableware White Improved Earthenware Plate 0 1 1 Plain/round. Undecorated. Rim/brim. 7‐1/2ʺ diam. 707 Indefinite Use Misc. Containers Container Colorless Glass Bottle 0 2 1 Cup‐bottom mold, tooled brandy finish. >6ʺ height, >3ʺ base diameter. 708 Domestic Heating/Lighting Lamp Colorlesss Glas Chimney 0 2 1 Frosted. Base fragment has recessed lip to fit into lamp base. Body and bottom rim. 709 Personal Social Drugs ‐ Alcohol Container Olive Glass Alcoholic‐beverage Bottle 0 1 1 Cylindrical. Body. 710 Faunal Shell ‐ Shell Oyster 0 2 1 Ostrea lurida (Native Pacific Oyster) 711 Faunal Shell ‐ Shell Clam 0 2 2 Nuttallia obscurata (Purple‐Mahogany Clam). 712 Faunal Shell ‐ Shell Abalone 0 5 1 Haliotis rufescens (Red abalone) 713 Faunal Indefinite Indefinite Unidentified Indefinite Marine Faunal 0 8 0 714 Faunal Shell ‐ Shell Clam 0 1 1 Protothaca staminea (Common Pacific Littleneck Clam) 715 Activities Reading ‐ Paper Novella/Booklet 0 1 1 716 Activities Commerce/Collecting ‐ Copper‐alloy Coin 1 0 1 Chinese coin. 717 Activities Commerce/Collecting ‐ Copper‐alloy Coin 1 0 1 Chinese coin. 718 Indefinite Use Indefinite Indefinite Ferrous Indefinite 0 0 0 719 Floral ‐‐Seed Seed 0 0 0 Total weight is 5 grams, none discarded. Seeds need to be IDʹd. 720 Floral ‐‐Floral Tea/Herbs 0 0 0 Total weight of specimen collected was 26 grams, 3.5 grams was retained for sample.